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The Ultimate USAEC secrets per the JFK hit.


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I think you make a good point Steven, one that could be extended to many other organizations including those in the present, such as the so-called Tea Party. When it comes to the devious machinations of the corporate elites we only see the tip of the iceberg. The JBS was an umbrella organization created by and operating for corporate elites. Within their membership were all manner of nazis and racists, who flocked to the JBS because of its political legitimacy, just like the Tea Party, funded in large part by the Koch Brothers, attracts similar unsavory individuals.

What could be the purpose of these deceptions? Perhaps its the Strategy of Tension, used by our governmental spy organizations to make the world safe for American corporations to do business, and to guarantee the flight of capital from destabilized economies to western bankers. It serves to keep the American public divided amongst themselves. The elites who stand behind these operations are not true believers in the artificial constructs called variously the Cold War, or the War on Terror. They believe in money and power, and are in the business of creating enemies and then exploiting the resulting confusions.

When the JBS leadership called most of US leadership communists, they didn't, in my opinion, really believe that to be the case. But it was a useful ideology for hidden reasons.

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I think this remains an open question -- what exactly was the Dallas contact tasked to do -- in as much detail as possible?

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Paul, the best I can do with that sort of question is to reference it against similar operations and against some of what we do know about Jack Ruby.

As I've mentioned before, Veciana tells us that the attack in Dallas was very similar to an abortive attack against Castro in Latin America.

The people they used as contacts there were Cuban exiles working with a local detective agency/security firm. The had contacts with the local

police and obtained information on the locations where Castro would be and to some extent what sort of security he would have at each location

and as he traveled.

In the case of Dallas, the primary task would be much the same, getting details on the locations to be visited, what security has been like in the

past for political events, what routes have been used. That was easy enough in Dallas and could have been done in the last days from reports

in the paper but the key would be someone who could circulate well within all areas of DPD and just gossip about who was working what detail

for the trip, where the press were going to be....just listening to the locals complain about security and the extra work would give you most of what

you needed. Then talking to some of the local news folks about what they had heard about plans to cover the visit. Ruby knew lots of cops and lots

of press folks, he was a character, always chatting folks up, selling his gimmicks etc, his asking questions would ring no bells with anyone.

To verify that we know he did have good contacts inside DPD, he even knew Oswald was originally supposed to be moved on Sat afternoon but

that got cancelled. And we know it because he was gossiping with local press folks.

That's probably a minimum and may be all they needed but Ruby could provide more, if they decided not to transport their weapons he could tell

them where to buy weapons with no questions asked, he could tell them what cops were available for minor tasks - off duty of course. If they

were interested in a particular building or location he could find out all about who worked there or who parked where or who was normally at what

job during the day....were their people normally in the parking lots...he could find that out. If they needed access to a building he might know who

to contact.....for that matter we have no idea which TSBD employees might have been visitors to Ruby's club or which of them might have been

doing drugs or something else that would make them open to a little favor like getting someone upstairs, etc. That's on the outside and if he did

those thing it would probably have been totally compartmentalized from the actual tactical team.

The point I'm trying to make is a local contact is a guy who knows the ground, who knows people, who can ask questions without raising

any flags at all because he does that all the time and who is most definitely somebody who has a very low profile. For that matter a good local

contact might well be the same sort of guy who provides info to the police on the side, a low level informant...which of course Ruby was.

-- Larry

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"Following Ruby's March 1964 conviction for murder with malice, Ruby's lawyers, led by Sam Houston Clinton, appealed to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, the highest criminal court in Texas.

"Ruby's lawyers argued that he could not have received a fair trial in the city of Dallas because of the excessive publicity surrounding the case.

"A year after his conviction, in March 1965, Ruby conducted a brief televised news conference in which he stated: 'Everything pertaining to what's happening has never come to the surface. The world will never know the true facts of what occurred, my motives.

"'The people who had so much to gain, and had such an ulterior motive for putting me in the position I'm in, will never let the true facts come above board to the world.'

"When asked by a reporter, 'Are these people in very high positions Jack?', he responded 'Yes.'"
*************************************************

EDITED WORK OF RICHARD HOOKE BY GAAL

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

George H.W. Bush Coordinated Liaisoned the Dal-Tex Hit Team

by Richard Hooke (EDITED BY GAAL)

==================================

George H.W. Bush was working for the CIA at least as early as 1961; more than likely he was recruited in his college days, at Yale, when he was in the Skull and Bones Society. He and his wife Barbara moved to Houston where he ran an offshore oil drilling business, Zapata Offshore Co., which was a CIA front company with rigs located all over the world, making it very convenient for him to vanish for weeks at a time on CIA business where one would suspect what he was doing. George H.W. “Poppy” Bush is one of the few who could never recall where he was or what he was doing when JFK was assassinated; as a matter of fact, for over 20 years, he could not recall any details at all. He was 39 years old at the time and chairman of the Harris County (Houston) Republican Party and an outspoken critic of JFK. But on 21 November 1963, GHWB was staying at the Sheraton Hotel in downtown Dallas and spoke that very evening to the American Association of Oil Drilling Contractors.




YouTube - Veterans Today -

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=jgNfQYpS1gQ

Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig reported to Jim Garrison he knew of twelve arrests made in Dealey Plaza that day. One, in particular, was made by R.E. Vaughn of the Dallas Police Department, was of a man coming out of the Dal-Tex Building, who said he was “an independent oil operator from Houston, Texas.” The prisoner was taken from Vaughn by Dallas Police detectives, and that was the last he saw of him: no mug shot, no interview, no fingerprints, or name is in existence of this mystery man. “Independent oil operator from Houston” was always George Bush’s (CIA) cover. Exactly why was he arrested? Garrison reported the man came running out of the Dal-Tex building and authorities could hardly avoid arresting him because of the clamor of onlookers. He was taken to the Sheriff’s Office for questioning, although there is no record of it. Afterward, two officers escorted him out of the building to the jeers of the waiting crowd. They put him in a police car and he was driven away; presumably right back to Dealey Plaza, because that is where he would be photographed with USAF Gen. Edward Lansdale.

Ed Landsdale was identified walking past “the three tramps” by no less authorities than L. Fletcher Prouty, the liaison between the Pentagon and the CIA for covert activities–who was the basis for the figure, “Col. X”, in Oliver Stone’s “JFK”, and Victor Krulak, former Commandant of the Marine Corps, both of whom knew him well.

Lansdale-waiting-for-Bush-279x320.jpg

As for the identity of GHWB, we have these observations from Ralph Cinque, a professional chiropractor, who is an expert in dealing with person’s bodies and clothing, “The case for George HW being there is cinched. What’s the serious alternative? That a simply amazing coincidence occurred in which a man who looked strikingly like him just happened to be there? How many times does V (for Vendetta in the film, “V for Vendetta”) have to tell us that he, like God, does not play dice and does not believe in coincidences? Neither do I or any other serious student of murder, especially not when it involves the JFK assassination. We have a photo of him standing in front of the Texas School Book Depository; we have photos of Ed Lansdale in Dealey Plaza at the time; and we have yet another in which Lansdale, who was famous for arranging assassinations around the world, is waiting to speak to him. In this case, it may justifiably be said that “these pictures really are worth more than a thousand words”.

The Phony Alibi

The next that we hear of George H.W. Bush on 22 November 1963 comes from an FBI Memorandum according to which GHWG, having been cut loose from his anonymous interrogation at the Dallas Sheriff’s Office, called into SAC Graham W. Kitchel of the FBI Office in Houston alleging was establishing a phony alibi in saying he recalled hearing, in recent weeks, a man named James Parrott talking of killing the President when he came to Houston. Shortly after Bush made this call, FBI agents were dispatched to the Parrot house. In another FBI memo Parrot’s mother said James, who was not home when the FBI arrived, had been home all day helping her care for her son Gary.

Mrs. Parrot advised that shortly after 1 PM a Mr. Reynolds came by and talked to her son about painting some signs at Republican Headquarters on Waugh Drive. The net effect was Kerney Reynold’s, George Bush’s assistant, gave Parrot an alibi and Parrot was Bush’s alibi; everyone’s ass was covered. A bogus phone call reporting a would-be assassin who was one of Bush’s Republican Party sign-painters; who himself is also freed by an alibi from one of Bush’s buddies, really doesn’t cut it; this is CIA Alibi 101. This type of stuff cannot be allowed to stand in history; if Bush was so concerned about his sign painter, why didn’t he call in to alert the FBI before President Kennedy came to Dallas?

Bush has handed us his head on a silver platter with this memo; that’s why he always said he didn’t remember what his was doing on 11/22/63; he was hoping this incredibly stupid memo never surfaced. Bush was worried he had been seen and subsequently panicked and stupidly called the FBI, thinking he was being clever by providing evidence that it wasn’t him that was arrested in front of the Dal-Tex building that day. It seemed like a good idea, at the time, but he was actually creating a permanent record of his involvement. The memo identifies Bush as an oil man from Houston placing a long distance call from Tyler, Texas. Bush was trying to establish he was not in Dallas during, or shortly after, the assassination. He must had been worried that someone would identify him as the oil man detained running out of the Dal-Tex building and being ushered in and out of the Dallas Sheriff’s office.

This FBI memo, dated 22 November 1963, states that Bush called from Tyler, Texas but there is no proof he was actually there. For over 20 years after the assassination, Bush said he did not remember where he was when the assassination took place at 12:30 PM in Dallas. The only other person of whom I hae heard such a story was Richard Nixon, who flew out of Love Field just two hours before JFK flew in.

Conspicuously, this FBI memo fails to provide an answer to where George Bush actually was. The memo, however, does tell us that the first moment Bush was free to create a phony alibi was at 1:45 PM. Bush was staying in downtown Dallas at the Sheraton Hotel, just few blocks from Dealey Plaza, yet he’s trying to tell us he was in Tyler, Texas at 1:45 PM.

George Bush’s CIA assignment was obviously in Dallas, that’s why he was staying there, so what would he have been doing in Tyler? JFK had just been shot at 12:30 PM. Would Bush not have been in Dallas at 12:30 PM as well, like everyone else, which was presumably the reason for him having been in town at the Dallas Sheraton Hotel? Would Bush not have driven down the road to Parkland Hospital, to check on the President’s condition; like everyone else? Except Bush was being interrogated at the Sheriff’s Office.

The FBI Memorandum

Bush appears to be a candidate for prosecution for treason: his alibis for 22 November 1963 are fabricated and we have evidence that shows he was there. An FBI memo of a call from Tyler Texas does not prove his location, except that he had concocted a textbook CIA alibi, that he was lying and probably was an accessory to JFK’s murder. Bush maintained for over twenty years after the assassination that he simply did not remember what he was doing at the time of the assassination. As a matter of fact, he had no explanation even in his autobiography; and then, all of a sudden, he concocted a story that he was speaking in Tyler, Texas to The Rotary Club. Aubrey Irby said Bush was speaking when the bellhop came over and informed Aubrey that JFK was dead. Mr. Aubrey passed the info on to Mr. Wendell Cherry Irby, who passed it onto Bush, who stopped his speech. According to Irby, Bush explained he thought a political speech was inappropriate under the circumstances, concluded speaking and simply sat down.

It is inconceivable that George Bush could not have recollected this event for more than 20 years. Walter Cronkite’s announcement to the world that JFK was dead came on TV at 1:38 PM. Does anyone think that Bush was making a speech at that time, in Tyler, Texas, to the Rotary Club, after the President and Governor Connally were known to have been shot at 12:30 PM? President Kennedy had been scheduled to give a speech for lunch at the Dallas Trade Mart, after he passed through Dealey Plaza. Everyone who was anyone around Dallas was going to attend that speech; and after JFK was shot, most rushed to Parkland Hospital to find out the latest news concerning the gravely wounded President and Governor. A speech being given in Tyler, Texas, inside a building owned by right wingers, to a group of Republican JFK haters, hardly qualities as evidence Bush was not in Dallas, where the available evidence suggests that he was on assignment for the CIA and was supervising the Dal-Tex hit team, from which three shots appear to have been fired with a Mannlicher-Carcano, which appears to have been the the only non-silenced weapon that was used:

Next, George Bush can be seen in photos of Dealey Plaza, next to the TSBD doorway and Ed Lansdale, shortly following the assassination . These photos, unmistakably George Bush, tell us where he went after he left the Dallas Sheriff’s Office: back to the crime scene to get an update on all that he had missed. He must have made his call to the FBI reporting James Parrot from the Dallas Sheriff’s Office, at 1:45 PM, because Bush is seen in Dealey Plaza with Lansdale, who would leave the plaza at about 2 PM and walk past “the three tramps” toward the parking lot. Bush obviously had to go straight back to Dealey Plaza for him to be photographed with Lansdale, who remained around Dealey Plaza until Oswald was arrested at the Texas Theater at 1:50 PM. If Lee had not been arrested, then Lansdale, as “Plan B”, might have framed the three tramps–Charles Rogers, Charles Harrelson and Chauncey Marvin Holt (often misidentified as E. Howard Hunt)–who had been directed to go to a boxcar and the assassination have been blamed on them. Holt (CIA), the tramp with the hat, reported that they were found in the box car and taken through the plaza right after Oswald was arrested, which he knew because he was listening in, on a CIA provided radio concealed inside the paper bag that he is carrying in the familiar photos.

An Incriminating Memorandum

An FBI Memo from director J. Edgar Hoover , discovered by John McBride in 1988 but written just seven days after the assassination, provides verification George H.W. Bush was an officer of the CIA in 1963 and was provided updates on the anti-Castro Cubans. George Bush has said this memo was referring to another “George Bush” because he wasn’t in the CIA at the time. But while there was another man by that name, he was a file clerk and would not have been receiving a memorandum about the Bay of Pigs operation. And other information has surfaced showing the George Bush in the document was indeed George H.W. Bush and had the same address. In 1976, President Ford appointed George Bush as the Director of the CIA, replacing William Colby. Bush served in this role for 357 days, from 30 January 1976 to 20 January 1977. Bush falsely testified before Congress that he had never worked for the CIA, and it was widely reported that this was the first time that a civilian would be appointed to run the agency. But that was more poppycock from Poppy. George Bush appears to have been a CIA lifer, probably recruited right out of Yale.

George H.W. Bush (CIA) was also a close friend with George De Mohrenschildt (CIA), including they were both members of the Dallas Petroleum Club. After De Mohrenschildt was found shot to death the day before he was to be questioned by Gaeton Fonzi for the HSCA reinvestigation of the deaths of JFK and MLK in the late 1970s, Bush’s name and address were found in De Mohrenschildt’s address book: “Bush, George H.W. (Poppy) 1412 W. Ohio also Zapata Petroleum Midland.” CIA documents reveal that during the planning of the Bay of Pigs Operation (Operation Zapata), De Mohrenschildt made frequent trips to Mexico and Panama and gave reports to the CIA. His son-in-law also told the Warren Commission that he believed De Mohrenschildt was spying for the planned Cuban invasion. George De Mohrenschildt, notably, was Lee Harvey Oswald’s best friend and appears to have been his handler after Oswald was brought to Dallas in the fall of 1963 and would find work at the TSBD.

Was Bush in the Window?

In The Killing of a President (1994), Robert Groden observes that a dark-complected man was seen in the window whom James Richards has identified to Jim Fetzer as having been Nestor “Tony” Izquierdo, for whom there is a statue in Freedom Park of “Little Havana”, Miami, Florida. He was an anti-Castro Cuban, whom GHWB may have known from the Bay of Pigs. I have built upon the prior research of Duncan MacRae, “Dal-Tex Shooter 2nd floor”, which provides the most suggestive interpretation of the location from which three rifle shots appear to have been fired:

Duncan-MacRae-analysis.jpg

Given that Bush was in the building at the time, I infer that he was there in the background, inside the window of a broom closet of a uranium mining company on the second floor of the Dal-Tex building (which was a CIA asset). My interpretation is that someone with GHWB’s preppy haircut, large left ear, tall height, body language (head tilt), hairline part and forehead profile, was supervising the Dal-Tex hit team (see collage below). He was in Dallas for a reason, which was not to watch the presidential motorcade, and appears to have been a supervisor rather than a shooter, were it is very likely he was communicating using a radio device with a spotter. That spotter may have been Danny Arce (CIA), who can be seen speaking into a walkie-talkie, out on Houston Street (in the Altgens6 photo above), standing next to Johnny Roselli (CIA/Mafia). Arce was talking with someone as multiple shots were fired. Ruth Ann (CIA) was reported (by complicit witness Loy Factor) to have been counting down a cadence and to have been receiving information by walkie-talkie from the 6th floor of the TSBD.
GEORGE-BUSH-IN-DAL-TEX-WINDOW-B-640x457.

Umbrella Man’s companion, possibly Orlando Bosch (CIA) [NOTE: or Filipe Vidal Santiago], was not talking on his radio as limousine passed the Stemmons Freeway sign and the Umbrella man pumped his umbrella up and down, which appears to have been a signal to “keep firing” because the target was still alive. [NOTE: It was at a location that was visible from all of the shooting locations that I have identified above.] Chauncey Holt (CIA), the oldest of the tramps, said he had a CIA supplied radio, concealed in his brown paper bag that kept him updated on events even from inside the Rock Island Railroad boxcar. Holt had delivered 15 sets of fake Secret Service ID and left them in a red pick-up truck parked in the lot behind the grassy knoll, which was used by the Dallas Police Department, earlier that morning, facilitating the escape of the grassy knoll shooters. And Lee Bowers, the railway tower switchman, also testified to the Warren Commission that he observed strange people driving behind the picket fence and noticed one using a walkie-talkie.

Proof Sketch GWHB was there

(1) The FBI report (memo) Bush called in at 11/22/63 1:45 PM identified him as an oil business man from Houston, Texas and the FBI office he called was the Houston office.

(2) The man arrested running out of the Dal-Tex building at approximately 12:35 PM on 11/22 was said (per Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig) to have identified himself as “an oil man from Houston”. Bush was arrested by R.E. Vaughn of the Dallas Police Department.

(3) Bush called his FBI warning about James Parrot by long distance to his friend, FBI Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel, at the FBI office in Houston.

(4) James Parrot had no history as a subversive but was a sign painter for George Bush’s Republican Senate campaign.

(5) James Parrot was quickly provided an alibi by another friend, who was also an assistant of Bush, Kerney Reynolds.

(6) George Bush was staying in Dallas at the downtown Sheraton Hotel and had spent the previous night (of the 21st) there.

(7) There are at least two photos of George Bush (CIA) in Dealey Plaza speaking with police shortly after JFK was shot at 12:30 PM.

(8) One of those photos has Bush (CIA) standing next to Ed Lansdale (CIA).

(9) One of the photos shows Bush near the TSBD doorway in a zone police had cordoned off, which would have taken special ID (CIA).

(10) The photo next to Lansdale most likely was taken between 1:45 PM, when Bush called in his bogus FBI memo, and 2 PM, when Lansdale is pictured exiting the plaza passing the three tramps. The tramps were taken from the boxcar at approximately 1:50 PM, when Oswald was arrested at the Texas Theater.

(11) For over 20 years, George H.W. Bush said he did not remember what he was doing during the assassination, then he suddenly remembered he was giving a speech to the Rotary Club in Tyler at 1:38 PM, while his FBI call reporting James Parrot was placed at 1:45 PM.

