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  2. The paraffin tests were not considered reliable, even in 1963. The NAA tests are considered reliable, even today. But, as to your larger point, yes, you are correct. The tests were performed too late to be conclusive. But there was plenty of gsr on his hands, and he was not believed to have washed his face, so the negative result for antimony on his cheek is undoubtedly suggestive of his innocence. When one takes into account, moreover, that the cheek casts ended up with more barium on the control side of the cheek cast than the side that had been applied to his face, the suspicion someone tried to rig the tests is justified.
  3. Exactly. And you can't sight a scope in without firing test shots. Period.
  4. You are right. Explicit dissemination orders are absent from DIR 74673, but paragraph 3 states, "THE INFORMATION IN PARAGRAPH ONE IS BEING DISSEMINATED TO YOUR REPRESENTATIVES IN MEXICO CITY." This does not clarify the dissemination issue. The preceding text of Chapter 5 undermines the cable's statement [my emphasis]: So there may be a missing link in the molehunt argument, which incorporates an "Egerter-created clash between the agencies’ headquarters and the local agencies’ offices."
  5. KE--Keep truckin' I like to see many points of view. That is what a forum is for. I actually stopped supporting Bernie Sanders when he caved into the wokesters, and said millions, even tens of millions of desperate illegal immigrants, did not pose a threat to US wages. He knows better (and said so for decades) but wanted the nomination. I still admire the guy. Jeez, at his age he had a heart attack and kept campaigning. Pardon the pun, his heart is in the right place. I wonder why so many old pols no longer retire.
  6. LHO's landlady said she was glued to the TV (naturally enough) when LHO entered, and as I recall, she was in the living room in the front of house, by the front door. So, would she have noticed LHO taking one minute in the bathroom? Further down the hall. Or, there were bathrooms in the Texas Theater. Anyway see my related post. Even wiping ones face with a cloth can remove GSR. The GSR test strikes me as very iffy. Even perspiration can remove GSR, while shooting with the wind (as opposed into the wind) can limit exposure. Von Pein has links to tests that showed no doses of GSR using the M-L rifle. Yes, take with a grain of salt. "The Warren Commission Report, Pages 561-562.... "In a third experiment, performed after the assassination, an agent of the FBI, using the C2766 rifle, fired three rounds of Western 6.5-millimeter Mannlicher-Carcano ammunition in rapid succession. A paraffin test was then performed on both of his hands and his right cheek. Both of his hands and his cheek tested negative." ---30--- The cheek test was administered by the DPD past the number of hours it is considered conclusive. I would not declare LHO innocent or guilty based on a GSR test administered on LHO when it was, given all the variables.
  7. Today
  8. Upon double-checking it is clear you are correct in that Griggs didn't say the scope had to be removed. He did say, however, that one couldn't remove the scope and barrel without mis-aligning the scope. "The main metal component consists of the barrel and the firing mechanism. The latter includes the chamber, firing pin, bolt and trigger. For the purposes of this exercise the telescopic sight, permanently screwed to the top of this metal section, can be described as being part of it. It is not necessary to remove the scope when disassembling the rifle. It is inevitable, however, that during disassembly/reassembly, the precise alignment of the scope must be affected. This may be only minimal but nevertheless, it must have an effect."
  9. The possibility exists that Oswald washed his face at the rooming house, and that the gsr on his hands came from the Tippit shooting. BUT... the housekeeper insisted he was in and out and had not visited the bathroom. AND...despite constant claims of as much, it's clear the rifle was not wiped down for fingerprints. Well...it makes little sense for Oswald--assuming he was the shooter--to not wipe down the rifle--when the study of fingerprints at crime scenes was common knowledge--and then turn around and wash his face to remove gsr--when the testing of cheeks for gsr was not nearly as commonplace or well-known--and he had no intentions of getting captured. So, perhaps he got "lucky" on two counts--he washed his face without realizing it might help him claim his innocence--AND no one noticed.
  10. I sure do, I got 20 hours of video links. 40 hours of quotes from articles. And literally everything I've written since 2016! I'm sure you'll have the time. Now if that doesn't impress you, nothing else will.
  11. Here is some more: "It is also important to note that the absence of GSR does not prove that a person did not fire a gun, since the residual chemicals can be removed by wiping, hand-washing, wind, rain, etc. See State v. Lambert, 341 N.C. 36 (1995) (“negative gunshot residue test could be explained by defendant's wringing of her hands and the use of her hands to wipe tears from her face”)." https://ncpro.sog.unc.edu/manual/611-1 ---30--- I think those of us in the CT side (includes me) have to release this contention, that the negative cheek test proves anything. It should also be clear, LHO could have fired a rifle and gun that day in service of an intel agency, or perhaps was a flat-out patsy.
  12. Gotta link? I think the report makes a good case for some over-counting of Hillary's primary votes, but nothing near 3.7 million. No, it's about the delegate count. The odds against total high end estimate accuracy are astronomical. Still have my Sanders '16 poster in my window. But what's right is right.
  13. uhh no Cliff, i was heh heh yeah, that's what I noticed, what a nail biter!.----how convenient! I was thinking, does anyone have 11, 720 votes? jeje jej jej jej jej (that's Spanish) Yeah man, bullshit! Cliff:Fair enough. I understand you're being gracious here Cliff. But the popular number of votes you recited are not bullsh-t. Under even alleged tampering they are more accurate than a delegate count which is extrapolated from popular vote, but is even less exact because certain states have winner take all laws that distort the electoral vote totals even further.. Obviously, he's making an argument for the electoral college over the popular vote. Must be from a red state. Stop being such a Bernie traitor, Cliff!
  14. Thank you for that breakdown. You did some very good work on that Cliff.
  15. Fair enough. From the linked report: <q> Based on this work, Election Justice USA has established an upper estimate of 184 pledged delegates lost by Senator Bernie Sanders as a consequence of specific irregularities and instances of fraud. Adding these delegates to Senator Sanders’ pledged delegate total and subtracting the same number from Hillary Clinton’s total would more than erase the 359 pledged delegate gap between the two candidates. EJUSA established the upper estimate through exit polling data, statistical analysis by precinct size, and attention to the details of Democratic proportional awarding of national delegates. Even small changes in vote shares in critical states like Massachusetts and New York could have substantially changed the media narrative surrounding the primaries in ways that would likely have had far reaching consequences for Senator Sanders’ campaign. </q> Given the upper estimate in every case that's a 368 swing, giving Bernie a 9 delegate win. The estimates of pledged delegates that should have gone to Sanders are largely based on analyses of 11 states. Iowa: 1 - 3 Nevada: 1 - 4 So. Carolina: 2 - 4 Alabama: 3 - 4 Georgia: 7 - 10 Tennessee: 3 - 7 Mississippi: 2 - 3/4 Illinois: 6 - 20 Ohio: 4 - 7 Arizona: 2 - 6 California: 25 - 35 So over the 11 states the range was 56 on the low end and 104 on the high end. What are the odds of every state hitting the high end estimate?