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(SEE FIRST POST AND GAAL work post # 50 beyond)

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MOST IMPORTANT FORGOTTEN POST RE SHOOTERS

Edited by Steven Gaal
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"Following Ruby's March 1964 conviction for murder with malice, Ruby's lawyers, led by Sam Houston Clinton, appealed to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, the highest criminal court in Texas.

"Ruby's lawyers argued that he could not have received a fair trial in the city of Dallas because of the excessive publicity surrounding the case.

"A year after his conviction, in March 1965, Ruby conducted a brief televised news conference in which he stated: 'Everything pertaining to what's happening has never come to the surface. The world will never know the true facts of what occurred, my motives.

"'The people who had so much to gain, and had such an ulterior motive for putting me in the position I'm in, will never let the true facts come above board to the world.'

"When asked by a reporter, 'Are these people in very high positions Jack?', he responded 'Yes.'"

*************************************************

EDITED WORK OF RICHARD HOOKE BY GAAL

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

George H.W. Bush Coordinated the Dal-Tex Hit Team

by Richard Hooke (EDITED BY GAAL)

==================================

George H.W. Bush was working for the CIA at least as early as 1961; more than likely he was recruited in his college days, at Yale, when he was in the Skull and Bones Society. He and his wife Barbara moved to Houston where he ran an offshore oil drilling business, Zapata Offshore Co., which was a CIA front company with rigs located all over the world, making it very convenient for him to vanish for weeks at a time on CIA business where one would suspect what he was doing. George H.W. “Poppy” Bush is one of the few who could never recall where he was or what he was doing when JFK was assassinated; as a matter of fact, for over 20 years, he could not recall any details at all. He was 39 years old at the time and chairman of the Harris County (Houston) Republican Party and an outspoken critic of JFK. But on 21 November 1963, GHWB was staying at the Sheraton Hotel in downtown Dallas and spoke that very evening to the American Association of Oil Drilling Contractors.

...Ed Landsdale was identified walking past “the three tramps” by no less authorities than L. Fletcher Prouty, the liaison between the Pentagon and the CIA for covert activities–who was the basis for the figure, “Col. X”, in Oliver Stone’s “JFK”, and Victor Krulak, former Commandant of the Marine Corps, both of whom knew him well...

As for the identity of GHWB, we have these observations from Ralph Cinque, a professional chiropractor, who is an expert in dealing with person’s bodies and clothing, “The case for George HW being there is cinched. What’s the serious alternative? That a simply amazing coincidence occurred in which a man who looked strikingly like him just happened to be there? How many times does V (for Vendetta in the film, “V for Vendetta”) have to tell us that he, like God, does not play dice and does not believe in coincidences? Neither do I or any other serious student of murder, especially not when it involves the JFK assassination. We have a photo of him standing in front of the Texas School Book Depository; we have photos of Ed Lansdale in Dealey Plaza at the time; and we have yet another in which Lansdale, who was famous for arranging assassinations around the world, is waiting to speak to him. In this case, it may justifiably be said that “these pictures really are worth more than a thousand words”.

<snip>

OK, there are so many interesting threads here that I need more time to respond to all of them -- but I first wanted to address your post Steven.

I admit that the photographic evidence of CIA personnel (e.g. Lansdale) at Dealey Plaza is undeniable. No serious researcher disputes it.

The case of Lansdale is critical because we also have the excellent word of Fletcher Prouty, also a Pentagon and CIA operative who today names General Lansdale as the man who sent him to the South Pole instead of arranging for JFK's security in Dallas on the day JFK was murdered.

Lansdale's presence with the Three Tramps is conclusive proof -- General Edward Lansdale was involved in the JFK murder up to his neck.

So -- the participation of high-level officials in the US government is admitted -- at least to the level of Lansdale, who was possibly capable of coordinating the entire assassination himself (with help from a local Dallas resident).

Nevertheless -- the participation of people above Lansdale is not yet proved -- it is only speculative. I will dispute the claims that George Bush, Sr. was involved -- and I'm familiar with the suspicions.

Even if George Bush was in Dallas that day -- so were thousands of people -- I need more proof than free association; e.g. Bush was seen with Lansdale that day, and later became CIA Director.

We have evidence from Antonio Veciana that CIA Agent David Atlee Phillips was seen with Lee Harvey Oswald only days before the JFK murder. So the CIA at least at the level of Phillips plays a role.

Yet I can still argue that these players were ROGUE players. I've read Joan Mellen's book (FAREWELL TO JUSTICE, 2005) and I disagree with her claim to have demonstrated that the CIA was officially involved (due to the alleged sheep-dipping of Thomas Edward Beckham).

I believe the evidence shows that CIA and Pentagon ROGUES, i.e. INDEPENDENT plotters were involved in the JFK murder, and that they relied more on trustworthy street-people (e.g. in New Orleans) than might otherwise be ideal.

In my view, if the higher levels of government (CIA, Pentagon) had controlled the JFK murder, then the full length of the JFK murder would have been played out -- i.e. the Communist Oswald would have sparked an outcry against Cuba and Fidel Castro, who would have been the *immediate* target of US military action (like Saddam Hussein in modern times).

Since the JFK plotters did not get all they wanted, I conclude that the JFK Murder Plotters must be distinguished from the JFK Cover-Up Plotters, who *outranked* the former.

This confirms my hypothesis -- CIA and Pentagon ROGUES killed JFK (with ground-level help) while CIA and Pentagon OFFICIALS foiled their designs on Cuba, and Covered-up the entire mess.

For example, James Jesus Angleton was clearly part of the Cover-up. Was he also part of the murder plot?

I will grant the greater suspicion of William Harvey, David Morales and E. Howard Hunt -- CIA Agents who had become to field work and consorted mainly with their street-assets.

Yet I would emphasize the greater incidence of CIA "assets" as actively participating in the murder (as shown by Mark Lane and Jim Garrison), namely: Frank Sturgis, Gerry Patrick Hemming, Loran Hall, Larry Howard, Ed Butler, Carlos Bringuier, Johnny Roselli, David Ferrie, Jack S. Martin, Thomas Edward Beckham and Lee Harvey Oswald.

The literature (even with Jim Garrison) throws out the term "CIA" when it really means to reference people who were never CIA agents, but who were CIA "assets," that is, part-time flunkies who would get expense money if they were effective.

Sadly, the CIA resorted to using people like this (and others in the Mafia) during the Cold War, and they came to regret it. Yet it is strictly incorrect, IMHO, to say that because some street-thug was hired by E. Howard Hunt, that whatever that street-thug did "must have been" at the orders of the CIA.

That sort of reasoning is too hasty, IMHO.

Best regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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George H.W. Bush Coordinated Liaisoned the Dal-Tex Hit Team
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Slight confusion for there are Bosses, plotters and coverup people.
The New York incorporation papers of the Council on Foreign Relations were filed by John Dulles.
Even though Dulles was a powerful man who sometimes acted independently from elites (and initiated assassination) he was a underling.
Per Fletcher Prouty Maxwell Taylor was a Dulles man.
JFK researcher Richard Bartholomew traced Lansdale traveling to Special Forces bases in Panama,Georgia and Texas in the summer of 63.
Russ Baker has former Greece Chief of Station Ulmer with Bush in Dallas.
The Bush Cal-Say (JM WAVE operational ) oil rigs were a Chevron-Hughes operation. Maheu (Hughes operative-CIA asset) was part of RFK assassination. At a RFK conference in Los Angeles a FBI memo was passed out about RFK (RFK at a private party) stating he wanted to re-look into his Brothers death when POTUS.
Per Fletcher Prouty Dulles had loyalists inside the CIA , a CIA inside of the CIA loyal to Dulles.
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The CIA /ONI are the police of the elites,if some useful anti-Castro idiots are involved (and they were),and ignore the coverup people (elite connected Empire Trust) you miss the point of the ELM ST's geopolitical significance.
Dulles loyalist James Jesus Angleton seems to be connected to creating (if needed) a Communist Agent Dallas patsy inside of French Intelligence (Jean Souetre-Michael Mertz) . This is foreknowledge.
Rogue ?? How high up on the latter do you need to go ??
Head Joint Chiefs of Staff,2nd in command Plans,CCI................rogue...??..?
Tom Karamessines .
At a now defunct website was posted a page out of David Ferrie's phonebook. Next to the number for the CIA was penned next to it the extension that was identified as for Tom Karamessines. In 62-63 era Karamessines just leaving Italy and Harvey going there.
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NATO's Secret Armies: Operation GLADIO and Terrorism in Western Europe - Google Books Result
books.google.com/books?isbn=1135767858
Ganser Daniele - ‎2005 - 336 pages
15 The CIA invested millions into the secret Greek army and built an entire ...
Karamessines set up the CIA headquarters in Greece located in Athens on the
fifth ... In 1962 Karamessines was forced to leave Rome amidst rumours that he
had ...
  • SEE PAGE 217 background Karamessines.
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Collins Radio Connections
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Air Force General Curtis LeMay and Arthur Collins

THE COLLINS RADIO CONNECTIONS to the Assassination of President Kennedy

By William E. Kelly – Revised from report originally published in Backchannels magazine and presented as an abstract at the national conference of the Coalition On Political Assassination (COPA), October 10, 1994.

==========

If the assassination of President Kennedy was the result of not only a conspiracy, but a covert action and coup d’etat, as many people believe, there should be evidence of this from both the scene of the crime(s) as well as from the highest echelons of power among those who took over the government. This would be especially so if the assassination was not a foreign attack by Cuban or Soviet intelligence service sponsors, but an internal manipulation of policy and control, an inside job.

As Edward Luttwack describes in his “How-To” book Coup d’etat – A Practical Handbook (Alfred A. Knopf, 1968, p. 117), “Control over the flow of information emanating from the political center will be our most important weapon in establishing our authority after the coup. The seizure of the main means of mass communication will thus be a task of crucial importance.”

At the scene(s) of the crime, eyewitness testimony is always suspect. Homicide detectives prefer more solid leads that provide documented evidence that can be introduced in court, such as fingerprints, telephone and automobile license records.

There are a number of automobile license records of significance in regards to the assassination of President Kennedy, including the tampered photo among the possessions of Lee Harvey Oswald of the license on 1957 Chevy in General Walker’s driveway, plus the license numbers of cars seen in Dealey Plaza photos immediately before and after the assassination.

Most significant however, is the Texas plate PP4537, which was jotted down on a piece of paper by an elderly Oak Cliff mechanic T. F. White, who noticed a man acting suspiciously behind the wheel of a 1958 two tone Plymouth sedan. The car was parked behind a billboard in the parking lot of a Mexican restaurant, with the driver, like White, watching the flurry of Dallas police cars racing down the street with sirens blaring, called to the nearby scene of the shooting of Dallas policeman J.D. Tippit.

White walked across the street to get closer and exchanged glances with the man who quickly drove away. White wrote down the license tag PP4537 on a piece of paper and forgot about it until later that day when he saw Lee Harvey Oswald on television and recognized him as the man he saw acting suspiciously in the Plymouth earlier that afternoon.

A few weeks later, when Dallas radio reporter and later mayor of Dallas Wes Wise gave a talk at the Oak Cliff restaurant, the owner of the garage where Mr. White worked mentioned the suspicious Plymouth to Wise, who then met White, who reluctantly told his story. “Do you have the piece of paper with the license number on it?” Wise asked, and sure enough, White had it right there in his pocket. PP4537.

Wise later said that he had to use all of his reportorial persuasions to convince White to hand over the paper with the number on it to him, that it was the patriotic and right thing to do and promised White that he wouldn’t get in trouble with the law. White said nobody knew who or what was really behind the assassination of President Kennedy and he really didn’t want to get involved, but he handed over the paper to Wise, who passed it on to the police and FBI.

A quick check of the Texas plate #PP4537 indicated that it was assigned to Carl Mather, of Garland, Texas. When the FBI went out to the listed Garland address they found the two tone 1958 Plymouth right there in the driveway and knocked on the door. Mrs. Mather answered, acknowledged the car belonged to her husband, who was then away at work at Collins Radio. When asked where her husband and the car was on Friday, November 22, 1963, she said that the car was in the parking lot at Collins Radio until sometime in the afternoon when her husband returned home and picked up the family to go to the Tippit residence to pay their respects to the widow and family of their good friend who was murdered that day.

Instead of going out to Collins Radio to interview Mather however, the FBI go to Mr. White, who Wes Wise had promised wouldn’t be involved, and took additional statements from him, changing his story for the official reports and exchanging the two tone Plymouth to a red Ford Falcon. CBS News made a polite inquiry years later, leaving Carl Mather of the documentary program they aired but listing Mrs. Mather in the programs credits. The House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) briefly looked into the affair, granted Mather immunity from prosecution to testify and then failed to question him under oath, and published a short report they titled “The Wise Allegation,” when in fact Wes Wise made no allegations, and merely followed up on his reporter’s instincts. He came up with an automobile license plate number that was scene near the murder of a Dallas policeman that was traced to one of the victim’s best friends, Carl Mather, whose alibi is that he was at work at the time, at Collins Radio.

Documents later released under the JFK Act indicate that Mather was questioned by investigators and claimed that he worked on electronics at Collins, his specific job being the installation of the radio equipment aboard Air Force Two – the Vice President’s plane.

That this lead was not properly investigated, and remains uninvestigated today, is because such leads actually do lead to the heart of the plot to murder not only Dallas policeman J.D. Tippit, but as many believe, is tied directly to the assassination of President Kennedy, and the Tippit murder may be the “Rosetta Stone” that could explain the mysteries of both murders.

The significance of the Collins Radio connections becomes apparent with a quick review of the published record, and that :

1. On November 1, 1963 the New York Times published a photograph of the ship the Rex, which Fidel Castro identified as the boat that dropped off a team of assassins in Cuba a few nights previous. The Rex was docked at Palm Beach, Florida, near the JFK family compound, and the Rex’s Halloween eve mission was in clear violation of President Kennedy’s March 1963 edict that no para-military raids against Cuba were to originate from U.S. shores. According to the article in the NYTs, the Rex had been sold by the Somoza regime in Nicaragua to the Belcher Oil Company, its dock fees paid by the CIA front company Sea Ship Inc., with the ship then being leased to the Collins Radio Company of Richardson, Texas.

2. Founded by Arthur Collins, of Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Collins Radio first made news headlines when young Collins was an amateur radio buff with the only, home made radio receiver who could pick up the radio communications of Navy Commander Richard E. Byrd from his polar exploration expedition. [Richard Byrd is the cousin of the founder of the Civil Air Patrol and owner of the Texas School Book Depository building].

3. Collins Radio became a major defense contractor during World War II, and following the war, participated in Operation Paperclip, hiring Dr. Alex Lipisch, the former Nazi scientist who developed the Delta I glider and ME 163 Komet jet fighter. For Collins, Lipisch was assigned to the boat development program that worked with General Dynamics in attempting to build a sleek, swift speedboat that could be used for Cuban infiltration missions like the Rex mission.

4. David Ferrie’s telephone records reflect that in the weeks before the assassination he made frequent calls from the New Orleans law office of G. Ray Gill to the Belcher Oil Company of Dallas, Texas, the company that was the listed owner of the Rex.

5. In the week before the assassination, a reservation was made at Jack Ruby’s Carousel Club for a large party of Collins Radio employees.

6. The Dallas P.D. Intelligence Division maintained a paid informant who worked at Collins Radio and reported on fellow employees who appeared suspicious or subversive, including one who subscribed to the leftist I.F. Stone Weekly.

7. When Lee Harvey Oswald returned to Texas from Soviet Russia, George DeMohrenschildt introduced him to retired Navy Admiral Chester Bruton, an executive at Collins Radio, with the idea of Oswald getting a job there, as he had worked in a radio factory in Minsk, USSR.

8. At the time of the assassination Adml. Bruton was working on a top-secret nuclear submarine communications project, with the Navy’s nuclear sub radar and communications HQ being based at Woods Hole, Massachusetts.

9. In 1963 Collins Radio began receiving large military contracts including one for the construction of a microwave communications network in Southeast Asia, specifically Vietnam.

10. After Oswald was murdered while in Dallas police custody by Jack Ruby, his widow Marina P. Oswald married former Collins Radio employee Kenneth Porter.

11. In Miami, Florida, a Cuban exile, and former executive of Collins Radio, was murdered, assassinated in a still unsolved homicide.

12. Collins Radio supplied and maintained the equipment used by the Voice of America, all manned NASA space flights, the Strategic Air Command (SAC), as well as all equipment used for the CIA’s Guatemalan and Cuban operations. Most significantly, Collins Radio was responsible for installing and maintaining all radio equipment aboard Air Force One, Air Force Two and the Cabinet’s plane.

13. According to the Collins Radio Annual Report to stockholders for 1963-64, Collins Radio not only installed and maintained the radios aboard most military and executive branch planes, they also operated the station known as “Liberty” at their Cedar Rapids, Iowa headquarters, which served as a relay station for all radio communications between the White House, the Pentagon, Air Force One, Air Force Two, the Cabinet plane and Andrews AFB in Washington.

[This “Liberty” station is misidentified on most transcripts of the edited version of the radio transmissions from Air Force One on 11/22/63. “Air Force One, the Presidential airplane, was placed in service in 1962 using communications equipment developed and manufactured by Collins. The aircraft…was modified to meet special requirements…In 1962, the station many remember as “Liberty” was opened and operated from the new communications building…(in Cedar Rapids, Iowa)…Collins had a contract with the Air Force to serve as either the primary communications station or as a backup whenever Air Force One, the presidential aircraft, and other aircraft in the VIP fleet carried cabinet members or high ranking military officers. Over the airwaves the station’s call word was ‘Liberty.’” – From Collins Radio – the First 50 Years.]

In his book The Making of a President – 1964, Theodore H. White wrote: “There is a tape recording in the archives o the government which best recaptures the sound of the hours as it waited for leadership. It is a recording of all the conversations in the air, monitored by the Signal Corps Midwestern center ‘Liberty,’ between Air Force One in Dallas, the Cabinet plane over the Pacific, and the Joint Chiefs’ Communications Center in Washington….On the flight the party learned that there was no conspiracy, learned the identity of Oswald and his arrest; and the President’s mind turned to the duties of consoling the striken and guiding the quick.”

According to the analysis of E. Martin Schotz and Vincent Salandria (in History Will Not Absolve Us, 1996), “And yet the White House had informed President Johnson and the other occupants of Air Force One, all of them witnesses to the hail of bullets which had poured down on Dealey Plaza, that as of the afternoon of the assassination there was to be no conspiracy and that Oswald was to be the lone assassin. If White’s report were correct this would mean that federal officials in Washington were marrying the government to the cover-up of Oswald as the lone assassin virtually instantaneously. This could have occurred only if those federal authorities had had foreknowledge that the evidence would implicate Oswald and that he would have ‘no confederates.’ An innocent government could not have reacted in such a fashion internally.”

Unfortunately, there is no longer “a tape recording in the archives of the government,” as the original, unedited, multiple tape recordings of the AF1 radio transmissions cannot be located despite an Act of Congress, the request of the Assassinations Records Review Board (ARRB) and numerous Freedom of Information Act requests. Our government seems to have simply lost the recordings, with no records being kept of their whereabouts or destruction, if in fact they were destroyed.

The Final Report of the ARRB (p. 116) notes:

“6. White House Communications Agency.

“WHCA was, and is, responsible for maintaining both secure (encrypted) and unsecured (open) telephone, radio and telex communications between the President and the government of the United States. Most of the personnel that constitute this elite agency are U.S. military communications specialists; many, in 1963, were from the Army Signal Corps. On November 22, 1963, WHCA was responsible for communications between and among Air Force One and Two, the White House Situation Room, the mobile White House, and with the Secret Service in the motorcade.”

“The Review Board sought to locate any audio recordings of voice communications to or from Air Force One on the day of the assassination, including communications between Air Force one and Andrews Air Force Base during the return flight from Dallas to Washington D.C. As many people are now aware of, in the 1970s, the LBJ Presidential Library released edited audio cassettes of the unsecured, or open voice conversations with Air Force One, Andrews AFB, the White House Situation Room, and the Cabinet Aircraft carrying the Secretary of State and other officials on November 22, 1`963. The LBJ Library version of these tapes consists of about 110 minutes of voice transmissions, but the tapes are edited and condensed, so the Review Board staff sought access to unedited, uncondensed versions. Since the edited versions of the tapes contain considerable talk about both the forthcoming autopsy on the President, as well as the reaction of a government in crisis, the tapes are of considerable interest to assassination researchers and historians.”

“Given that the LBJ Library released the tapes in the 1970s, the paper trail is now sketch and quite cold. The LBJ Library staff is fairly confident that the tapes originated with the White House Communications Agency (WHCA). The LBJ Library staff told the Review Board staff that it received the tapes from the White House as part of the original shipment of President Johnson’s papers in 1968 or 1969. According to the LBJ Library’s documentation, the accession card reads: “WHCA?” and is dated 1975The Review Board staff could not locate any records indicating who performed the editing, or when, or where.”

“The Review Board’s repeated written and oral inquiries of the White House Communications Agency did not bear fruit. The WHCA could not produce any records that illuminated the provenance of the edited tapes.”

At the time I delivered my report on “The Collins Radio Connections” to the National COPA Conference in Washington in October, 1994, the Washington Post had just then exposed the true occupant of a new, mammoth, suburban Virginia building. It was not the headquarters for Collins Radio/Rockwell International as had been previously reported, but they had just been the cooperating cover company for the super secret National Recognisance Office (NRO), just as Collins Radio had served as a cover for the CIA in the operation of the Rex in Cuba in1963.

[Note: Former ARRB investigator Doug Horne, who led the effort to find the unedited AF1 tapes, discussed these issues at his presentation at the JFK LANCER confernce in Dallas, and writes about some of these issues in his new book IARRB (2009).]

Also, in the October, 1998 issue of John F. Kennedy, Jr.’s George Magazine, – David Wise reported on how the NRO had “lost” $6 billion in U.S. taxpayer’s money, and specifically mentioned the fiasco surrounding the construction of the HQ building, or which Collins/Rockwell served as a cover company. ]

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William E. Kelly is a freelance journalist whose research into the assassination of President Kennedy is partially sponsored by the Fund For Constitutional Government Investigative Journalism Project. You can contact him at billkelly3@gmail.com

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To control JFK British used BLACKMAIL ??

Lobster number 2, 1983 by Stephen Dorril.

__________________________________________________ __

Stephen Dorril
In February this year, unnoticed by the press, a funeral took place in a quiet Sussex
village. In attendance were some famous names from London society of the fifties and
sixties, and two men in regulation dark suits from an undisclosed department of the
Security Services. They had been contacts for the deceased, Maria Novotny, who
made headlines in the sixties through her 'relationship' with President John Kennedy,
and her involvement in the Profumo affair.
Novotny's own accounts of the two episodes have tended to be dismissed, and
reasonably so, as they appeared in the sensationalist press. (1) But one man, Michael
Eddowes, took her very seriously indeed, claiming to have spent over $100,000 of his
own money following up leads generated by her story. To Eddowes, Novotny was the
link to a Soviet plot to discredit Western leaders:
"I had discovered that the group in London who had destroyed Profumo
had sent a young woman, Maria Novotny, to destroy the character of
President Kennedy. She was the cousin of President Novotny of
Czechoslovakia. This is fact." (2)
When Eddowes expanded his theory to include the assassination of Kennedy, it took
on a distinctly bizarre look.
Eddowes' book, November 22nd: How They Killed Kennedy (3) suggested that Lee
Harvey Oswald had been replaced by a look-a-like KGB agent when he went to the
Soviet Union. (4) Following this to its logical conclusion, Eddowes reportedly spent
over $10,000 in October 1981 on legal fees and exhumation costs involved in reopening
Oswald's grave. (5) He arranged for a new autopsy with the consent of Marina
Porter (Oswald) to see if the grave contained Oswald or a double. (6) Inevitably such
ideas have meant that Eddowes has been portrayed as an 'assassination loony'. But he
had at one time been a respected solicitor; obtained a Royal Pardon for Timothy Evans
who was mistakenly hanged for the Christie murders; and wrote a best-selling book on
the case, A Man On Your Conscience.
Was Eddowes just muddying the water with disinformation on the assassination, or
had he really uncovered evidence to confirm his theories? Strangely, although central
to his theory on the assassination, Novotny is only briefly mentioned in the
introduction to his book. One would have thought that everything that could be said on
the Prufumo affair had been told, but new evidence, primarily from Nigel West (7) and
Novotny herself, undermines the conclusions of the Denning Report. It also provides
background to, and some justification for Eddowes' line of enquiry; even though in the
end we can dismiss the Eddowes' claims because he misunderstood the role of Stephen
Ward.
This article is also an account of Maria Novotny's own life, which confirms at least a
part of the articles in the sensationalist press. (8) There are no tidy ends to this account
and if it is largely speculative - so be it; for the true story of the Profumo affair has yet
to be revealed. I take it that readers have a basic knowledge of the Profumo affair and
can read between the lines for themselves.
Maria Novotny knew little of her own background: it wasn't until this year that her
husband learned her real name. Maria Stella Novotny was born on the 9th of May
1941 in Prague. Her father was brother to the President of Czechoslovakia, and they
lived in the Royal palace until she was 6 years old, when the Soviet Union moved in.
Because the President supported the Communists, this family tie would explain why
Eddowes thought she had been chosen to destroy Kennedy. But what Eddowes didn't
know was that Maria's father was actively anti-Communist. Although opposed to each
other politically, the brothers remained friends, the President warning Maria's father
that the Soviets were liable to arrest him, and advising him to leave the country.
Instead, he joined the underground, making arrangements for Maria to leave the
country with the family agent, called Rutter.
They escaped in a railway truck hiding under some corn, crossing the border into
Austria. Unfortunately they ended up in the Soviet sector where they were put in a
displaced persons camp.
In 1948 Maria was released, apparently through the efforts of a Mrs Capes, who had
known her father when he was in England, studying at university. How this was
achieved is not known, but Maria was brought to England where she lived as the
daughter of Mrs Capes. When she became a teenager she went into modelling and was
determined to make it into a successful career.
When only 18 she met Horace 'Hod' Dibden (9), then aged 57, at the Black Sheep
Club (10) in Piccadilly, which he helped run. An expert on English antiques and
furniture, he had many friends on the London scene, including Stephen Ward, who he
had known since the war; and, interestingly, Michael Eddowes, who had given up his
solicitor's practice and become the owner of a chain of restaurants. Hod and Eddowes
had known each other for twenty years.
Hod and Maria were married in January 1960. The marriage was conditional on her
being allowed to carry on her own life. She appears to have been a highly intelligent,
very beautiful young girl, determined to get on in the world, hoping to use Hod's
contacts and money to climb the social ladder. In her personal account she claims to
have been a virgin at the time, and, in reality, rather turned off by sexual relations. To
her, sex was a 'game' designed to shock other people: she took her pleasure watching
the reactions of people to situations she had organised. After the honeymoon they were
regulars on the night club scene. One particular party in February 1960, given by an
American millionaire, Huntingdon Hartford, was a turning point.
Among the guests were Stephen Ward and a more 'sinister' man, Harry Alan Towers,
who claimed to be a film producer and owner of a modelling agency. Maria and
Towers didn't meet at the party, but Towers must have recognised her: four days later
a letter arrived suggesting a meeting at Claridges to discuss some possible modelling
work. The letter was actually signed by Tower's mother, Margaret, who Novotny
claims had an extraordinary influence over him, and from whom he took his
instructions. At the meeting Towers was brisk to the point of rudeness. He told her that
he could make her a top television model doing commercials in America. Although
she didn't like Towers, she found it difficult to turn down the contract, which offered
upwards of $50,000 a year.
Over the next days the contract was sorted out and Maria was introduced to some of
Towers' friends, one of whom tried to have sex with her in Paris. Towers, over the
next year, made no sexual advances towards Maria but didn't mind pushing his friends
on her. She signed to Towers' modelling agency and he gave her a large deposit. The
day she left for New York Stephen Ward went to a dinner party with her at which he
made some sketches of her. Maria claimed that Ward and Towers knew each other. To
Eddowes this provided a link between the Kennedy and Profumo episodes. Hod also
thought that Ward and Towers knew each other at this time.
Towers flew ahead a few days earlier and met Maria at what became Kennedy Airport.
Almost immediately they were arguing with each other, and Maria became doubly
suspicious of him when he told her to sign a hotel register as Maria Novotny. Up til
then she had been known as Maria Chapman, Hod's family name. Towers insisted that
while she was in America she should use Novotny. What else, she thought, did Towers
know of her background?
At first her modelling career went well and they went to the usual round of parties. But
it seems that modelling offers were the result of her sleeping with television producers.
After two weeks Towers arranged a lunch for her with Peter Lawford, the brother-inlaw
of President John Kennedy. Towers claimed that it would do her modelling career
good if she got to know Kennedy. Maria didn't see the connection at the time; it was
only later that she realised that Towers had engineered the meeting for other purposes.
On reflection, it spelt blackmail to Maria and Eddowes.
Unknown to her at the time she was scheduled to be the replacement for Simone
McQueen, a TV weather forecaster, who had just finished with Kennedy. Lawford
took her to parties and she briefly met Kennedy at one and arranged to meet him
again. They were more intimate at a party where the singer, Vic Damone, was the
host. She was introduced to Kennedy and almost immediately shown into a bedroom
where she went to bed with him. They weren't gone very long before there was a
commotion in the main room. Damone's Asian girlfriend had made an unsuccessful
suicide attempt and had been found in the bathroom with her wrists slashed. The
apartment quickly emptied, Kennedy disappearing with a bodyguard and his
associates.
The incident was hushed up. The quick departure may have had something to do with
the fact that, according to Maria, one of J. Edgar Hoover' s men was known to attend
these parties. Word would have quickly reached Hoover who would have no doubt
added it to his files on the Kennedy brothers.
Maria continued to see Kennedy and his brother, Robert, though I doubt that there is
much truth in the published accounts of her relationship with Robert. Her own account
rarely mentions him - or, for that matter, the sensational claims of her involvement
with UN officials. The latter appears to have involved Towers' other girls.
At the end of the year Hod arrived in New York to buy antiques. At this time Maria
had had enough of Towers. Her modelling career was nowhere in sight. She decided to
leave Towers and move into Hod's apartment near the UN building. Towers was
extremely angry and determined to make her stay in his flat. But as he was commuting
between London and New York at this time, he had little real control over her. She
moved in with Hod.
During this period when Towers would later be accused of running a vice-ring at the
UN building, he was in constant touch with his mother - and one other person, Leslie
Chateris.
This was presumably an innocent relationship since Towers said he wanted to buy the
TV rights to The Saint. But Towers did get Maria to take a package to Chateris in Los
Angeles. To Maria, Tower's business seemed to have little to do with television or
films.
Shortly after the disagreement Maria returned to his luxurious Manhattan apartment to
pick up the rest of her clothes. Towers was surprisingly good-natured, apologising for
his previous loss of temper, saying he would make it up to her. That night he said she
could use his apartment for a night with a boyfriend. When he arrived they went into a
bedroom, at which point he tried to persuade her to accept $100 for sexual relations.
Eventually, after some persuasion, she accepted. He then showed her his badge and
told her she was under arrest. He left the room fetching in other officers who were
lining the corridor.
Searching the apartment they found Towers hiding, shaking under some suitcases in a
lobby. Maria was taken to a police station and interrogated for four hours, going
through three different agencies. Finally she was released on bail.
At her apartment the next day plain clothed policemen interviewed her and at FBI
headquarters she was shown pictures of many girls and asked if she knew them. It was
clear that the FBI wanted Towers. Several charges were to be made against him and
they wanted her to testify against him. But before they could, Towers escaped from
America after bail, reputedly a very large sum, had been put up.
Towers was accused of running a vice-ring involving UN officials. Hod and Maria
were shown immigration files on Towers which, according to Hod, showed Towers'
links with Eastern Europe. When Eddowes went to New York he met John Malone,
head of the New York FBI, and they apparently had three two hour interviews.
Eddowes was shown FBI, Immigration, and, possibly, CIA files on Towers and
Novotny. These proved to Eddowes satisfaction that Towers was working for the
Soviets; that Novotny had been used to get close to Kennedy for possible blackmail -
probably because of her Czech background. (For some reason Novotny believed that
photos existed of her love making sessions taken from hidden cameras in the UN
building.)
It was reported that on leaving America Towers went to Prague, Moscow, and Peking,
stopping for a time in southern Ireland before residing in Canada. (11) Novotny was
held as a material witness and charged with being a wayward minor. According to
Hod, it was rumoured at the time that Kennedy himself had intervened to stop the
charges.
By now Novotny was determined to leave America: Towers was hardly likely to
return. She had in her own words, become a political pawn, with the State police, FBI
and Immigration officials claiming jurisdiction over her. She escaped by buying a
boarding ticket for the Queen Mary and staying on board when it sailed. Rather
implausibly an officer let her stay on board without saying anything when she told him
she had lost her passport. A rumour reached the papers that the CIA had helped her
escape. Hod met her off the boat in England having flown ahead.
One of the first people she met in London, around April 1961, was Stephen Ward, who
invited her to a reception at the Soviet Embassy. Ward pestered her daily to meet the
Soviet diplomat Eugene Ivanov, but she refused. She had had enough problems in
New York, and a solicitor friend (possibly Eddowes) warned her not to get involved
with political figures. Hod went in her place to the Embassy reception (with Gilbert
Harding) where he met Ivanov. Ward didn't give up though. After Ivanov he switched
to Profumo, introducing Maria as 'the girl who made an impact on the Kennedy clan'.
Unknown to her, he was also playing up her relationship with the Czech President.
These attempts to link Novotny to Profumo and Ivanov (which she later saw as
deliberate) took place before the famous Keeler meeting, suggesting at the very least,
that the Denning report (12) was less than adequate.
She was eventually tricked into seeing Ivanov at a party at Cliveden. Ward introduced
her to a surprise guest and quickly left the room. The guest was Ivanov. What came
next was a shock because Ivanov knew details of her background and told her he could
arrange for her to visit Czechoslovakia to see relatives. He painted a rosy picture of
life in the country and of the Communist Party. She declined his offers and after some
further efforts at persuasion she left the room to join the others. She learned later that
he was particularly interested in her experiences in America.
Behind the sexual affairs and personal intrigues of Ward, Profumo and Ivanov were
the British Security Services; and further back, and probably not apparent to the
participants, was the wider intelligence battle between East and West. It is worth going
into some detail on this area as it provides clues to Novotny's true position.(13)
In April 1961 the West's most important Soviet spy, Oleg Penkovsky, arrived in
London on a Trade Mission, staying until May 6th. The material he gave to MI6 and
CIA representatives was to prove vital to resolving the Cuban missile crisis: Kennedy
would base his final decisions on the Penkovsky material. (14) During this particular
visit he was debriefed at an all-night session during which he provided details on the
KGB and GRU men at the Soviet Embassy in London. Amongst them was Ivanov
whom he had known as a student. It is also worth noting that he had told MI6 that
there was a traitor in the top ranks of MI5. Although no MI5 men took part in the
debriefings of Penkovsky, they did play a leading role in the Profumo/Ivanov episode
based on details he provided.
Ivanov's cover for his intelligence role was that of Naval Attache. But he was no runof-
the-mill intelligence officer. His father-in-law was Alexander Gorkin, Chairman of
the Soviet Supreme Court. It is also believed that Ivanov played a prominent role in
Nasser's coup in Egypt. According to Nigel West (15) he had been identified by 'D'
branch as an intelligence officer when he first arrived in London on the 27th March
1960. Penkovsky described him as a man who liked women and a good party,
suggesting that he might be a profitable target. So the watchers began trailing him.
Here West's revisionist account starts to break down. It seems incredible that Ivanov
was able to meet so many celebrities without MI5 keeping some tabs on him if they
knew he was a spy. It is claimed that in June 1961 Ivanov led them to a house at 17
Wimpole Mews. By checking the electoral roll they found it was the home of Stephen
Ward, who they contacted on June 8th. But that is virtually impossible because Ward
didn't move into the flat until June 1st (16), which would have given him no time to be
put on the register. Also according to MI5, on West's account, Ward was unknown to
Registry. But Lee Tracey (17) an MI6 contract employee working at the Daily Mirror
on organised vice, has revealed that he was assigned by MI6 to compile a profile on
Stephen Ward six years before the scandal broke. Nothing ever appeared in the paper
but a full report went to MI6 who hoped that some juicy target might be sexually
compromised inside the Ward circle. (Which suggests either MI5 and MI6 didn't
exchange material or someone is lying - or both.) MI5 made some discreet enquiries of
Ward which revealed that he had many important people as friends, including the third
Viscount Astor, who was known to MI5. Novotny has said that she saw reports which
showed that Bill Astor was controlling Ward, and that her meeting at Cliveden with
Ivanov had been arranged by Astor.
In one of those intriguing coincidences, Astor played a role in Ivanov's attempts to
intervene in the Cuban Missile Crisis. On the Thursday evening of the Cuba week,
Astor suggested Ivanov should meet 'Boofy' Gore, the Earl of Arran. At the time it
seemed to be an eccentric choice for behind - the - scenes diplomacy. But in reality it
was spot on. For besides having easy access to Lord Home, then the Foreign
Secretary, he was the first cousin of Sir David Ormsby-Gore the British Ambassador
to America. Gore was a close friend of Kennedy - so intimately tied up in the decision
making around the missile crisis (assuring Kennedy of the value of the Penkovsky
material) that he was invited to the President's nuclear shelter if things went bad. (18)
It was the Missile Crisis that persuaded Eddowes that Khrushchev was behind the
assassination of JFK.
It is possible that MI5 have said they used the electoral register to trace Ward to
protect the real source. It is said that Ward was introduced to Ivanov by (Sir) Colin
Coote, editor of the Daily Telegraph, in January 1961. There are conflicting stories
about the origins of this meeting, but it has something to do with Ward doing sketches
of Soviet diplomats. He did sketches of many famous people though he was only an
average artist. (19) Coote had contacts in the Soviet Embassy and, interestingly, he
was a golfing friend of the Director of MI5, Sir Roger Hollis. (20) Coote arranged a
meeting at the Garrick Club. Accompanying Ward to this lunch was David Floyd, the
Telegraph's correspondent on Soviet Affairs. Floyd was on the books of the IRD. (2I)
IRD, run by the Foreign Office, was a Cold War propaganda outfit which had a close
relationship with MI6; and, especially with section IX which dealt with the Soviet
Union. Was the meeting set up by the intelligence services or did Floyd supply a
report to section IX?
Officially Ward was employed by MI5 on June 8th 1961 to help in the entrapment of
Ivanov, hopefully to compromise him with the help of his girls. Ward's friends didn't
know this. On the contrary many, including Hod and Maria, believed that he could be
working for the Soviets. Hod was astonished when told of Ward's real role. He still
believes Ward was murdered to keep him quiet. "It wasn't in his character to commit
suicide."
In London Hod and Maria set up dinner parties (22) at which many famous people
attended. About half of these parties appear to have included sexual games afterwards.
Ward was a frequent guest but as far as is known he never actually had sexual
relations with the girls. It was at one of these dinner parties that the famous Ministerin-
the-mask incident occurred; though in reality it was very different to the accounts of
Keeler and Rice-Davies. (They, incidentally, never met Novotny.) Hod had met Keeler
one night when Profumo picked her up at Ward's flat. According to Hod, Mandy Rice-
Davies learned of the mask incident from Ward when he returned to their flat that
night. Maria says:
"I lied to Lord Denning, but not about a politician. My lies were to
protect someone from ruin and a criminal charge. A Member of
Parliament was present, William Rees-Davies, MP for Thanet, but he was
not in the disguise."
On December 14th 1962 Christine Keeler ran into an old friend - Michael Eddowes -
and, according to him, the whole story of her involvement with Profumo and Ivanov
came out. This included Ivanov's request that Keeler ask Profumo when the allies were
going to let West Germany have nuclear warheads. Eddowes says he made out a 6-
page report which eventually reached the Security Services. Nothing came of it
because MI5 believed that Profumo had told the Prime Minister of this twin
relationship, while Profumo assumed MI5 had told him. It wasn't until Eddowes wrote
to Macmillan on June 13th that the affair was finally exposed. On Friday June 14th he
released the full text of the letter to the Evening Standard and the media scramble
began. Ward had been trying to get Novotny to meet Ivanov up until his departure. He
left shortly after the Edgecombe shooting incident at Wimpole Mews. But what
happened to Ivanov I haven't discovered. Officially he was recalled to Moscow,
although Mandy Rice-Davies (who is not reliable) recounts a different tale. In 1977
two men interviewed her about the Profumo Affair in Israel, where she lived for a
time. At first they claimed to be journalists from Time magazine; then private
investigators. Eventually one of them said " I was with the CIA for 25 years. I spent a
lot of time in London - I was involved in the George Raft affair at the Colony Club."
When she mentioned Ivanov he said "We took him...we... the CIA. We couldn't let
him go. We didn't know what he had and what he didn't have and we didn't want to
take any chances. Let's say he was an involuntary defector." (23)
It would be around this time that Eddowes started to put together the Novotny
connection, eventually going to New York at the invitation of the Journal - American,
to follow up leads. The one piece of information which he said he was after, could be
details of the background of Harry Towers, which were given to him by 'contacts'.
Eddowes did attempt to write a book with Maria Novotny on this whole affair and in
the late sixties they were three quarters of the way through it when strange things
started to happen. Eddowes rang Hod one day from his house telling him that two men
had broken into his flat, beating him badly, leaving him bleeding on his bed. They
warned him to stay away from the subject. The day before Maria had narrowly
escaped a serious accident in her car when the steering failed. Bolts in the steering
column had been cut. Eddowes, by this time an old man, was scared and burned the
manuscript, and would pursue the matter no further. This would explain the brevity of
the Novotny sections in his books on the Kennedy assassination.
Maria doesn't appear to have changed her lifestyle very much in the later sixties. She
did try to become a novelist, writing many books. But only one, a Harold Robbins type
version of her own life, got published. She also had a regular column in the magazine
Club International for a time, exploiting incidents from her own life.
It was whilst researching a book, apparently on brothels, around 1970, that she came
into contact with British Intelligence. At a brothel she found that it was a set-up, with
two-way mirrors and hidden microphones, used by the Security Services to
compromise clients. She was invited to help them with similar work and seems to have
been employed as a high-class companion/whore to people of interest to the services.
Particular cases involved compromising the head of a Caribbean island which the
Foreign Office hoped to stop going independent. It did little good: it went independent
the following year. Cameras had been hidden in a bedroom at Brown's Hotel when he
came across for a diplomatic meeting.
In 1978 (24) she was involved in the break-up of a massive fraud. She had been put
onto the activities of Taylor and Ash by Billy Hill, the former London underworld
boss, who thought there was the making of another Kray-type gang, whose brutality
went against the old-time ideals. She was asked to become involved with Taylor, and
was friendly with him for two years. In court Taylor claimed:
"I have been set up by Henrietta Chapman, also known as Maria
Novotny, who is working for British intelligence."
The judge told him to sit down and stop being silly. Novotny was outside, waiting to
give evidence against him, but following this outburst was advised not to, since she
might be used again. A few days later on his way home from court, Taylor collapsed at
Waterloo Station. He died later in hospital. Officially a heart attack, it has been
suggested by some that he was killed with a poisoned umbrella.
Following this case she was asked by the Chief Constable of Kent to help with
enquiries into corruption in Scotland Yard. She became very friendly with top
detectives and reported direct to the Chief Constable. It is known that she made visits
to Southern Ireland and Ulster, apparently involved in intelligence operations. She also
arranged parties in Europe for Common Market MPs and diplomats. Whether this or
many of the other episodes were actually done on behalf of British Intelligence is not
known. (25)
Maria Stella Novotny died on the 20th February 1983. She had had a heavy cold
during the day and ate little. Taking some food later she died choking on a milk
pudding. Shortly after her death her house was burgled and all her files and large dayto-
day diaries from the early sixties to the seventies were stolen. Recently Hod claims
to have given her address books to the members of an undisclosed Secret Service
department.
Unfortunately I have been unable to track down Eddowes - if he is still alive. One can
see now from where he received his basic ideas. A Czech girl with supposed
Communist background, used by a group of men also with alleged Communist links
(Towers and Ward), controlled by a Soviet intelligence agent (Ivanov), who claimed to
have direct access to Khrushchev. All this was linked in his mind through the Cuban
Missile Crisis, to the assassination of JFK. Where the evidence for that link is no one
knows.
Obviously, though, it falls down with the recent revelation that Ward worked
for British Intelligence. But that raises a whole load of other questions.....