  16. What a load of farcical nonsense! I've presented you with an enormous amount of evidence, and at the same time made it clear that I am going to call you out for having no evidence at all in support your hollow narrative. You operate as if telling your little story of Russiagate is sufficient, but in the absence of any known evidence it certainly is not. Your MAGA fixation/obsession is no substitute for actual evidence, and it appears that somehow you have continued to operate as if there is some kind of value in the venomous rhetorical diatribe and vacuous partisan enmeshment in the cheap fixtures and imaginary fairytales of the likes of Rachel Maddow -- a thoroughly discredited imbecilic crackpot. If Rachel Maddow scripts are really all you have at your disposel, you should really consider calling it quits because contending with real verifiable facts supported by bona fide evidence can be an unforgiving ordeal for a thickheaded snake-oil salesman like those you seem to be attempting to emulate. The evidence I am calling upon you to produce is much more than your stereotypical rant; I'd like to see you refer me to Court Orders, judicially admissible direct and testamentary evidence capable of withstanding standard legal objections, and the work of genuine investigative journalists (as opposed to sensationalist commentators like Rachel Maddow), such as all of those listed directly below. And I'd suggest that you engage in some actual research by evaluating the evidence they have produced, as it sets forth the standard that you are going to have to surpass, since their work soundly demolishes the Russiagate hoax that you have been so ineptly attempting to perpetrate upon us. _____________ 'MATT TALIBBI ON THE CJR STORY EXPOSING FAKE JOURNALISTS' Usefulidiots | February 8, 2023 | https://youtu.be/QHCZE6S4LoA With Matt Taibbi’s Twitter Files and Jeff Gerth’s new in-depth reporting for CJR exposing the years of lies spread by Russiagaters, bitter attacks from outed journalists are rolling in. Gerth and Taibbi, who come from the old style of journalism where you fact check your work and don’t accept government officials’ claims on faith, have each shown clear, indisputable evidence of disinformation campaigns pushed by corporate reporters. And since the so-called journalists can’t argue the facts, they dig themselves a deeper hole with more lies and name-calling. Jeff Gerth has been working as a reporter for decades and published, in the very mainstream Columbia Journalism Review, a 20,000-word report on his findings, only to be called a liar and misdirecting magician in the most self-important article by Mother Jones’ David Corn (“The true media failure is that Trump got away with it and that articles like this one that you are now reading are still necessary.”) And possibly worse than that is the near complete silence from the rest of mainstream media who, as Gerth reported, refused to follow Bob Woodward’s pleas for introspection. They’re not silent, however, about Matt Taibbi. These corporate stenographers, either angry that Taibbi called them out for lying or jealous that they didn’t get the Twitter Files story themselves, haven’t made any substantive arguments against his findings both because they can’t, but also because they know they don’t need to. Their audiences are trained to believe them. _____________ 'VETERAN NYT JOURNALIST JEFF GERTH EXPOSES US MEDIA'S RUSSIAGATE DEBACLE' Pushback with Aaron Maté | The Grayzone | February 16, 2023 | https://youtu.be/fCkvD7gt89A In a new four-part series for the Columbia Journalism Review, veteran journalist Jeff Gerth documents US media's journalistic malpractice in covering Russiagate. Guest: Jeff Gerth, journalist who spent three decades as an investigative reporter at the New York Times, where he won the 1999 Pulitzer Prize. His new four-part series about US media’s Russiagate coverage in the “Columbia Journalism Review” is called “The press versus the president.” _____________ On January 30, 2023, Gerth published in the Columbia Journalism Review what his editor called an "encyclopedic look at one of the most consequential moments in American media history," the U.S. media's coverage of Trump's alleged role in the proven Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections. _____________ 'THE PRESS VERSUS THE PRESIDENT, PARTS ONE - FOUR' By Jeff Gerth | Columbia Journalism Review | January 30, 2023 | https://www.cjr.org/special_report/trumped-up-press-versus-president-part-1.php EDITORS NOTE: https://www.cjr.org/special_report/trumped-up-press-versus-president-ed-note.php Looking back on the coverage of Trump JANUARY 30, 2023 By KYLE POPE TABLE OF CONTENTS Editor's Note | Part one | Part two | Part three | Part four Seven and a half years ago, journalism began a tortured dance with Donald Trump, the man who would be the country’s forty-fifth president—first dismissing him, then embracing him as a source of ratings and clicks, then going all in on efforts to catalogue Trump as a threat to the country (also a great source of ratings and clicks). No narrative did more to shape Trump’s relations with the press than Russiagate. The story, which included the Steele dossier and the Mueller report among other totemic moments, resulted in Pulitzer Prizes as well as embarrassing retractions and damaged careers. For Trump, the press’s pursuit of the Russia story convinced him that any sort of normal relationship with the press was impossible. For the past year and a half, CJR has been examining the American media’s coverage of Trump and Russia in granular detail, and what it means as the country enters a new political cycle. Investigative reporter Jeff Gerth interviewed dozens of people at the center of the story—editors and reporters, Trump himself, and others in his orbit. The result is an encyclopedic look at one of the most consequential moments in American media history. Gerth’s findings aren’t always flattering, either for the press or for Trump and his team. Doubtless they’ll be debated and maybe even used as ammunition in the ongoing media war being waged in the country. But they are important, and worthy of deep reflection as the campaign for the presidency is about, once again, to begin. Kyle Pope was the editor in chief and publisher of the Columbia Journalism Review. He is now executive director of strategic initiatives at Covering Climate Now.
  17. THE FASCINATING ACCOUNT OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S ASSASSINATION BY MERRIMAN SMITH OF UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL: --------------------------------------------------- WASHINGTON (UPI) -- It was a balmy, sunny noon as we motored through downtown Dallas behind President Kennedy. The procession cleared the center of the business district and turned into a handsome highway that wound through what appeared to be a park. I was riding in the so-called White House press "pool" car, a telephone company vehicle equipped with a mobile radio-telephone. It was in the front seat between a driver from the telephone company and Malcolm Kilduff, acting White House press secretary for the President's Texas tour. Three other pool reporters were wedged into the back seat. Suddenly we heard three loud, almost painfully loud, cracks. The first sounded as if it might have been a large firecracker, but the second and third blasts were unmistakable. Gunfire. The President's car, possibly as much as 150 or 200 yards ahead, seemed to falter briefly. We saw a flurry of activity in the Secret Service follow-up car behind the chief executive's bubble-top limousine. Next in line was the car bearing Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson. Behind that, another follow-up car bearing agents assigned to the vice president's protection. We were behind that car. Our car stood still for probably only a few seconds, but it seemed like a lifetime. One sees history explode before one's eyes and for even the most trained observer, there is a limit to what one can comprehend. I looked ahead at the President's car but could not see him or his companion, Gov. John B. Connally of Texas. Both men had been riding on the right side of the bubble-top limousine from Washington. I thought I saw a flash of pink which would have been Mrs. Jacqueline Kennedy. Everyone in our car began shouting at the driver to pull up closer to the President's car, but at this moment, we saw the big bubble-top and a motorcycle escort roar away at high speed. We screamed at our driver, "Get going, get going." We careened around the Johnson car and its escort and set out down the highway, barely able to keep in sight of the President's car and the accompanying Secret Service follow-up car. They vanished around a curve. When we cleared the same curve we could see where we were heading--Parkland Hospital, a large brick structure to the left of the arterial highway. We skidded around a sharp left turn and spilled out of the pool car as it entered the hospital driveway. I ran to the side of the bubble-top. The President was face down on the back seat. Mrs. Kennedy made a cradle of her arms around the President's head and bent over him as if she were whispering to him. Governor Connally was on his back on the floor of the car, his head and shoulders resting in the arms of his wife, Nellie, who kept shaking her head and shaking with dry sobs. Blood oozed from the front of the Governor's suit. I could not see the President's wound. But I could see blood splattered around the interior of the rear seat and a dark stain spreading down the right side of the President's dark gray suit. From the telephone car, I had radioed the Dallas bureau of UPI that three shots had been fired at the Kennedy motorcade. Seeing the bloody scene in the rear of the car at the hospital entrance, I knew I had to get to a telephone immediately. Clint Hill, the Secret Service agent in charge of the detail assigned to Mrs. Kennedy, was leaning into the rear of the car. "How badly was he hit, Clint?" I asked. "He's dead," Hill replied curtly. I have no further clear memory of the scene in the driveway. I recall a babble of anxious, tense voices -- "Where in hell are the stretchers . . . get a doctor out here . . . he's on the way . . . come on, easy there." And from somewhere, nervous sobbing. I raced down a short stretch of sidewalk into a hospital corridor. The first thing I spotted was a small clerical office, more of a booth than an office. Inside, a bespectacled man stood shuffling what appeared to be hospital forms. At a wicket much like a bank teller's cage, I spotted a telephone on the shelf. "How do you get outside?" I gasped. "The President has been hurt and this is an emergency call." "Dial nine," he said, shoving the phone toward me. It took two tries before I successfully dialed the Dallas UPI number. Quickly I dictated a bulletin saying the President had been seriously, perhaps fatally, injured by an assassin's bullets while driving through the streets of Dallas. Litters bearing the President and the Governor rolled by me as I dictated, but my back was to the hallway and I didn't see them until they were at the entrance of the emergency room about 75 or 100 feet away. I knew they had