Notes
1. News of The World (1961), Saturday Titbits (1972), The Globe (US) 1980. She
has written a book - Kings Road (1977) - which deals with this period but it is a
highly fictionalised account.
2. Radio Interview: Chicago WGN 1977
3. Known in the USA as The Oswald File (NY 1978). He has also personally
published Khrushchev Killed Kennedy (1975). Does anyone have a copy?
4. Although it would be stretching the evidence to suggest Oswald had been
replaced by a double, there are some strange aspects to his trip to the Soviet
Union. His height, recorded on various official documents, varies quite
considerably, and there are marked differences between photos of Oswald in
the USSR and in the USA. (See The Many Faces of Lee Harvey Oswald - Jack
White US 1979)
5. A large section of articles dealing with the exhumation are in The Continuing
Enquiry Vol. V1 No 3 October 1981.
6. The new autopsy appeared to answer all the doubts that it was Oswald in the
grave. But, incredibly, this has now come into question. The skull shows no
signs of the original 1963 autopsy. Switched heads? It's all getting too crazy!
7. MI5 1945-72: A Matter of Trust Chapter 6. West's books are badly written.
New material comes in small doses - basically to tease whilst the real 'game' is
a continuing battle of sources, occasionally played over the dead body of Roger
Hollis. It's a battle of the right wings. Chapman Pincher (Their Trade is
Treachery NEL 1982), against aspiring Tory, Rupert Allason. ('West'). There
are political and ideological motives to 'West's' books contrary to what some
journalists believe. Notice how his books are so well received by the media
whilst better and more important books - Verrier/Bloch and Fitzgerald/Faligot -
suffer something like an unofficial D Notice. Is there any truth to the rumour
that the recently arrested 'mole' in MI5 is one of 'West's' sources?
8. This account is taken from interviews with her husband and access to her own
hand-written journal, letters etc.
9. There was nothing unusual in this relationship for Hod. In the late 1940s he
had taken the 16 year old Patsy Morgan, daughter of a Coventry grocer, and
given her the Pygmalion treatment. Rather the same approach as Stephen
Ward. (See The Evil Firm: The Rise and Fall of the Brothers Kray - Brian
McConnell, London 1969, p34)
10.Hod had helped to run Esmeralda's Barn, a night-club in Knightsbridge.
Originally he designed it for society girl Esmeralda. In another bizarre incident
on the night of its opening, she was found dead, accidentally gassed, on her bed
with her lesbian lover. Patsy Morgan-Dibden was the main attraction of the
club, so when she ran away from Hod to Europe, he gave it up. Protection for
the club was provided by Billy Hill who ran the London underworld with his
rival, Jack Spot. Hod returned to the business in the late 1950s with the Black
Sheep Club. Esmeralda's Barn was eventually owned by the Kray twins who
purchased it on the advice of Peter Rachman. (The Profession of Violence,
John Pearson, London 1973). A good introduction to this whole
Ward/Rachman/Criminal underworld nexus is Rachman, Shirley Green,
London 1981. The media created 'Rachmanism' - a device designed to ease
attention away from the real crooks, and a godsend to Labour's election hopes
at the time.
11.Towers decided to return to the States in 1980 to face charges of bail jumping
and contempt of court. As part of the deal, an address book which reportedly
contains the names of every politician for whom he allegedly procured call
girls will forever remain sealed away. Mary De Bourgon, Assistant D.A.: "It
will never be opened in a court of law." (The Globe (US) December 9th 1980).
Novotny was friendly with other politicians and lawyers.
"Their names didn't mean all that much then but now many of
them are big shots, in very high places."
Obviously association with one of Towers' girls would have people worried,
especially so when she adds:
"I kept a diary of all my appointments in the UN building ...I
understand the diary is now in the hands of the CIA."
12.Lord Denning's Report (HMSO 1963). Novotny was interviewed by Denning
but she says the report was already written. He refused to accept her
allegations, seemingly turned off by the details of the sexual games.
13.Kennedy's other 'relationships' certainly weren't ordinary and could explain
why Novotny's could be important. In 1964, a year after the assassination,
Mary Meyer [Pinchot], an intimate friend of JFK'S was mysteriously shot to
death. Shortly after, her personal diaries were taken from her home by James
Angleton (at the time head of CIA's Counter Intelligence Branch), a friend of
the Meyer family. Angleton destroyed the diary, and though involved in the
CIA's investigation of the assassination, has refused to comment: on the Meyer
episode. (See Washington Post February 23rd 1976. Coincidence or
Conspiracy Bernard Fensterwald (US 1977)
Judith Exner had been introduced to JFK by friend Frank Sinatra, and had an
affair with him through 1961 and '62. She also knew Sam Giancana and John
Roselli intimately, both of whom were involved in the CIA/Mafia plots against
Castro. (And both of whom were murdered just before going to testify before
the House Select Committee on Assassinations.) It has been suggested that
Giancana used his close friend Sinatra to place a girl near the President,
perhaps to blackmail him.
In another strange twist, Robert Maheu, Howard Hughes' man, who had also
been involved in the CIA/Mafia plots, had been involved in a highly
questionable CIA operation. "Taxpayers monies were spent to provide Heads
of State with female companions and to pay people with questionable
reputations to make pornographic movies for blackmail (against Heads of
State)."
See final Report of the House Select Committee on Intelligence: Village Voice
Feb l6th 1976 page 72.
On Exner see My Story Judith Exner (NY 1977).
And, of course, there was Marilyn Monroe, who Novotny claimed to have met
a few times when MM was having an affair with both Kennedy brothers. It has
been claimed that she died in mysterious circumstances and had knowledge of
Mafia and Teamster affairs, contained (again) in diaries. See: Who Killed
Marilyn, and Did The Kennedy's Know, Tony Sciacca (NY 1976): Marilyn
Monroe S. Periglio (Seville, 1982): and, for this whole Maheu/Mafia/
CIA/Kennedy's/Monroe mess, best of all is Jim Hougan's Spooks (London
1979).
14.Through The Looking Glass Anthony Verrier (London 1983) Chapter 6.
15.West, ibid page 17: also How MI5 Sacrificed Stephen Ward (Sunday Times
28/11/82)
16.Scandal '63: A Study of The Profumo Affair Clive Irving et al (London 1963) p
13
17.Secrets That Won't Be Told, Duncan Campbell (New Statesman 20th February
1981)
18.Verrier ibid.
19.Ward told Hod that he picked up girls in coffee bars, doing quick sketches of
them to introduce himself. Ward said this was how he met Keeler in a cafe in
Staines, Middlesex, and that he (Ward) was instrumental in obtaining a job for
her at Murray's Club, contrary to published stories.
20.West ibid p145
21.See The Ministry of Truth, in Leveller No 64 (1981) and British Intelligence
and Covert Action Bloch/Fitzgerald (London 1983) p 91.
22.Among those attending the Novotny parties were Walter Flack, Charles Clore's
partner; Bill Astor; Sir William Emirs Williams, the Secretary General of the
Arts Council; Sheila Scott; Nicholas Egon; Lord Asquith; Bobby Moore;
Eustace Chesser; Douglas Fairbanks Jnr; Felix Topolski; Simon Harcourt-
Smith; Lord Belper and many others.
23.Mandy Mandy Rice-Davies with Sheila Flack (London, 1980) p123. She
reveals that she knew next to nothing - though perhaps others thought she did.
She claims that she was refused a visa to the USA, and when in 1974 she tried
to see her (she claims CIA) files they had disappeared (pl21). She claims she
was interviewed by MI6 at Century House - unusually, since it is usually left to
Special Branch to sort out security cases.
24.Times 1978: April 4/5/25; May 6/12/26; June 10/14/17/23
25.Times May 6th 1978

Edited by Steven Gaal
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<snip>

The CIA /ONI are the police of the elites,if some useful anti-Castro idiots are involved (and they were),and ignore the coverup people (elite connected Empire Trust) you miss the point of the ELM ST's geopolitical significance.
Dulles loyalist James Jesus Angleton seems to be connected to creating (if needed) a Communist Agent Dallas patsy inside of French Intelligence (Jean Souetre-Michael Mertz) . This is foreknowledge.
Rogue ?? How high up on the latter do you need to go ??
Head Joint Chiefs of Staff,2nd in command Plans,CCI................rogue...??..?

Tom Karamessines .

At a now defunct website was posted a page out of David Ferrie's phonebook. Next to the number for the CIA was penned next to it the extension that was identified as for Tom Karamessines. In 62-63 era Karamessines just leaving Italy and Harvey going there.
<snip>
According to the analysis of E. Martin Schotz and Vincent Salandria (in History Will Not Absolve Us, 1996), “And yet the White House had informed President Johnson and the other occupants of Air Force One, all of them witnesses to the hail of bullets which had poured down on Dealey Plaza, that as of the afternoon of the assassination there was to be no conspiracy and that Oswald was to be the lone assassin. If White’s report were correct this would mean that federal officials in Washington were marrying the government to the cover-up of Oswald as the lone assassin virtually instantaneously. This could have occurred only if those federal authorities had had foreknowledge that the evidence would implicate Oswald and that he would have ‘no confederates.’ An innocent government could not have reacted in such a fashion internally.”
<snip>

You've got a lot of interesting points to share, Steven, I'll grant you that.

For one thing, you've identified Tom Karamessines at a very high level in the Pentagon, who seems to be connected with David Ferrie, an acknowledged JFK plotter. I'll need to research his involvement more carefully. So I thank you for that.

Many of the other points you made, Steven, were circumstantial -- the sort of evidence used to convict Lee Harvey Oswald. You've shown loose connections -- and even a plethora of loose connections -- but still no smoking gun.

I admit that the ranking of Tom Karamessines is important, however, and I put him on my To-Do list.

To illustrate what I mean by circumstantial evidence, I want to return to your citation from Schotz and Salandria (History Will Not Absolve Us, 1996). IMHO, the mistake they make is the same as Joan Mellen's mistake in her book on Jim Garrison (Farewell to Justice, 2005), namely, they concluded that they saw CIA "foreknowledge" by using only fragmentary evidence.

According to Joan Mellen, the quasi-CIA processing of grammar-school dropout, Thomas Edward Beckham at the request of Fred Crisman at an US military base was CIA foreknowledge of the JFK murder, and direct complicity, since she concluded that the CIA attempted to make a standby patsy out of young Beckham.

Despite the wealth of historical facts that Mellen delivers, she was obviously reaching with her conclusion about CIA foreknowledge just because Beckham received special attention.

In the same way, Schotz and Salandria claim that "federal officials in Washington were marrying the government to the cover-up of Oswald as the lone assassin virtually instantaneously," and this fact to them was proof of a federal foreknowledge of the JFK murder plot. IMHO this is too hasty -- there are other plausible explanations.

I can easily suppose, for example, that these federal officials recognized almost immediately who the plotters were, and what they were trying to accomplish (i.e. invasion of Cuba and revenge on Fidel Castro), and so they quickly acted to foil that movement on a moment's notice.

Schotz and Salandria conclude: "An innocent government could not have reacted in such a fashion internally.” They are mistaken; like Joan Mellen, they rush to judgment. Rather, it remains possible for an innocent government to react quickly IF AND ONLY IF THE REAL CRIMINALS WERE DETECTED INSTANTLY.

If I'm correct, the question immediately arises -- "then why not just prosecute the criminals directly?" The response is the same as the response given by LBJ, Allen Dulles, Earl Warren and J. Edgar Hoover, namely: NATIONAL SECURITY.

This was the Cold War. It's difficult for us today to appreciate the dualism in which Americans lived in 1963. Civil Rights marches in the streets were condemned as Communist plots by most citizens in the South, by many in the North, and by many Congressmen and Senators.

America was divided. A sharp attack on the right-wing (which wanted to invade Cuba) in revenge for the JFK murder could have easily resulted in a Civil War. During the Cold War, a Civil War would have quickly turned into a new World War.

So, I agree with LBJ, Dulles, Warren and Hoover -- NATIONAL SECURITY was a legitimate reason to cover-up the truth about the JFK murder.

In this sense, Lee Harvey Oswald was not only the scape-goat of the JFK murder, but also the Savior of the World vis-à-vis World War III -- because Oswald took all the sins of the world on his shoulders.

Schotz and Salandria don't see that logic -- and neither does Joan Mellen. Yet I think it should be recognized and answered plainly.

The result of my logic is that high-placed ROGUES murdered JFK, and the US government foiled the second phase of the ROGUES' plot -- to murder Fidel Castro as well. This explanation fits all the evidence that I've seen so far.

However, I'm always looking for the person highest up the Pentagon ladder, Steven. Up until today I thought that General Lansdale was the highest level ROGUE on our radar. I will now research Tom Karamessines, with special thanks to you.

Best regards,

--Paul Trejo

<edit typos>

Edited by Paul Trejo
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Many of the other points you made, Steven, were circumstantial -- the sort of evidence used to convict Lee Harvey Oswald. You've shown loose connections -- and even a plethora of loose connections -- but still no smoking gun. // Paul Trejo

+++++++++++++++++++
Yes Paul I dont have the CIA kill JFK memo,however, I do have the weight of the evidence showing it was CIA TOP level and not rouge.

========================================================================

Who Really Killed Kennedy? by Jerome Corsi Reviewed by Vasilios Vazakas
(CHICAGO PLOT ,VERY POWERFUL COINSPIRATORS ......NOT ROGUE,GAAL)
The plot to kill Kennedy in Chicago involved a patsy by the name of Thomas Vallee. Like Oswald, he was an ex-Marine. But unlike Oswald, he was afflicted with mental problems due to a combat injury. Again, like Oswald, he served at a U-2 base in Japan, was involved with Cuban exiles and worked in a place overlooking the Presidential route from a building next to a difficult left turn, like the one in Dallas, on Elm Street. Vallee had been diagnosed as schizophrenic, something that Oswald had not been. If one examines the Clinton-Jackson incident, one would think that Shaw and Ferrie were planning to have Oswald work in a mental hospital. The plan did not materialize. But if Oswald had secured a job there, it would have been easy after JFK's assassination to switch the files to show that Oswald was a patient at the Jackson hospital.

Besides their similarities, Oswald and Vallee had some important differences. Vallee had not visited the Cuban and Soviet embassies in Mexico City. Therefore, there was no indication he had met with Valeri Kostikov. If the Chicago plot had succeeded, it would have been much more difficult for the plotters to have been able to blame Cuba and/or the Soviet Union, and use that as leverage to force a cover up. Which is what LBJ used to force Earl Warren and Sen. Richard Russell to go along with the cover up.

================================

(James Jesus Angleton is meeting with high ranking official of SDECE on 11/22/63. JJA ready to blame "Communist Infiltrator" in SDECE if necessary. FOREKNOWLEDGE ,GAAL)

To understand the role of the "French Connection" one should read Henrik Kruger's excellent book The Great Heroin Coup where he unravels Nixon's plan to develop a new drug superagency to control world heroin trade. Nixon's public declaration in June 1971 of his war on heroin promptly led to his assemblage of White House Plumbers, Cubans, and even "hit squads" with the avowed purpose of combating the international narcotics traffic. The "great heroin coup" – the "remarkable shift" from Marseilles (Corsican) to Southeast Asian and Mexican (Mafia) heroin in the United States – was a deliberate move to reconstruct and redirect the heroin trade, rather than to eliminate it. And that Cuban exiles, Santo Trafficante, the CIA, and the Nixon White House were all involved. The major points from Kruger's book are:

  • Edward Lansdale and Lucien Conein began the war against the Corsican mafia in southeast Asia and paved the way for the CIA and Trafficante in that area.
  • Lansky and Trafficante made all the necessary arrangements in southeast Asia to assume control of the opium production with the help of CIA.
  • In 1971 the great heroin coup was underway. Cuban exiles were involved in the White House drug operation with E.H.Hunt and Lucien Conein. The US drug enforcement agencies waged an all out war against the Corsican/Marseilles/Turkey/USA drug network, i.e. against the French Connection. The French connection network was run by CIA's arch-enemies, the French intelligence SDECE who were loyal to DeGaulle, and were competing with CIA over the control of the world heroin trade. The CIA achieved two things with the heroin coup. To take over the heroin trade from the French and second with the help of their ally, Pompidou the new French President, to crush the old Gaullist intelligence network.
  • The CIA faction associated with the heroin coup was the China/SE Asia/Cuba lobby, and E. H. Hunt was the main representative of that lobby.
  • When the French network was defeated, heroin began flowing into the USA from SE Asia and Mexico. And the man Hunt named as a shooter behind the picket fence, Lucien Sarti was one of the victims of this war when he was killed in Mexico on April 1972.

From the above, one could conclude that the CIA, in their effort to crush this Corsican and SDECE network, blamed them for the assassination of JFK, labeling them as false sponsors of the plot. This is evident in Steve Rivele's original false theory, the one that ran on the first installment of The Men Who Killed Kennedy. It may be echoed in E. H. Hunt's deathbed confession that Lucien Sarti was the shooter behind the picket fence. Lamar Waldron names Michel Victor Mertz as one of the assassins, a man who was a member of SDECE and an enemy of OAS, the organization that tried to murder Charles DeGaulle, the same man that saved DeGaulle's life. Which makes Corsi's reliance on Waldron and this idea that the Diem heroin dynasty, the American and Marseille mafia were responsible for the assassination look kind of silly.

Corsi discusses the French Connection and a CIA released document confirming that a French assassin was apprehended in Dallas on November 1963. The memo names this assassin as Jean Souetre, a.k.a. Michel Roux, a.k.a Michel Mertz. Now Corsi makes the mistake of repeatedly calling him a Corsican hit man. In reality neither of these men were Corsican, but Frenchmen from the mainland. The OAS hated JFK for supporting Algerian independence. Eugene Dinkin a US army code breaker referred to in Dick Russell's, The Man who Knew too Much, discovered a message that JFK was to be assassinated in November. Dinkin was stationed in Metz, France and one of his duties was to decipher cable traffic originating with the OAS.

Souetre gave an interview later which confused things even more. He claimed that he was in Spain that day, not Dallas, and that he could prove it. He said that a man named Michel Victor Mertz, a narcotics smuggler and SDECE agent, was actually impersonating him in order to leave a trail that could lead, not back to Mertz, but to his enemy Souetre. Of course it could have been the other way round: it was Souetre who was impersonating Mertz. Michel Victor Mertz was an agent of SDECE, the agency that was competing with the CIA for the control of drug supplies. James Jesus Angleton was in contact with SDECE and especially a man named Phillipe de Vosjoli, who many believe was spying against his country for Angleton.

A third alternative is that neither Mertz nor Souetre were involved in the assassination. And this dual confusion of two men using each other's name was deliberately designed to confuse researchers and again create a cognitive dissonance were everything is possible but nothing is certain. We recognize again the so familiar wilderness of mirrors strategy of "CIA's Magicians" at work.

+++++++++++

+++++++++++

FROM DEEP POLITICS FORUM

###################

Jan Klimkowski
01-12-2012, 07:15 PM
===============
The Angleton Connection

In regard to the second question, leads to the CIA's notorious chief of counter-intelligence, James Jesus Angleton, had emanated from the Rosal case. Specifically, inside Ambassador Rosal's pocket at the time of his arrest was the address of Stig Wennerstrom, a former Swedish military attaché to the United States, and a close friend of Philippe de Vosjoli. De Vosjoli at the time was the French intelligence service's liaison to Angleton. But more importantly, de Vosjoli was also a double-agent working for Angleton against his own country.

By de Vosjoli's account, Wennerstrom was "an associate" of several French intelligence officers stationed in Washington. De Vosjoli's charge led Angleton to believe that the Soviet intelligence service, the KGB, had penetrated the French intelligence service, SDECE. In Angleton's mind, this belief was confirmed in December 1961 by the famous KGB defector, Anatoly Golitsyn. And for this reason, Angleton, who had long been associated with Irving Brown, apparently decided to penetrate the French drug-smuggling milieu, as a way of uncovering further evidence that SDECE, which had long been involved in smuggling narcotics out of Indochina, was penetrated by the KGB. And Angleton's use of drug smugglers as counter-intelligence agents brings us back to the first question: who were Irving Brown and Carmel Offie?

Briefly, Irving Brown was a disciple of Jay Lovestone, who in the 1920s was the leader of America's Communist Party. But after a dispute with Stalin in 1929, Lovestone defected, and with Brown's help, began rooting Communists out of American labor unions. In return for his counter-espionage work, Brown was assigned as the AFL's representative to the War Production Board during World War II, and afterwards began to work for the CIA under AFL cover in Europe and Africa.
================================
Christer Forslund
01-12-2012, 08:09 PM
The Angleton Connection

In regard to the second question, leads to the CIA's notorious chief of counter-intelligence, James Jesus Angleton, had emanated from the Rosal case. Specifically, inside Ambassador Rosal's pocket at the time of his arrest was the address of Stig Wennerstrom, a former Swedish military attaché to the United States, and a close friend of Philippe de Vosjoli. De Vosjoli at the time was the French intelligence service's liaison to Angleton. But more importantly, de Vosjoli was also a double-agent working for Angleton against his own country.

By de Vosjoli's account, Wennerstrom was "an associate" of several French intelligence officers stationed in Washington. De Vosjoli's charge led Angleton to believe that the Soviet intelligence service, the KGB, had penetrated the French intelligence service, SDECE. In Angleton's mind, this belief was confirmed in December 1961 by the famous KGB defector, Anatoly Golitsyn.

A further note on Wennerström, (from Wikipedia):

Stig Erik Constans Wennerström (August 22, 1906 – March 22, 2006) was a colonel (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colonel) in the Swedish Air Force (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_Air_Force) who was convicted of espionage (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Espionage) in 1964.

During the 1950s, he leaked the Swedish air defence plans and the entire Saab Draken (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saab_Draken) fighter jet project to the Soviet Union (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union). He also worked as a military attaché (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_attach%C3%A9) in Washington, DC (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Washington,_DC), where he was very useful to the Russian military intelligence agency, the GRU (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU). He also served in the same role in Moscow (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow).
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Vasilios Vazakas
01-24-2012, 11:49 AM
We all know about the CIA ducument saying that Jean Souetre was in Fort Worth on the morning of Nov.22 1963 and in Dallas the afternoon of the same day.
There is a dispute a to wether the man in question was Jean Souetre or Michel Victor Mertz.

1. Jean Souetre
Member of the French OAS, assassination attempts against DeGaulle. The OAS hated JFK for supporting the Algeria independence.
Souetre was in conduct with Banister and E.H.Hunt, perhaps for operations against Fidel Castro, not necessarily to murder JFK, but it could be possible tha he was.
Eugene Dinkin a US army code breaker (the man who knew too much) discovered a messsage that JFK was to be assassinated in November.
Dinkin was staged in Metz France and one of his duties was to decipher cable trafficking originating with the OAS.
Souetre gave an interview later and claimed that he was in Spain and not in Dallas and that he could prove it.
He said that a man named Michel Victor Mertz, a narcotics smuggler and SDECE agent was impersonating him in order
to leave a trail that could lead not back to Mertz but to his enemy Souetre. Of course it could have been the other way round and it was Souetre
who was impersonating Mertz.

2. Michel Victor Mertz was an agent of SDECE. James Jesus Angleton was in contact with SDECE and especially a man
named Phillipe de Vosjoli that many believe that he was spying against his country for Angeton. Now most of us accept that Angleton
was one of the main facilitators of the plot specially in framing Oswald. If he was also the facilitator that organized the shooters he
might have asked Vosjoli's help to recruit shooters from the French underworld connected to either the OAS or the SDECE.

3. A third alternative is that neither Mertz or Souetre were involved in the assassination and this dual confussion of two men using its other's
name was deliberately designed to confuse researchers and again create a cognitive dissonance were everything is possible but nothing is certain.
Similar to two Z films, two autopsies two everything.

It is more likely that the shooters came from the ranks of CIA special ops soldiers staged in Laos or Vietnam with no loose ends and connections that can be
traced back to their origins, like French terrorists, heroin smugglers or French agents could be traced.
Edited by Steven Gaal
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Reading through this thread and especially the part regarding George HW Bush's whereabouts/alibi on November 22, one name jumped out at me: Wendell Cherry.

Is this the Wendell Cherry, who in 1963 was a lawyer/law professor at the University of Louisville, and who in 1961 was a partner with David Jones in a business then called Extendicare...which later became insurance giant Humana? In 1963, this Wendell Cherry would have been 28 years old. But at the time, all his teaching and business concerns were located primarily in Kentucky.

If it's the same Wendell Cherry...what [allegedly] brought him to Tyler, Texas that day?

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Reading through this thread and especially the part regarding George HW Bush's whereabouts/alibi on November 22, one name jumped out at me: Wendell Cherry.

Is this the Wendell Cherry, who in 1963 was a lawyer/law professor at the University of Louisville, and who in 1961 was a partner with David Jones in a business then called Extendicare...which later became insurance giant Humana? In 1963, this Wendell Cherry would have been 28 years old. But at the time, all his teaching and business concerns were located primarily in Kentucky.

If it's the same Wendell Cherry...what [allegedly] brought him to Tyler, Texas that day?

Dont think so Mark for Cherry a common name.

(Kiwanis Club )
“I remember it was a beautiful fall day,” recalled Aubrey Irby, the former Kiwanis vice president. “George had just started to give his speech when Smitty, head bellhop, tapped me on the shoulder to say that President Kennedy had been shot. I gave the news to the president of the club, Wendell Cherry,
=====================================
Cherry: 17 results for Cherry in Tyler TX White Pages
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According to Neuville, « There are no coincidences in the suspicion business—just cover-ups. The case of communist infiltration of the French secret service was an appropriate cover-up to justify the presence of Colonel deLannurien at Langley, Virginia. » (653)

It seems obvious that Angleton and deLannurien were together for a very specific purpose: damage control—making sure that the assassination cover-up fell into place after the crime itself had been committed. (yes, this is Foreknowledge)

Angleton himself told the House Assassinations Committee that de Lannurien had come to his office for just that purpose: seeking assistance in routing out communist moles in the SDECE. (654)

+++++++++++++++++++++

Shooters selected by Lansdale (He has ideological expertise) would have to be amenable to shooting his (the Shooters) BOSS the POTUS.

JFK researcher Richard Bartholomew traced Lansdale traveling to Special Forces bases in Panama,Georgia and Texas in the summer of 63. (to select shooters)

At Special Forces bases terminal accidents are commonplace thus the elimination of said shooters would not be noticed. Lansdale's secrecy classification would allow him access to the extensive psychological profiles of Special Forces personnel.

Maybe Special Forces people were even given proof/info that JFK was sleeping with a communist spy. Shooting the POTUS would thus be a National Security necessity.

SEE = POST # 35 above

To control JFK British used BLACKMAIL ??

++++++++++

++++++++++

Instruments of Statecraft: U.S. Guerilla Warfare, Counterinsurgency, and Counterterrorism, 1940-1990

Edward Geary Lansdale and the New Counterinsurgency Lansdale in the White House

Even before his inauguration, Kennedy had access to extensive policy planning studies on Vietnam through unofficial channels; according to one former Harvard classmate (then the State Department desk officer on Vietnam), the president-elect had even reviewed and approved a Saigon embassy "shopping list" for Vietnamese counterinsurgency.1 Kennedy also received one or more of Edward Lansdale's "think" papers on Vietnam and was roundly impressed by his advocacy of a "nonbureaucratic" approach to counterinsurgency.2 Kennedy's prompt approval just ten days after taking office of a new "Counterinsurgency Plan" for Vietnam-a shift away from a prior emphasis on a Korea-style threat to South Vietnam-suggests a more than casual acquaintance with the issues involved. The Vietnam reappraisal had been developed after the I September 1960 appointment of a new American commander there, Lt. Gen. Lionel C. McGarr, who determined to "redirect . . . training and operations emphasis towards a greatly improved counterguerrilla posture."3

Although the means proposed in the Vietnam plan to readjust to insurgency were not particularly innovative, the plan represented a departure from the previous emphasis on assistance in developing a strictly conventional military establishment in Vietnam. Although the Special Forces were assigned for the first time a counterinsurgent role in Vietnam in 1960,), their purpose there was only to provide Ranger training The doctrine with which General McGarr proposed to develop the "counter-guerrilla posture" was essentially traditional, based on the U. S. military's long experience as an occupation or peacekeeping force. Only in 1961, when a presidential demand was made for a purpose-built counterinsurgency establishment, was the Special Forces/Special Warfare Center development of unconventional warfare adopted across the board as the foundation of a military doctrine of counterinsurgency. The military core of unconventional warfare, the organization, tactics and techniques of America's covert CIA and Special Forces "guerrillas," provided a nucleus for the new doctrine of counterinsurgency. The trimmings of economic development, social and political reform, and sophisticated formulations of Ed Lansdale's "decency and brotherhood" approach merely embellished that nucleus of unconventional tactics and techniques.

To the incoming Kennedy administration, there were few Americans more eminently qualified to advise on unconventional warfare and the American role in Indochina than Edward Geary Lansdale. Although Lansdale's reputation as a practical, sensitive counterinsurgent would be tarnished in the 1960s, his public legend would endure. General Lansdale was, in any case, one of the most influential of American counterinsurgents, and important if only because his role as a principal spanned the formative years of the doctrine, from the Philippines of the 1940s to Vietnam in the 1960s.

Lansdale was pulled out of Saigon in 1956, after two years as President Diem's house guest and confidant, and kicked upstairs back in Washington to the Office of the Secretary of Defense in 1957, to serve as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Special Operations. Over the next four years Lansdale would quietly participate in both covert operations and military diplomacy. Although he generally operated under an appropriate cover, his reception by cronies and counterparts overseas occasionally made the nature of his activities quite transparent. Through his own flair for publicity, by 1960 he had become a celebrity-particularly in the Pacific. In January-February 1959, for example, Lansdale traveled to Saigon and Manila with the President's Committee on Military Assistance (the Draper Committee). His reception in Manila-where he was universally considered a top CIA officer-was of considerable embarrassment to the committee: A memorandum between his colleagues said he was going "officially" under Draper aegis to his "old-stomping grounds.... Covering points of tourist interests such as Manila, Saigon, etc. of South-East Asia." # 4

As the end of the Eisenhower administration approached, General Lansdale continued to play a part in U.S. policy on Indochina with a series of influential memoranda. Although Lansdale was almost unique in pressing for the development of unconventional warfare capabilities there, his analysis of the nature of the insurgency in Vietnam was not particularly unique. The official army history of the period observes that the military's major 1960 Indochina policy report portrayed the people of Vietnam as "apathetic, pliable, and willing to obey any authority which held superior power"; in the degree to which it ignored political change and the insurgency's revolutionary nature, the report could have been written "by an American consular officer in Indochina during the 1920s and 1930s or by a French colonial administrator."5 An 11 August 1960 report by General Lansdale expressed a similar view: "Most farmers, he believed, helped the Viet Cong either because of anger at the government-mostly attributable to the misbehavior of troops on counterinsurgency operations-or because of fear of Viet Cong terrorism."6

He still saw a Philippine-style solution for Vietnam-that is, winning over the people merely by ensuring troops behaved decently (although twenty years later he would acknowledge this was easier said than done).

The assessment put forward in Lansdale's memorandum to the Secretary of Defense in January 1961, a few days before the inauguration of John F. Kennedy, reiterated his earlier views: The Vietcong had been imposed on the South Vietnamese; the insurgency depended on sustained support from outside South Vietnam; and President Diem was indispensable to counter the communist threat.7 He differed from the military establishment primarily in recognizing that there was indeed a problem of insurgency in Vietnam, and not only the threat of a conventional invasion from the North. Lansdale's memorandum was considered deeply profound by the incoming administration, and it cemented the general's position as an in-house Indochina counterinsurgency expert.