passed, however, from the horrified expression that suddenly spread over the face of the man behind the wicket. As I stood in the drab buff hallway leading into the emergency ward trying to reconstruct the shooting for the UPI man on the other end of the telephone and still keep track of what was happening outside of the door of the emergency room, I watched a swift and confused panorama sweep before me. Kilduff of the White House press staff raced up and down the hall. Police captains barked at each other, "Clear this area." Two priests hurried in behind a Secret Service agent, their narrow purple stoles rolled up tightly in their hands. A police lieutenant ran down the hall with a large carton of blood for transfusions. A doctor came in and said he was responding to a call for "all neurosurgeons." The priests came out and said the President had received the Last Sacrament of the Roman Catholic Church. They said he was still alive, but not conscious. Members of the Kennedy staff began arriving. They had been behind us in the motorcade, but hopelessly bogged for a time in confused traffic. Telephones were at a premium in the hospital and I clung to mine for dear life. I was afraid to stray from the wicket lest I lost contact with the outside world. My decision was made for me, however, when Kilduff and Wayne Hawks of the White House staff ran by me, shouting that Kilduff would make a statement shortly in the so-called Nurses Room a floor above and at the far end of the hospital. I threw down the phone and sped after them. We reached the door of the conference room and there were loud cries of "Quiet!" Fighting to keep his emotions under control, Kilduff said, "President John Fitzgerald Kennedy died at approximately one o'clock." I raced into a nearby office. The telephone switchboard at the hospital was hopelessly jammed. I spotted Virginia Payette, wife of UPI's Southwest Division manager and a veteran reporter in her own right. I told her to try getting through on pay telephones on the floor above. Frustrated by the inability to get through the hospital switchboard, I appealed to a nurse. She led me through a maze of corridors and back stairways to another floor and a lone pay booth. I got the Dallas office. Virginia had gotten through before me. Whereupon I ran back through the hospital to the conference room. There, Jiggs Fauver of the White House transportation staff grabbed me and said Kilduff wanted a pool of three men immediately to fly back to Washington on Air Force One, the presidential aircraft. "He wants you downstairs, and he wants you right now," Fauver said. Down the stairs I ran and into the driveway, only to discover Kilduff had just pulled out in our telephone car. Charles Roberts of Newsweek Magazine, Sid Davis of Westinghouse Broadcasting and I implored a police officer to take us to the airport in his squad car. The Secret Service had requested that no sirens be used in the vicinity of the airport, but the Dallas officer did a masterful job of getting us through some of the worst traffic I've ever seen. As we piled out of the car on the edge of the runway about 200 yards from the presidential aircraft, Kilduff spotted us and motioned for us to hurry. We trotted to him and he said the plane could take two pool men to Washington; that Johnson was about to take the oath of office aboard the plane and would take off immediately thereafter. I saw a bank of telephone booths beside the runway and asked if I had time to advise my news service. He said, "But, for God's sake, hurry." Then began another telephone nightmare. The Dallas office rang busy. I tried calling Washington. All circuits were busy. I then called the New York bureau of UPI where the General News Desk seemed quite shocked to hear from me. I told them about the impending installation of a new president aboard the airplane. Kilduff came out of the plane and motioned wildly toward my booth. I slammed down the phone and jogged toward the runway. A detective stopped me and said, "You dropped your pocket comb." Aboard Air Force One on which I had made so many trips as a press association reporter covering President Kennedy, all of the shades of the larger main cabin were drawn and the interior was hot and dimly lighted. Kilduff propelled us to the President's suite two-thirds of the way back in the plane. The room is used normally as a combination conference and sitting room and could accommodate eight to 10 people seated. I wedged inside the door and began counting. There were 27 people in this compartment. Johnson stood in the center with his wife, Lady Bird. U.S. District Judge Sarah T. Hughes, 67, a kindly-faced woman stood with a small black Bible in her hands, waiting to give him the oath. The compartment became hotter and hotter. Johnson was worried that some of the Kennedy staff might not be able to