Upon taking office, Kennedy brought Lansdale to the White House for a meeting of top Pentagon, State Department, and National Security Officers, and-apparently to their horror-intimated there that Lansdale could be the next U. S. ambassador in Saigon.8 The new administration's Undersecretary of Defense, Roswell Gilpatric, reminiscing on his dealings with Lansdale years later for an archive oral history project, explained that although Lansdale was an outcast with his military peers, and perhaps even less esteemed by the State Department, the White House was impressed with him:

===

Lansdale was not in favor . . . during my period, with either the military or with the State Department. He was in the doghouse with both of them. And I was convinced they were wrong. I was convinced he was not a wheeler dealer; he was not an irresponsible swashbuckler, and I finally succeeded in getting him his star as a general-very difficult . . . he was the object of some distrust. I thought and still think he was a very able person.... Anyway, he remained active, both in connection with Southeast Asia and Cuba, up until the time I left in January of '64.9

A key to Lansdale's influence, as noted by Gilpatric, was a peculiar ability to relate to policymakers, if not to his own military colleagues:

===

[H]e was an unusual military type in that he was completely uninhibited in dealing with politicians and civilians. And he apparently set out on his own to educate the new team. But since he was in my office, the office of deputy secretary, I had the most contact with him. And within a matter of weeks I'd been asked by the president to head up a task force, the first task force on Vietnam, and I made Lansdale my project officer. So he was the one on the military side, other than the uniform people on the Joint Staff and the Joint Chiefs themselves, that we were exposed to.10

Lansdale's personal experience clearly carried a great deal of weight with both Gilpatric and Kennedy himself: "He'd been out there a great deal. He'd been personal advisor to [Ngo Dinh] Diem. Previous to that, he'd been advisor to the Philippine government in its guerrilla problems.... I may have gotten a somewhat biased view, but I at least got a very concrete, specific one...."11

Lansdale did not get the ambassadorship, but in April 1961, his reputation was such that the Kennedy administration's program to "turn around" the Cuban Revolution in the aftermath of the Bay of Pigs was put under his direction. Operation MONGOOSE, which was to become the largest clandestine operation since the Bay of Pigs, was intended to replace the Castro government and included elaborate plans to expedite the operation through Castro's murder. Lansdale later mused to a Harvard researcher about how Kennedy's more ambitious plans for him had been scotched by the bureaucrats of State and Defense: "This 'crazy'

Air Force general with a CIA taint had been for two years safely institutionalized as a special assistant. . . and was about to be retired."12 Lansdale's eccentricities apparently failed to detract from the appeal his imagination exerted on influential members of the Kennedy circle, even though his views on "practical counterinsurgency," while simple, were rarely practical. Lansdale remained a principal adviser on counterinsurgency during Kennedy's administration and upon his own return to Vietnam in 1965.

General Lansdale's position in the Defense Department made him a natural pole of attraction for the counterinsurgency dignitaries of allied nations and an intermediary through which counterinsurgency innovations were considered and disseminated through the American establishment. Congressmen, journalists, and publishers concerned with the United States' posture in the Cold War naturally gravitated to Lansdale, and their interest occasionally gave resonance to the new concepts of counterinsurgency and special warfare. Publisher Frederick Praeger, already the publisher of military texts used in the military schools, visited General Lansdale in May 1961 to talk counterinsurgency, and expressed his interest in publishing "texts on guerrilla warfare." Over the next years, Lansdale corresponded with Praeger and advised him on "retired U.S. [officers] and officers in foreign armed forces" as likely authors. Praeger, in turn, churned out a virtual counterinsurgency library within a few years.

A proposal to use Israeli trainers to establish strategic "military-economic self-defense" communities in Laos crossed General Lansdale's desk in June 1961; it prompted both an exchange of memoranda on the theme with Walt Rostow and Lansdale's OWTI close examination of Israel's methods. The initial response to the scheme suggested his already considerable familiarity with Israeli counterinsurgency:

===

I do want to comment on Sander's premise that Israeli trainers should play a major role in engineering such defense groupings. We must always recognize that the skill of the Israelis in their own program was really secondary to the terrific motivation which drove them onward to success. Lack of this motivation prejudiced the programs in Burma and Algeria.13

General Lansdale subsequently met the new Israeli military attache to Washington, Colonel Yehuda Prinhar. In a 30 August memo to Defense Secretary McNamara and Deputy Secretary Gilpatric, Lansdale reported on an initial meeting with Colonel Prihar, and stated his intention to take up an invitation from the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to visit Israel to study "antiguerrilla concepts." General Lansdale (and Major J. K. Patchoell) arrived on 15 October 1961: His hand-annotated itinerary records meeting with the IDF intelligence and operations chiefs, the commander of the NAHAL organization and visits to NAHAL outposts, and "a settlement organized for self-defense" under the Territorial Defense system. Training establishments visited included the Gadna (Youth Battalions) Center near Tel Aviv, and the Airborne Center ("the Special Warfare Organ here").

General Lansdale had previously arranged a briefing by Colonel Prihar for top American defense officials in September 1961 in the Defense Secretary's office (to which he invited General Maxwell Taylor and CIA chief Allen Dulles). Memoranda concerning the briefing suggest the respect Israel's counterinsurgency skills were accorded and an awareness of Israel's earlier overseas advisory missions:

===

Colonel Prihar was himself a classic transnational counterinsurgent, having served in the British army in World War II, joined the Israel Defense Force in 1948, and subsequently heading the IDF Infantry School and Joint Command and Staff Schools. He had also participated in what may have been one of the first of Israel's overseas advisory missions, the "Israeli Survey Team" to advise "on ways and means to cope" with Burmese insurgency. In his Pentagon lecture, Colonel Prihar discussed

The Israeli [sic] arc real experts at unconventional warfare. Colonel Prihar himself is one of the best, and was an advisor to the Burmese army in its counter-insurgency campaign. I had hoped to arrange a seminar session for him at the Counter-guerrilla School at Fort Bragg, but Lebanese officers in the class might have proved embarrassing and there was no diplomatic way of eliminating them. I am now arranging a seminar for Colonel Prihar in the Pentagon. We will tape this, so that we can produce a case study similar to the "Anti-Huk[balahap] Campaign in the Philippines ... and then disseminate a written version.... [T]his should prove of value to the U. S. military.14

===

General Lansdale's scope also extended to the Americas, with visits to both the U. S. Caribbean Command and Venezuela in March 1963.16 The Bolivan Special Forces were the next to host General Lansdale in May 1963 (four years before their duel with Che Guevara). On 28 May, General Lansdale accompanied Caribbean Command chief General Andrew O'Meara to the inauguration of the Bolivian's new Counterinsurgency Center-Centro de Instrucción de Tropas Especiales (CITE) at La Chimba.17 Lansdale's first assignment in the Americas, however, was to complete the task that the Bay of Pigs invasion had begun-Operation MONGOOSE.

Israeli concepts of the military's role in nation building, with emphasis on the methods the Israeli Government has developed to protect national borders from infiltration (the so-called "strong village" concept) and other measures of strengthening rural areas from inroads by hostile guerrilla and other paramilitary forces.15

Operation MONGOOSE

Both the president and his brother Robert made it clear to the CIA and the military that "they wanted Castro out of there, "18 and that "no time, effort or manpower" was to be spared in removing Cuba's revolutionary government. The ClA's response was the largest of its clandestine operations of the time. From 1961 to 1964, MONGOOSE pitted the covert forces of the United States against Cuba, until President Lyndon Johnson reportedly called it quits.

The Special Group Augmented (SGA) was established under McGeorge Bundy's chairmanship in November 1961 to supervise the operation. At Kennedy's request, the group appointed General Edward Lansdale as operations chief. Lansdale chose the code name MONGOOSE for the Cuba campaign. His initial plan was in keeping with his reputation for imaginative counterinsurgency, and as such was utterly unrealistic: He "drew up an elaborate scenario with a precise timetable calling for a march on Havana and the overthrow of Castro in October 1962. It was all worked out on paper."19 Although the CIA rapidly learned (or knew all along) that there were no tangible prospects of a general uprising in Cuba, it proceeded with a program of covert operations similar to the harrying raids conducted against Nicaragua in 19811983: "Mongoose gradually shifted its emphasis from resistance-building toward sabotage, paramilitary raids, efforts to disrupt the Cuban economy by contaminating sugar exports, circulating counterfeit money and ration books, and the like. 'We want boom-and-bang on the island,' Lansdale said." 21

Lansdale's own role was to be both coordinator and idea man, although, as Thomas Powers recalls, "He was uneven in judgment. Nutty ideas sometimes seemed to strike him as imaginative and plausible."21 One such idea was to exploit the alleged Cuban wont for "superstition":

===

Lansdale himself may have been prepared to ride a donkey into Havana as the climax to the show. In 1950, a Lansdale scheme to dress a U.S. submarine in Soviet livery in order to lure Philippine guerrillas into an ambush was scuttled by higher-ups; Lansdale later complained that the request "seemed only to arouse their suspicions that I had gone insane."2

Cuba was to be flooded with rumors that the Second Coming was imminent, that Christ had picked Cuba for His arrival, and that He wanted the Cubans to act rid of Castro first. Then, on the night foretold, a U. S. submarine would surface off the coast of Cuba and litter the sky with star shells, which would convince the Cubans that The Hour was at hand.22

As Lansdale dreamed up new scenarios for Cuba, a considerable proportion of the operation was directed toward a single objective: the assassination of Fidel Castro. The plot to murder Castro had apparently been initiated in 1960, and involved the now-familiar recruitment of organized crime figures as contract killers, and the development of poisons by the CIA's Technical Services Division. Efforts were reportedly redoubled in the fall of 1961 after covert action chief Richard Bissell (Deputy Director for Plans) "was chewed out [for] sitting on his ass and not doing anything about getting rid of Castro and the Castro regime."24 The CIA subsequently organized a unit with its Task Force W, the ZR/ RIFLE group, to carry out "Executive Action"-that is, assassinations-and on 16 November 1961 discussed its use for killing Castro.25 Assassination teams, again linking the CIA with organized crime, went into Cuba in 1962, while more bizarre schemes continued until shortly after ['resident Kennedy's own murder: Among them were attempts to eliminate Castro with such devices as exploding giant clams (while he was skin-diving) and poisoned cigars."

Colonel Lansdale may have been deliberately kept in the dark, but not because of any particular squeamishness on his part. Thomas Powers discusses Lansdale's role in the light of the CIA's silence regarding assassination in both interdepartmental meetings and memoranda, and describes the reaction of William Harvey, head of Task Force W, to a Lansdale memorandum on assassinations:

===

Ten years later Lyndon Johnson bluntly assessed the whole affair: "We had been operating a damned Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean."28

Harvey was doubly astonished . . . on August 13 [1962], when he got an official memo from Edward G. Lansdale. . . which explicitly requested Harvey to prepare papers on various anti- Castro programs "including liquidation of leaders." Harvey . . . told Lansdale in plain terms what he thought of the "stupidity of putting this type of comment in writing in such a document."27

Rather more important than the colorful eccentricities of Lansdale and the Technical Services Division was the significance of Operation MONGOOSE as a prototype destabilization or "bleeding" campaign. If the United States could not remove and replace the Cuban government, it would make the Cuban people suffer-by destroying its sugar economy, power plants, its peace of mind. Gilpatric recalls:

===

MONGOOSE involved both American agents and Cuban exiles, although the latter comprised the bulk of the forces sent in on raids and sabotage missions. According to Gilpatric, forces sent in "varied from teams of four or five individuals put in to sometimes several times that, " with every detail of each operation closely monitored by the Special Group Augmented (which Gilpatric refers to as the 54-12 group).30 Gilpatric also suggests that Cuban exile terrorist groups, like Alpha 66, which were allegedly renegades beyond CIA control at the time (and gunning for the president himself after the "betrayal" at the Bay of Pigs), were in fact a part of the ongoing

The agency was allowed to put agents into Cuba for purposes of sabotage, for purposes of trying to disrupt the strengthening of the regime's control [and] of keeping the Castro regime so off stride and unsettled that it couldn't concentrate its activities to harmful ends elsewhere. And so the agency . . . was very aggressive in coming forward with schemes, some of which were really quite fantastic and never got off the ground. Others made a lot of sense, some of which did prove to be effective and successful.29

after the "betrayal" at the Bay of Pigs), were in fact a part of the ongoing American government effort to harass Cuba.31

A thread of continuity runs from the covert American programs against Cuba in the 1960s into the covert operations in Africa in the 1970s and in Nicaragua in the 1980s, in the persons of Cuban exiles recruited for the Bay of Pigs and subsequent MONGOOSE offensives. As in the 1950s, when the Lodge bill facilitated the recruitment of East European emigres for the army's new Special Forces, legislation in the aftermath of the Bay of Pigs permitted the regularization of America's Cuban "paramilitary assets" as U.S. government personnel.

Details on the careers of some Bay of Pigs veterans have emerged as a consequence of both the October 1986 downing of American flyer Eugene Hasenfus in Nicaragua and the "Contra-gate" investigations. Hasenfus and Nicaraguan authorities claimed that two of the link men in the contra resupply operation in El Salvador were Cuban exiles, already well known for their service with the CIA; these allegations were subsequently investigated and confirmed by the news media and congressional aides. Among these link men were the apparent head of the operation at San Salvador's military airport, Illopango, Felix Martinez (under the pseudonym Max Gomez), and another Bay of Pigs veteran, Luis Posada Carriles (under the name Ramon Medina).32 Congressional aides were particularly outraged at the discovery-just as American counterterrorism proposals were taken to Congress-that one of the resupply officers had previously been detained in Venezuela as an international terrorist. Posada Carriles had escaped from a Venezuelan jail on 17 August 1985, after nearly ten years' imprisonment for the bombing of a Cuban civil airliner.

The 1976 bombing killed all seventy-three people aboard, including most of Cuba's 1976 Pan American Games team-a slaughter as terrible as that of the Munich Olympics (this was to date the only terrorist bombing of its kind of a Latin American airliner). Subsequent inquiries confirmed that Posada Carriles had served in the Bay of Pigs invasion as an explosives expert and was later commissioned in the U.S. Army. The State Department reported to Congress that

===

The CIA, in turn, could not-or would not-provide information on Posada Carriles (or Ramon Medina), and stated that "it did not provide any assistance, direct or indirect, to facilitate the escape of Luis Posada from jail in Venezuela, or his entry into El Salvador."34

[Luis Clemente] Posada-Carriles was appointed as a 2Lt [second Lieutenant] in the US Army in March 1963 under the Cuban exile voluIlteer program. He served in the US Army until September 1966. Records of the Department of Army reflect that an extensive investigative file exists on Posada- Carnles subsequent to his entry on active duty. The investigation was predicated on information . . . pertaining to his alleged involvement in Cuban exile activities in Florida and elsewhere in the Americas which reportedly included possible violations of US federal statutes.... Posada-Carriles' Army investigative file was requested (by name) and was furnished to the House Select Committee on Assassination in 1978.33

The Kennedy administration's Operation MONGOOSE began to fade soon after the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. At the height of the crisis, an order went down to halt the raids on Cuba, but it was disregarded: A raid led by Eugenio Martínez (later of Watergate renown) was in progress on 21 October as Kennedy announced a blockade of Cuba.35 In the following months, the Special Group Augmented was disbanded, General Lansdale moved on to other projects, and the CIA's own professionals were left to get on with the Cuban unconventional warfare campaign of sabotage and assassination. Major operations continued to be mounted throughout 1963 and into the next year. But with the assassination of John F. Kennedy on 22 November, the heart went out of the offensive; Lyndon Johnson, never a fan of unconventional warfare, ordered a halt to the Cuba campaign on 7 April 1964.36

Nation-Building and "Pax Americana"

In the 1960s, Lansdale was also an enthusiastic advocate of the political side of counterinsurgency. His writings are replete with advice to aspiring counterinsurgents on the need to understand the potentially insurgent people and to win their sympathy with decency and principles of fair play. American advisers-presumably decent by nature-are counseled to impart their own fair but firm principles to their foreign Counterparts so that troops in the field will cease their age-old practices of plunder and casual brutality and get on with the job of counterinsurgency. Magsaysay's ostensible reform of the Philippine army was commonly cited as a model for moderation and civic action in counterinsurgency Lansdale pointed out in a 1957 War College discussion that the policy was only common sense:

The means to achieve the prescribed change in behavior, however, remained elusive. In a 1979 letter, he acknowledged the failure of the effort in Vietnam:

If the people fear and hate the army, they will fear and hate the government . . Col. Lansdale cited communist military occupation policy to emphasize communist understanding of the above point. When a communist army or guerrilla unit initially enters a village . . . individual soldiers . . . lay aside their arms and offer their help ill chopping wood plowing, etc. They scrupulously respect property . . . and take nothing by force.... This is in marked contrast with the normal performance of governmental soldiery.... [in] the Philippines before 1950, government troopers probably killed more civilians unnecessarily than the Huk[balahap] did, despite the accusation that Huks obtained civilian support only through coercion and terrorism.37

===

Although Lansdale encouraged humane treatment of civilians by the military, he insisted at the same time that "anything goes" in the field of psychological warfare-a contradiction in which, more often than not, the latter notion prevailed.

Civic action was essentially brotherly behavior of troops along lines taught by Mao and [Vietnamese General Vo Nguyen] Giap to their troops. Admittedly the Americans never succeeded in teaching this to the Vietnamese Army. Up to the very end of the Vietnam war the army was still stealing from the population. # 38

Lansdale's reputation as a sensitive counterinsurgent, concerned with the nonmilitary aspects of reform and development, is belied by his actual record as well as his unpublished speeches and writings. Psychological warfare was his particular metier, and he was fascinated with its possibilities: "Psychological warfare is probably man's oldest weapon, aside from bare hands. In using it in today's dirty, secretive wars, or in the future, the important thing to remember is that it is a weapon-and that a weapon has its own unique use and its own effect." #39 Lansdale was a prime example of the counterinsurgent who convinced himself that he understood the people he was working with and that, as a consequence, he could outthink and manipulate them. Psy-war, in Lansdale's view, was trickery; and trickery was to be employed even in so- called political reforms-for example, the Philippines' largely bogus program of land grants for guerrilla surrenderees.

Lansdale embraced the role of trickster, and it emerged as a prime tenet of psy-war in his lectures at the military service schools. He clearly relished the use of "dirty" tactics, especially those that contained an element of humor:

===

The Lansdale "trickster" approach to psy-war had a lasting influence on the American military, not least through the inclusion of his exuberant accounts in military training materials long after his retirement. The Department of the Army's two-volume reference tome on psychological warfare published in April 1976 (Army Pamphlet 525-7-1) reproduced several Lansdale texts on the theme. "Practical Jokes, " an article excerpted from Lansdale's autobiography In the Midst of Wars, concerns a "whole new approach" to psy-war, including such examples as the distribution of free hot chocolate and coffee to demonstrators "laced generously with a powerful laxative." Lansdale ignores the long-term political effects of such a prank, as well as the possibility of detection by the victims. (Similar anonymous "pranks" were played in 1969 against demonstrators in the March on Washington, when hot drinks laced with LSD were distributed: The rumor-perhaps false-that the villains were from army intelligence rapidly spread.)41 A free rein in devising and implementing such schemes, of course, is another aspect of the Lansdale approach. Other Lansdale psy-war pranks cited in Army Pamphlet 5257-1 and other army training manuals involve exemplary criminal violence-the murder and mutilation of captives and the display of their bodies.

As a footnote . . . remember humor-even if it is a grim practical joke that only you can afford to smile at. Humor is often the test of a good psychological operation, since humor is constructed on the frailties of mankind-and skilled playing on these frailties increases the effectiveness of the psychological weapon. Those of you who know of Admiral Miles' operations in China should recall the risks his Chinese agents took to wall-paint slogans poking fun at the Japanese. In some instances, the main motivation of volunteers who risked death doing this was the appeal of playing a prank.44

Lansdale's method for confronting Third World insurgencies was based exclusively on his success in the Philippines. It revolved around small elite teams of Americans placed in close and influential contact with indigenous personalities who would make the best puppet leaders. In the Philippines, the chosen instrument was Ramón Magsaysay, a soldier shepherded from the defense ministry to the presidency by Lansdalets elite team. In Vietnam, the instrument was Ngo Dinh Diem, sustained in power through his troubled first two years under the protective shield of another elite team. 42 Lansdale continued to put forward formal proposals to continue to pursue this approach in Vietnam well into the late 1960s.

Although Lansdale's view that problems of insurgency were resolvable by small teams and Machiavellian intrigue was most frequently expressed in his papers on the Philippine experience, a more comprehensive approach appears in an 18 June 1963 memorandum to McGeorge Bundy from adviser Gordon Chase.43 The paper, "A High-Level Look at the Cold War, " summarizes yet another Lansdale "think" piece calling on "the need for a precise strategy which will give the U.S. the win it seeks in the cold war," and proposing as the way to do this the creation of a small strategy group (to be headed by Bundy). Of the seven topics to be discussed by such a group, two are of particular relevance.

===

To propose "simple" solutions, of course, is far easier than to bring about simple solutions; and despite his access to information, General Lansdale, surprisingly, took relatively little interest in the practical details of counterinsurgency beyond his own experience. Lansdale was better known among the Kennedy circle for his "expertise" on "the political aspect" of the Cold War. As Gilpatric recalls, "Lansdale was fascinated by the political scene.... And he didn't take the same degree of interest or concern in what his military colleagues were doing on the counterinsurgency training program and development of new techniques, equipment, weapons, and so forth with guerrilla-type activities." # 44 The Human Factor-The group may want to study the feasibility of forming and deploying a super-elite (under 100 persons) in such a way as to bring about a decisive change in the outcome of the cold war. One method of deployment would be to send some of the elite into a critical area, as a replacement for a complete Country Team and with simple orders to win U. S. goals. When the elite had won, it would leave behind a blueprint for follow-up actions and return home for deployment elsewhere or for splitting up into cadres.

School for Political Action-The group may want to study the feasibility of setting up a school for political action which would create skilled free world leadership capable of competing with graduates of the Lenin and Sun Yat Sen Schools and of completely defeating Communism. However, with or without such a school . . . there is a need for a good political textbook-a modern case history text of democratic leadership in the Free World, for use at leadership levels as a sort of U. S. version of "The Prince."

In a rather garbled paper drafted in April 1954, Lansdale described his endeavors as directed toward a political object, one that smacked of neocolonialism-a "Pax Americana. " However, the U. S. empire would impose not "thugs" on its satellites but such decent people as Ramón Magsaysay (and Ngo Dinh Diem):

Fade-Out in Saigon

===

The U. S. political warrior is actually extending the Pax Americana when he works effectively. In his basic plan of operation, then, he must consider the historic nature of world leadership by one nation, including the Pax Romana with its legion and the Pax Britannica with its navy, plus the social and economic factors, in comparison with the power plays of Genghis Khan, Tamerlane or Hitler (which some of our warriors are tempted to imitate when they give power to unprincipled thugs merely because they are anti-Communist). Thus, the skilled U.S. political warrior does not picture himself as a lone gladiator. He understands that he is part of a team that has other members, even if the other members do not understand this as clearly as he....45

In June 1964, Lansdale proposed in a twenty-two-page paper, "Concept for Victory in Vietnam," to reunite his old Philippines team-"The Force." In his inimitably chipper style, Lansdale reiterated his fundamental belief in the power of a few individuals to influence events: "This is a concept for victory in Vietnam, a victory won by the free Vietnamese with American help . . . a 'first team' of men who have proven their ability to defeat Asian Communist subversive insurgents, before it is altogether too late."46

As in the comprehensive guerre révolutionnaire approach of the French theorists (but without their depth), Lansdale's "concept for victory" begins with measures to influence the people at home, to mobilize "the great 'will to win' of the American people [which is] still largely missing."47 His concept for the conduct of the war, however, is one of vast generalities, and peripheral-or downright harebrained-schemes: expanding minority counterguerrilla forces ("montagnards, the sects and the ethnic Khmers"); bringing in "voluntary" forces from neighboring countries in private enterprise "Freedom Companies"; and organizing battalions exclusively for night-fighting ("changing reveille to evening and the duty day to the hours of the night"). Lansdale's proposed "Command Action" to implement pacification, guaranteeing "aggressive action against the Viet Cong, and positive action to help the people" (however the two are distinguished), typifies his approach to counterinsurgency:

Although General Lansdale's boundless self-confidence that a small nucleus of bold, brave, brilliant Americans led by himself could "turn around" a subversive insurgency survived the long decline of his protege Ngo Dinh Diem, Lansdale would not return to Vietnam until the Johnson administration's buildup of U. S. ground forces was well underway. Although publicly acclaimed for his counterinsurgency savvy, by 1964 the military's professional counterinsurgents began to tire of Lansdale's simplistic approach. General Maxwell Taylor, who had replaced Henry Cabot Lodge as ambassador in dune 1964, shared McGeorge Bundy's low opinion of Lansdale's schemes, and together they refused to have Lansdale in a position of authority in Saigon.49 In 1961, Taylor had been asked by President Kennedy to pick up the pieces after the Bay of Pigs invasion, and he chaired a committee of inquiry that was brutally critical of CIA incompetence. Lansdale's handling of his post-Bay of Pigs assignment to kill Castro, in the same gung ho spirit as the invasion, may have been perhaps too much for Taylor to stomach.

Order, simultaneously issued by GVN [government of South Vietnam] and U.S. commands, military and civilian: The armed forces, and the civilian personnel of government, have a primary mission to protect the people of South Vietnam; their secondary mission is to help them. Failure to accomplish these missions will be punished by death, or such other punishment as the court- martial may direct.48

In September 1965, Henry Cabot Lodge-no doubt mercifully unaware of MONGOOSE-returned as ambassador to the Saigon embassy. At his request, General Lansdale followed shortly afterward with his handpicked "team"-most of whom had worked with him before. Lansdale's stint as chief adviser to the pacification effort then underway-"Revolutionary Development"-was, however, short-lived. The consensus, as enunciated by Frances FitzGerald, is that Lansdale was simply adrift in this last posting to Vietnam: The Saigon bureaucracy "effectively cut him off from the mission command and from all work except that of a symbolic nature." "Living in his grand villa," Lansdale would until 1968 "spend most of his time in talk with Vietnamese intellectuals, a few ex-Viet Minh officers, and his own American devotees." Lansdale would become "a hero to idealistic young American officials who saw the failure of American policy as a failure of tactics."5

As a believer in the potential of the individual leader or operator, the isolated surgical action, the showcase project, and above all the power of psychological warfare, Lansdale was prototypical of the counterinsurgency era. He had neither the patience nor the wisdom to contemplate comprehensive programs of undramatic police work or in-depth development or reform; his vocation was for the spectacular, the theatrical. In the Philippines, Lansdale's advisory effort was seen as relatively successful: There, psychological warfare had indeed made a contribution to the defeat of an insurgent movement, although skeptics could attribute the defeat to the insurgency's own inherent weaknesses. Moreover, the psy-war tricks of terror and manipulation, which he emphasized in his lectures, do not appear to have played a significant part in defeating the Huks. Lansdale's advocacy of special operations, "practical jokes," and individual initiative was, however, shared by the creative counterinsurgents of the 1960s and continues to inform the doctrine of low-intensity conflict in the 1990s.

  1. David E. Brown, "The Politics of Counterinsurgency" (unpublished course paper, Harvard University, Spring 1970), p. 6, citing his interview with Chalmers B. Wood, 24 April 1970.

  2. Arthur J. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days (London: André Deutsch, 1965), p. 320, recounts Rostow's delivery of Lansdale's 17 January 1963 memorandum on 2 February, and Kennedy's response on the situation in Vietnam: "This [situation] is the worst yet"; "You know Ikc never briefed me on Vietnam." The memorandum is summarized in the Pentagon Papers (Senator Gravel edition), 2, pp. 440-42.

  3. Ronald H. Spector, Advice and Support: The Early Years of the U. S. Army in Vietnam, 1941- 1960 (New York: Free Press, 1985), pp. 361-73, discusses the "U.S. Plan for Counterinsurgency in South Vietnam," 4 January 1961, extensively. General McGarr's statement is from Spector, p. 365, citing "First Twelve-Month Report of Chief MASAG, Vietnam, September 1961."

  4. U.S. Government Memorandum, to Bo [Charles Bohannan], from Frank, 26 January 1959, Subject: Public Relations/Personal Prestige Program Promotions, Inc. (Bohannan Papers, Box 17, Hoover Institution Archive, Stanford). The memo informs "Bo" of the departure on 21 January of "our mutual friend Ed," and discusses Bohannan's own assigmnent to the Special Warfare Center at Fort Bragg for a six-week psychological warfare course.

  5. Spector, Advice and Support, p. 361, citing Memo, CINCPAC for JCS, 27 April 1960, "Counterinsurgency Operations in South Vietnam and Laos."

  6. Ibid., paraphrasing Memo, Lansdale for Lt. Gen. Lionel C. McGarr, 11 August [19]60, sub: Vietnam.

  7. Edward G. Lansdale, Memorandum, "Vietnam," 17 January 1961, cited in Larry E. Cablc, Conflict of Myths: The Development of Counter-lnsursgency Doctrine and the Vietnam War (New York: New York University Press, 1986), pp. 186-87. In a 13 September 1960 memorandum, not long before the 11 November paratroop COUp attempt nearly toppled Diem, Lansdale had derided suggestions that popular opposition to Diem required a reappraisal of U. S. support. Lansdale persisted in maintaining that Diem was the only answer, and as such should be assured "of our intent to provide material assistance and of our unswerving support to him in this time of crisis" (Spector, Advice and Support, p. 368, citing memo, Lansdale for Regional Director, Far East, ISA, 13 September 1960, Possible Course of Action in Vietnam).

  8. Brown, "The Politics of Counterinsurgency, " p. 7, citing Robert Shaplen, The Lost Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 148.

  9. Roswell Gilpatric, First Oral History Interview, New York, 1970, by Dennis J. O'Brien for the John F. Kennedy Library, Oral History Series, pp. 8-9.

  10. Ibid., p. 8.

  11. Ibid.

  12. Brown, "The Politics of Counterinsurgency," p. 8, citing interview with Edward Lansdale, 21 April 1970.

  13. Memorandum for Walt Rostow, From Ed Lansdale, Office of the Secretary of Defense, 7 June 1961. Kennedy Library, NSF, Box 316, Rostow, Staff Memoranda, 6/1/61-6/13/61.

  14. Memorandum for Secretary McNamara, Deputy Secretary Gilpatric, From: Brig. Gen. Lansdale, Subject: Israeli. cc. Adam Yarmolinsky. 30 August 1961 (Lansdale Papers, Office of the Secretary of Defense, Subject File, Israel, 1961, Box 46). The tape of Colonel Prihar's lecture is also held with the Lansdale Papers. Other invitees included Walt Rostow and R. W. Komer.

  15. Ibid.

  16. Letter, General Lansdale to General Breitweiser, 21 March 1963. Lansdale Papers, Box 48.

  17. Memoranda and personal notes, May 1963, Lansdale Papers, Office of Secretary of Defense, Subject File, Trip to Bolivia (Box 48). The Bolivian commander of the center was Lt. Col. Hector Aranda C.

  18. Thomas Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets: Richard Helms and the CIA (New York: Pocket Books, 1979), pp.167, 174, citing a 19 January 1962 meeting in Robert Kennedy's office.

  19. Ibid., p. 172.

  20. Ibid., p. 175.

  21. Ibid., p. 176.

  22. Ibid. The idea was not pursued. Powers cites a CIA official who dubbed the idea "elimination by illumination."

  23. Edward Lansdale, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), p. 62; Lansdale's second-in-command, Charles Bohannan, was also keen on the enterprise ("Bohannan and I started practicing Russian phrases, so we could pose as Soviet deck officers . . .").

  24. Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, p. 187, citing the 1975 report of the Senate hearings on assassination plots, Interim Report: Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (Washington, D. C.: GPO, 20 November 1975). Jim Hougan, Spooks (New York: Bantam Books, 1978), pp. 329-47, deals in a rather jazzier style with the assassination plots, emphasizing the role of organized crime figures and Cuban exiles (sometimes the same people) in the affair.

  25. Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, p. 188.

  26. Ibid., pp. 188-93. The most serious threat appears to have been the provision of equipment, including sniper rifles, to Cubans inside Cuba.

  27. Ibid., pp. 162-63.

  28. Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence (New York: Dell, 1974), p. 290n, citing Leo Janos, "The Last Days of the President," Atlantic (July 1973). The article recounts a 1971 conversation between Johnson and Janos, a former aid. "Janos elaborated, 'A year or so before Kennedy's death a CIA-backed assassination team had been picked up in Havana. Johnson speculated that Dallas had been a retaliation for this thwarted attempt...." The reference is also made in Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, p. 199; Powers (p. 181) adds that the assassination program was quietly phased out in the first months of the Johnson administration, and that on 7 April 1964 Johnson had ordered a halt to all sabotage operations.

  29. Gilpatric, Second Oral History, p. 41.

  30. Ibid.

  31. Ibid.

  32. The identification of Medina as Posada was confirmed by UPI journalists in San Salvador who obtained copies of his telephone bills, found records of repeated calls to Luis Posada's wife in Miami, and his family doctor, who when asked confirmed the calls had been made by Posada. The Department of State maintained it had "no information-beyond what has appeared in media reports-that the individual allegedly named Ramon Medina is the same as Luis Posada Carriles." See Julia Preston, "Managua Links Plane Figure to '76 Bombing," Washington Post, 16 October 1986; Douglas Farah, "Contra ring leader could be bomber of Cuban plane, " UPI cable, 1 November 1986, AP cables of 2 and 3 November 1986. A seven-page memorandum of "Congressional Questions about Ramon Medina and Luis Posada," with State Department responses (date semilegible, but probably 20 April 1987), provides a detailed look at the matter. Photocopies of the San Salvador phone bills of Ramon Medina and associated documentation were made available to the author by congressional aides.

  33. "Congressional Questions about Ramon Medina and Luis Posada," pp. 1-2.

  34. Ibid., p. 7.

  35. Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets, pp. 180-XI.

  36. Ibid., p. 181.

  37. Captain William W. Whitson, Department of Social Sciences, War College, Memorandum for the Record: Subject: Informal Discussion with Col. Lansdale, USAF, and Col. Valeriano, Philippine Military Attaché, on 22 February 1957 (27 February) Lansdale Papers, Box 12 (Collected Speeches and Writings), Hoover Archive, p. 3. In his comment, Colonel Lansdale said, "I don't recall stating that government troops might have killed more folks unnecessarily than the Huks. Perhaps Valeriano did.... "

  38. Letter from Lansdale to Chief of Military History, 6 June 1979, in Spector, Advice and Support p. 243n

  39. Col. Edward G. Lansdale, "Military Psychological Operations: Part 11," lecture delivered at the Armed Forces Staff College, Norfolk, Virginia, in March 1960, typescript, pp. 5-6. Lansdale Papers, Box 7, Collected Speeches.

  40. Ibid., p. 30.

  41. Edward Geary Lansdalc, "Practical Jokes," in U.S. Department of the Army, Psychological Operations (Army Pamphlet 525-7-1), (Washington, D.C.: GPO, April 1976), p. 768.

  42. Memorandum from Edward Lansdale to the Secretary of Defense, "Vietnam, " 17 January 1961, cited in Cable, Conflict of Myths, pp. 187-88. Cable points out that Lansdale's Vietnam report held that support of President Diem was indispensable for American policies. Gabriel Kolko, Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the United States, and the Modern Historical Experience (New York: Pantheon, 1985), p. 87, notes however, that Lansdale had "vainly tried to mobilize American opposition" to Diem's police state policies in the middle fifties; Lansdale appears to have distinguished between the policies and the man.

  43. Memorandum for Mr. Bundy, The White House, from Gordon Chase, Subject: "A High- Level Look at the Cold War," 18 June 1963. "Sanitized" copy declassified 12/84, Declassified Documents Series (1985:001434).

  44. Roswell Gilpatric, Second Oral History Interview, with Dennis J. O'Brien, John F. Kennedy Oral History Series, 27 May 1970, p. 36.

  45. Edward G. Lansdale, Colonel USAF, "A Political Warfare Lesson " Typescript, Lansdale Papers, Box 12.

  46. Edward G. Lansdale, "Concept for Victory in Vietnam" ("Team Working Paper"), 8 June 1964, p. 1. Typescript, Lansdale Papers (Speeches and Writings).

  47. Ibid. Proposals include the creation of congressional "Cold War" committees that would meet jointly with the National Security Council and ensure congressional support for Cold War activities, as well as a scheme in which American towns could "adopt a hamlet."

  48. Ibid., p. 12.

  49. Cablc, Conflict of Myths, p. 59n; Cable cites memoranda in the Johnson Library on this "less flattering opinion of Lansdale. " Cable himself characterizes Lansdale as "a minor public relations genius whose promotional talents were in no way lessened when dealing with himself as the subject; who was quite capable of cheerfully gathering to his OWtl harvests the fruits of other men's vineyards"-possible by dint of the semiclandestine nature of most of the operations. (Who was to gainsay the Quiet American?)

  50. Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (New York: Vintage, 1973), p. 358.

Instruments of Statecraft: U.S. Guerilla Warfare, Counterinsurgency, and Counterterrorism, 1940-1990

© 2002 Michael McClintock

Edited by Steven Gaal
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I think this remains an open question -- what exactly was the Dallas contact tasked to do -- in as much detail as possible?

...................................

Paul, the best I can do with that sort of question is to reference it against similar operations and against some of what we do know about Jack Ruby. As I've mentioned before, Veciana tells us that the attack in Dallas was very similar to an abortive attack against Castro in Latin America.

The people they used as contacts there were Cuban exiles working with a local detective agency/security firm. The had contacts with the local police and obtained information on the locations where Castro would be and to some extent what sort of security he would have at each location and as he traveled.

In the case of Dallas, the primary task would be much the same, getting details on the locations to be visited, what security has been like in the past for political events, what routes have been used.

That was easy enough in Dallas and could have been done in the last days from reports in the paper but the key would be someone who could circulate well within all areas of DPD and just gossip about who was working what detail for the trip, where the press were going to be....just listening to the locals complain about security and the extra work would give you most of what you needed.

Then talking to some of the local news folks about what they had heard about plans to cover the visit. Ruby knew lots of cops and lots of press folks, he was a character, always chatting folks up, selling his gimmicks etc, his asking questions would ring no bells with anyone.

To verify that we know he did have good contacts inside DPD, he even knew Oswald was originally supposed to be moved on Sat afternoon but that got cancelled. And we know it because he was gossiping with local press folks.

That's probably a minimum and may be all they needed but Ruby could provide more, if they decided not to transport their weapons he could tell them where to buy weapons with no questions asked, he could tell them what cops were available for minor tasks - off duty of course.