get inside. He urged people to press forward, but a Signal Corps photographer, Capt. Cecil Stoughton, standing in the corner on a chair, said if Johnson moved any closer, it would be virtually impossible to make a truly historic photograph. It developed that Johnson was waiting for Mrs. Kennedy, who was composing herself in a small bedroom in the rear of the plane. She appeared alone, dressed in the same pink wool suit she had worn in the morning when she appeared so happy shaking hands with airport crowds at the side of her husband. She was white-faced but dry-eyed. Friendly hands stretched toward her as she stumbled slightly. Johnson took both of her hands in his and motioned her to his left side. Lady Bird stood on his right, a fixed half-smile showing the tension. Johnson nodded to Judge Hughes, an old friend of his family and a Kennedy appointee. "Hold up your right hand and repeat after me," the woman jurist said to Johnson. Outside a jet could be heard droning into a landing. Judge Hughes held out the Bible and Johnson covered it with his large left hand. His right arm went slowly into the air and the jurist began to intone the constitutional oath, "I do solemnly swear I will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States..." The brief ceremony ended when Johnson, in a deep firm voice, repeated after the judge, ". . . and so help me God." Johnson turned first to his wife, hugged her about the shoulders and kissed her on the cheek. Then he turned to Kennedy's widow, put his left arm around her and kissed her cheek. As others in the group -- some Texas Democratic House members, members of the Johnson and Kennedy staffs -- moved toward the new president, he seemed to back away from any expressions of felicitation. The two-minute ceremony concluded at 2:38 p.m., CST, and seconds later, the President said firmly, "Now, let's get airborne." Col. James Swindal, pilot of the plane, a big gleaming silver and blue fan-jet, cut on the starboard engines immediately. Several persons, including Sid Davis of Westinghouse, left the plane immediately. The White House had room for only two pool reporters on the return flight and these posts were filled by Roberts and me, although at the moment we could find no empty seats. At 2:47 p.m., CST, the wheels of Air Force One cleared the runway. Swindal roared the big ship up to an unusually high cruising altitude of 41,000 feet where at 625 MPH ground speed the jet hustled toward Andrews Air Force Base outside Washington. When the President's plane reached operating altitude, Mrs. Kennedy left her bedchamber and walked to the rear compartment of the plane. This was the so called Family Living Room, a private area where she and Kennedy, family and friends had spent many happy airborne hours chatting and dining together. Kennedy's casket had been placed in this compartment, carried aboard by a group of Secret Service agents. Mrs. Kennedy went into the rear lounge and took a chair beside the coffin. There she remained throughout the flight. Her vigil was shared at times by four staff members close to the slain chief executive -- David Powers, his buddy and personal assistant; Kenneth P. O'Donnell, appointments secretary and key political adviser; Lawrence O'Brien, chief Kennedy liaison man with Congress; and Brig. Gen. Godfrey McHugh, Kennedy's Air Force aide. Kennedy's military aide, Maj. Gen. Chester V. Clifton, was busy most of the trip in the forward areas of the plane, sending messages and making arrangements for arrival ceremonies and movement of the body to Bethesda Naval Hospital. As the flight progressed, Johnson walked back into the main compartment. My portable typewriter was lost somewhere around the hospital and I was writing on an over-sized electric typewriter which Kennedy's personal secretary, Mrs. Evelyn Lincoln, had used to type his speech texts. Johnson came up to the table where Roberts and I were trying to record the history we had just witnessed. "I'm going to make a short statement in a few minutes and give you copies of it," he said. "Then when I get on the ground, I'll do it over again." It was the first public utterance of the new chief executive, brief and moving: "This is a sad time for all people. We have suffered a loss that cannot be weighed. For me it is a deep personal tragedy. I know the world shares the sorrow that Mrs. Kennedy and her family bear. I will do my best. That is all I can do. I ask for your help -- and God's." When the plane was about 45 minutes from Washington, the new President got on a special radio-telephone and placed a call to Mrs. Rose Kennedy, the late President's mother. "I wish to God there was something I could do," he told her. "I just wanted you to know that." Then Mrs. Johnson wanted to talk to the elder Mrs. Kennedy. "We feel like the heart has been cut out of us," Mrs. Johnson said. She broke down for a moment and began to sob. Recovering in a few seconds, she added, "Our love and our prayers are with you." Thirty minutes out of Washington, Johnson put in a call for Nellie Connally, wife of the seriously wounded Texas governor. The new President said to the governor's wife: "We are praying for you, darling, and I know that everything is going to be all right, isn't it? Give him a hug and a kiss for me." It was dark when Air Force One began to skim over the lights of the Washington area, lining up for a landing at Andrews AFB. The plane touched down at 5:59 p.m., EST. I thanked the stewards for rigging up the typewriter for me, pulled on my raincoat and started down the forward ramp. Roberts and I stood under a wing and watched the casket being lowered from the rear of the plane and borne by a complement of armed forces body bearers into a waiting hearse. We watched Mrs. Kennedy and the President's brother, Atty. Gen. Robert F. Kennedy, climb into the hearse beside the coffin. The new President repeated his first public statement for broadcast and newsreel microphones, shook hands with some of the government and diplomatic leaders who turned out to meet the plane, and headed for his helicopter. Roberts and I were given seats on another 'copter bound for the White House lawn. In the compartment next to ours in one of the large chairs sat Theodore C. Sorensen, one of Kennedy's closest associates with the title of special counsel to the President. He had not gone to Texas with his chief but had come to the air base for his return. Sorensen sat wilted in the large chair, crying softly. The dignity of his deep grief seemed to sum up all of the tragedy and sadness of the previous six hours. As our helicopter circled in the balmy darkness for a landing on the White House south lawn, it seemed incredible that only six hours before, John Fitzgerald Kennedy had been a vibrant, smiling, waving and active man. [END ARTICLE.] ============================================ Here's the above article as it appeared in an Oregon newspaper on November 24, 1963.... CLICK TO ENLARGE:
  18. Steve, Trump can sell his stock now. All he needs is an ok from other shareholders which largely include his family. When a big shareholder wants to sell large lots of his stock. They usually use brokers who dribble out smaller sell orders over a few weeks to not directly alert the markets, or they will sell anonymously through "dark pools". But by law after a couple of days it takes to clear sale, all sales are public so it will be well known an insider of DJT is selling, which would trigger a wave of selling. He could certainly leave a lot of his fellow share holders in s lurch, but we know he's not beyond that, and he's been doing it to anyone whose trusted him all his life. At this this time all shares of DJT have been sold short so shorts are very expensive and the borrowing fees are currently 210% of the price, which it would seem to be that you'd be banking on the stock losing 3/4 of it's current share price just to break even. It's interesting to hear CNN reporting that Truth Social was up so much in it's opening day, they had to halt trading, which was false and left the completely wrong impression. It opened around 70 and in 10 minutes was up to 80 only to abruptly retrace then go lower down to 65. At that point, a trading halt was initiated to avoid panic selling, nor buying! It was off the exchange for I think about 10 minutes and the halt did stop the panic selling, as when trading resumed, it steadily advanced up to the low 70's and hung there for awhile.
  19. You must not have been paying attention. Can't imagine how you missed it. Regardless, the numbers you quoted are bullshit: See Democracy Lost: A Report on the Fatally Flawed 2016 Democratic Primaries: https://cosmoso.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Democracy_Lost_Update1_EJUSA.pdf
  20. I was the first Bernie supporter on the Ed Forum. That said, Hillary got 16,914,722 votes in the Dem race and Bernie got 13,206,428. The claim Hillary stole the nomination from Bernie is yet another hollow myth.
  21. Yes, Matt, the thread has focused on some important historical evidence about Trump, Paul Manafort, and Russia, but I notice that Kevin, Ben, and Roger have all repeatedly ignored direct questions about the Russiagate and Manafort evidence, while flooding the zone with tangential MAGA spam. It's beginning to resemble the MAGA devolution of the old 56 Years thread. Incidentally, one tell-tale sign that a person is a closet MAGAt is the rabid misogyny. MAGAts respond to powerful women-- Hillary, Pelosi, Liz Cheney, et.al.-- the way that demons respond to the Cross. They start hissing, frothing at the mouth, and posting derogatory memes.
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