If they were interested in a particular building or location he could find out all about who worked there or who parked where or who was normally at what job during the day....were their people normally in the parking lots...he could find that out.

If they needed access to a building he might know who to contact.....for that matter we have no idea which TSBD employees might have been visitors to Ruby's club or which of them might have been doing drugs or something else that would make them open to a little favor like getting someone upstairs, etc. That's on the outside and if he did those thing it would probably have been totally compartmentalized from the actual tactical team.

The point I'm trying to make is a local contact is a guy who knows the ground, who knows people, who can ask questions without raising any flags at all because he does that all the time and who is most definitely somebody who has a very low profile.

For that matter a good local contact might well be the same sort of guy who provides info to the police on the side, a low level informant...which of course Ruby was.

-- Larry

Larry, I'm finally returning to your points from last week. Your focus on the ground-crew is interesting.

Regarding the Dallas ground-crew, you wish to focus on Jack Ruby -- because he is the one member of the ground-crew about whom we can have no doubts whatsoever -- Jack Ruby was involved up to his neck.

Regarding the Dallas ground-crew you'd cite assassination plots that were similar to the Dallas plot -- specifically Veciana's Alpha 66 plot against Fidel Castro; which was nearly identical to the Dallas plot that murdered JFK. (That plot included Cuban Exiles working with local Private Detective Agency firms; like the one run by Guy Banister in New Orleans -- but in Havana. Private Detectives have contacts with the local police and could get data about locations where Castro would be and his security there.)

However, for Dallas, instead of a Private Detective Agency, you substitute Jack Ruby. His Mafia ties, and his ability to blackmail DPD officers with his vice operations at the Carousel Club made him useful. Hearing gripes by simple proximity, talking to Newsmen (the way Ruby did) would be sufficient to get the Plotters the data they needed -- according to this theory.

I do agree with you that Ruby was able to get good information about the DPD moving Oswald -- so that he could kill Oswald. That cannot be denied. Whether that same source was enough to get high-level information about the Mayor moving JFK -- I have strong doubts.

Besides all that, Larry, you claim that "Ruby could provide more," e.g. where to buy weapons underground (as if they would come to Dallas without enough weapons), or which cops were dirty enough to help when off duty (presumably, e.g. Roscoe White).

Ruby was supposed to know plenty about Dallas buildings, their employees, their work hours and their parking habits -- and what he didn't know he could find out -- according to this theory.

A key support for your elevation of Jack Ruby to this source of ground-crew information is the fact that he had a "very low profile." Also, Jack Ruby would also supply information to the DPD and perhaps other officials -- so this might also make him a candidate.

Yet I can't help thinking, Larry, that this gives Jack Ruby a lot of responsibility. We've all read his testimony before Earl Warren -- and his sentence structure fails, IMHO, to reflect a particularly responsible person.

I think that Jack Ruby could be relied upon, for example, to perform a Mafia hit on somebody -- like Lee Harvey Oswald. I also think that Jack Ruby could be relied upon to transport bags and people from place to place. I don't get the idea that he could be trusted too far beyond that.

I'd like to raise one more issue with regard to the Dallas ground-crew and Jack Ruby, namely, Jack Ruby's direct testimony to Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964, when he said the following:

--------- BEGIN JACK RUBY TESTIMONY ---------------

JACK RUBY: ...At this moment, Lee Harvey Oswald isn't guilty of committing the crime of assassinating President Kennedy. Jack Ruby is. How can I fight that, Chief Justice Warren?

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN: Well now, I want to say, Mr. Ruby, that as far as this Commission is concerned, there is no implication of that in what we are doing.

JACK RUBY: All right, there is a certain organization here --

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN: That I can assure you.

JACK RUBY: There is an organization here, Chief Justice Warren, if it takes my life at this moment to say it, and Bill Decker said be a man and say it, there is a John Birch Society right now in activity, and Edwin Walker is one of the top men of this organization -- take it for what it is worth, Chief Justice Warren...Don't register with you, does it?

CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN: No; I don't understand that.

------------- END JACK RUBY TESTIMONY ----------------

Best regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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OK, lets try this again...COMMENTS BELOW IN CAPS

Regarding the Dallas ground-crew, you wish to focus on Jack Ruby -- because he is the one member of the ground-crew about whom we can have no doubts whatsoever -- Jack Ruby was involved up to his neck.

NO PAUL, I DO NOT FOCUS ON RUBY, I SIMPLY TRY TO CLARIFY HIS INITIALLY LIMITED ROLE VS. WHAT IT EVOLVED TO FOLLOWING OSWALD'S VERY UNPLANNED CAPTURE. INITIALLY RUBY WAS LITTLE MORE THAN A LOW LEVEL LOCAL SOURCE OF INTELLIGENCE AND INTRODUCTIONS. ITS VERY LIKELY HE DID NOT APPRECIATE THE FULL MATTER OF WHAT WAS GOING TO HAPPEN, OTHERWISE HE WOULD NOT HAVE INVITED A FRIEND DOWN TO WATCH THE MOTORCADE AND SEE THE "FIREWORKS". IN SWHT I SPECULATE THAT HE WAS ACTUALLY RECRUITED VIA ROSELLI - NOT THE MAFIA - VERY POSSIBLY BASED ON HIS EARLIER CUBAN ACTIVITIES AND RECRUITED AS PART OF SOME SECRET CIA THING AGAINST CUBA. EXACTLY THE SORT OF STORY THAT WOULD HAVE HOOKED RUBY WITH NO PROBLEM. AS YOU SEE FROM BY MICROTIMELINE IN SWHT THAT ALL CHANGED IN THE HOURS IMMEDIATELY FOLLOWING OSWALD'S CAPTURE WHEN HE WAS GIVEN A VERY DIFFERENT ROLE, LIKE IT OR NOT.


Regarding the Dallas ground-crew you'd cite assassination plots that were similar to the Dallas plot -- specifically Veciana's Alpha 66 plot against Fidel Castro; which was nearly identical to the Dallas plot that murdered JFK. (That plot included Cuban Exiles working with local Private Detective Agency firms; like the one run by Guy Banister in New Orleans -- but in Havana. Private Detectives have contacts with the local police and could get data about locations where Castro would be and his security there.)

ACTUALLY THE VIECIANA PLOT I WAS REFERRING TO WAS THE ONE LATER IN LATIN AMERICA, THE DETECTIVE AGENCY AIDING AND ABETTING THAT WAS RUN BY A CUBAN EXILE WHO WAS USED BY DAVID PHILLIPS...WHO WAS USING VECIANA AT THE SAME TIME. THAT'S ALL IN SHADOW WARFARE BUT I'M PRETTY SURE I MENTION IT TO SOME EXTENT IN SWHT.

However, for Dallas, instead of a Private Detective Agency, you substitute Jack Ruby. His Mafia ties, and his ability to blackmail DPD officers with his vice operations at the Carousel Club made him useful. Hearing gripes by simple proximity, talking to Newsmen (the way Ruby did) would be sufficient to get the Plotters the data they needed -- according to this theory.

THAT'S PRETTY ACCURATE, ONE OF THE THINGS THAT MADE DALLAS VERY DIFFERENT WAS THAT IT WAS A RUSH JOB, PLANNING PROBABLY BEGAN NO EARLIER THAN OSWALD'S RETURN FROM MEXICO CITY. THOSE TIMELINES ARE IN SWHT.

I do agree with you that Ruby was able to get good information about the DPD moving Oswald -- so that he could kill Oswald. That cannot be denied. Whether that same source was enough to get high-level information about the Mayor moving JFK -- I have strong doubts. Besides all that, Larry, you claim that "Ruby could provide more," e.g. where to buy weapons underground (as if they would come to Dallas without enough weapons), or which cops were dirty enough to help when off duty (presumably, e.g. Roscoe White).

RUBY'S KNOWLEDGE OF THE PLANNED MOVE IN WELL DOCUMENTED, HIS REMARKS ON IT WERE HEARD AND MENTIONED BY A NEWS CREW ON THE SCENE...THAT'S IN SWHT. AS TO HIS ABILITY TO MAKE ARMS PURCHASES YOU HAVE THE CHAPTER WHICH MAKES A GOOD CASE FOR HIS ACTING AS AN ACCESSORY IN THE TERRELL ARMORY THEFT, AMONG OTHER WEAPONS DEALING.

Ruby was supposed to know plenty about Dallas buildings, their employees, their work hours and their parking habits -- and what he didn't know he could find out -- according to this theory.

YEP

A key support for your elevation of Jack Ruby to this source of ground-crew information is the fact that he had a "very low profile." Also, Jack Ruby would also supply information to the DPD and perhaps other officials -- so this might also make him a candidate.

I WOULD NOT CALL IT A LOW PROFILE, IT WAS ACTUALLY A HIGH PROFILE, HE WAS WELL KNOWN BUT KNOWN AS SOMETHING AS A CHARACTER. THEREFORE SEEING HIM INSERT HIMSELF ALL OVER THE PLACE - INCLUDING TRYING TO GET INTO THE ROOM AT POLICE HQ WHERE OSWALD WAS BEING INTERVIEWED - WAS PERCEIVED AS JUST STANDARD BEHAVIOR BY JACK...LOTS OF ADVANTAGES TO BEING BOTH FAMILIAR AND A BIT GOOFY.


Yet I can't help thinking, Larry, that this gives Jack Ruby a lot of responsibility. We've all read his testimony before Earl Warren -- and his sentence structure fails, IMHO, to reflect a particularly responsible person.

ACTUALLY NOT MUCH AT ALL BEFORE ABOUT 2PM ON THE AFTERNOON OF NOV 22....AFTERWARDS A WHOLE BUNCH WHICH IS WHY HE WENT TO HIS SISTERS, GOT VIOLENTLY ILL, THREW UP AND WAS PRETTY MUCH OUT OF CONTROL FOR A COUPLE OF HOURS.

I think that Jack Ruby could be relied upon, for example, to perform a Mafia hit on somebody -- like Lee Harvey Oswald. I also think that Jack Ruby could be relied upon to transport bags and people from place to place. I don't get the idea that he could be trusted too far beyond that.

RUBY WAS NOT A MAFIA HIT MAN, HE WAS A BOUNCER AND A BULLY AS REQUIRED. NOBODY WOULD HAVE RELIED ON HIM AS A HIT MAN UNLESS THEY HAD NO ALTERNATIVES - AND THEY SIMPLY DID NOT AFTER OSWALD'S CAPTURE. INVOLVING RUBY AS A KILLER WAS A MAJOR RISK, NOBODY WOULD EVER HAVE PLANNED IT THAT WAY. ITS JUST THEY WAY IT CAME DOWN.


I'd like to raise one more issue with regard to the Dallas ground-crew and Jack Ruby, namely, Jack Ruby's direct testimony to Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964, when he said the following:

I DIDN'T PUT IN THE QUOTE BUT I WILL POINT OUT THAT HIS STATEMENT WAS MADE FOLLOWING CERTAIN VISITS BY MEDICAL PROFESSIONALS VERY MUCH ASSOCIATED WITH LSD WORK FOR THE CIA - AS AN ALTERNATIVE IT IS QUITE POSSIBLE THAT HE ASSUMED THAT JOHNSON WAS INVOLVED BECAUSE THE WHOLE CONSPIRACY WAS BEING COVERED UP. ASSUMING JOHNSON WAS SOMEHOW GUILTY WOULD HAVE PUT HIM IN THE SAME CAMP AS A GREAT NUMBER OF TEXANS. ON THE OTHER HAND WE HAVE NO IDEA WHAT HE WAS TOLD WHEN HE WAS RECRUITED INTO HIS INITIAL ROLE. ALL PURE SPECULATION ON MY PART, I DON'T SEE HOW WE COULD EVER KNOW EXACTLY WHAT WAS ON HIS MIND - ALTHOUGH HE WAS CERTAINLY BECOMING MORE PARANOID ABOUT THAT TIME - I'M TOLD A BAD "TRIP" CAN DO THAT TO YOU THOUGH...

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Angleton.Harvey & Helms ....low level plot ????

http://jfkcountercoup.blogspot.com/2012/07/tampa-plot-in-retrospect.html
****************
“In both the Tampa and Dallas attempts, officials sought a young man in his early twenties, white with slender build, who had been in recent contact with a small pro-Castro group called the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). In Dallas that was Lee Harvey Oswald, but the Tampa person of interest was Gilberto Policarpo Lopez, who – like Oswald- was a former defector. 44 We later document eighteen parallels between Dallas suspect Lee Harvey Oswald and Gilberto Policarpo Lopez, but here are a few: Like Oswald, Lopez was also of interest to Navy Intelligence. Also similar to Oswald, Gilberto Lopez made a mysterious trip to Mexico City in the fall of 1963, attempting to get to Cuba. Lopez even used the same border crossing as Oswald, and government reports say both went one way by car, though neither man owned a car. Like Oswald, Lopez had recently separated from his wife and had gotten into a fistfight in the summer of 1963 over supposedly pro-Castro sympathies. 45 Declassified Warren Commission and CIA documents confirm that Lopez, whose movements parallel Oswald in so many ways in 1963, was on a secret ‘mission’ for the US involving Cuba, an ‘operation’ so secret that the CIA felt that protecting it was considered more important than thoroughly investigating the JFK assassination.” 46

=========================

RICHARD HELMS
by Spartacus Educational

see http://www.american-buddha.com/RFKREBORN.richardhelmsspartacus.htm
--
Oswald, though, thought that he was part of Operation Little Egypt, Harvey’s latest effort to assassinate the Cuban leader, working with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee’s Gilberto Lopez, CIA’s double agent in Havana, to gain access to the target.

================================

James Jesus Angleton worked with FBN Chief George White.

=========
What's more, Rudy was also an informant for the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN, the predecessor organization to the DEA), which put him in an idea position to dictate which heroin shipments made it into the United States and which were seized.

"... Jack Ruby killed Oswald and that, as the HSCA concluded, Ruby had 'direct contact' with associates of Marcello and Trafficante...
"The Ruby family had a long history in the illicit drug trade. Jack's older brother Hyman was convicted in 1939 of buying two ounces of heroin from Jacob Klein... Klein slipped away from FBN agents in New York in October 1954, thanks to George White's intervention on behalf of John Ormento, and he again avoided arrest by FBN agents in Chicago after Jim Attie's informant was murdered in January 1960.
"Klein was luckier than Ruby's next partner, Paul Roland Jones. In October 1947, Hyman betrayed Jones to FBN agents in Chicago. According to White's diary, Hyman had been his informant since July 1946. Jack followed in big brother's footsteps and served White in 1950, when he briefed the Kefauver Committee about organized crime in Chicago – although his attorney, Louis Kutner, agreed to allow him to testify only 'on the condition that the Kefauver Committee stay away from Dallas.' That raises the question of whether Committee investigator George White, who undoubtedly brought Rudy to Kefauver's attention, concurred with this request. If so, why would White want to keep the Committee out of Dallas? Was it to deflect attention from the Pawley-Cooke mission in Taiwan, which was funded by ultra Texas oilman like H. L. Hunt, in which, and which, in 1951, was facilitating the CIA-Kuomintang drug smuggling operation that entered the US by crossing the Mexican border at Laredo, Texas?
"There was certainly enough evidence for the Kefauver Committee to take a long look at the Lone Star State. In 1951, Lait and Mortimer had identified Hunt as a professional gambler who ran a private racing wire, which suggests Mafia ties. They had also claimed that the Mafia had 'taken over the age-old racket of running guns across the border,' under the aegis of Carlos Marcello.
"The FBN office in Dallas knew Jack Ruby. Murray A. Brown, the acting district supervisor on 22 November 1963, described him as 'a sleazy opportunist who was always trying to get the Dallas cops to patronizes club.' But, Brown says, 'Ruby was not in FBN informant.'
"George Gaffney, however, vividly recalls Secret Service chief James Rowley asking him on 25 November 1963 if the FBN had a file on Ruby. It did. 'But there wasn't much in it,' Gaffney recalls. 'Just that he was a source on numerous occasions, on unimportant suspects.'
"Right after Ruby shot Oswald, Mort Benjamin checked the files in the New York office and found one that indicated that Ruby had been in FBN informant since the 1940s. But the next time Benjamin looked for, the New York file had gone missing, and Secret Service chief Rowley never returned the FBN headquarters file to Gaffney – which strongly suggests that someone did not want anyone to know that Ruby had been in FBN informant.
"Not only do the FBN agents from Dallas disagree with the rest of the outfit about Ruby's status as an informant, the stated focus of their operations is at odds with Anslinger's legendary obsession with the Mafia. Murray Brown, an agent in Dallas from 1955 until 1976, insists that the Mafia was not selling heroin there. Long-time Dallas agent Bowman Taylor agrees. 'We weren't after the Mafia,' he says. 'That's gambling more than dope. New Orleans had the Mafia.'
"The small FBN office in New Orleans, which reported to Dallas, had arrested Marcello on a marijuana rap in 1938, and in 1963 it had reasons to believe that he was a major narcotics trafficker. He was cited, for example, in the International List is an associate of Frank Coppola's. Furthermore, as the chief of the New Orleans Narcotics Unit, Clarence Giarusso, said... it was the FBN's job, not his, to investigate Mafia drug smugglers who imported drugs from overseas. But according to agents in New Orleans, they never had the manpower or resources to make a conspiracy case on Marcello, so instead they worked on Black addicts who traveled to New York and returned with heroin, leaving the million-dollar man left unhindered – perhaps to plot the murder of the president?"
(The Strength of the Wolf, Douglas Valentine, pgs. 310-312)
-----------------------
http://www.flashpointmag.com/cpvalent.htm
The Strength of the Wolf:
The Secret History of America’s War On Drugs
Review by Carlo Parcelli

For example, Valentine quotes from a memo from Ed Lansdale, the head of Operation Mongoose, part of JM/WAVE, which in part plotted to assassinate Castro as well as other Cubans and destroy Cuba’s infrastructure. Lansdale wrote: “Gangster elements might prove the best recruitment potential for actions [murders] against police G-2 (intelligence) officials. CW [Chemical Warfare] agents should be fully considered.” And recent documents have proven that CW were used as well as biological weapons against crops and the hog population of the island nation. Lansdale is ubiquitous in the annals of U.S. foreign policy. He can be found at the Huk rebellion, Vietnam/Laos, as well as Kennedy assassination. There is a hagiography on Lansdale which has its uses if you can read between the lines. But for biting insight into just how cultural chauvinists like Lansdale or Ted Shackley can xxxx things up, read Richard Drinnon’s chapters on the former in his Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire Building. .........

And because the FBN was mandated to pursue illicit drugs, and because illicit drugs were a core business of the Mafia, the anti-Castro Cuban community, and the CIA, the FBN found itself smack dab in the middle of the Holy Grail of all conspiracies, the assassination of John F. Kennedy. But as Valentine points out, you’d be hard pressed to find relevant FBN activity in any official investigation of Kennedy’s assassination. For example, in 1958 the FBN was aware that Joseph Civello was Carlos Marcello’s “deputy in Dallas” and that Jack Ruby was part of Civello’s organization. FBN agent John Cusack linked Civello with Marcello, Santos Trafficante, and Jimmy Hoffa - the House Select Committee on Assassinations' three prime suspects in the Kennedy
=================
Here is a summary on the Google Book page:

<quote on>

The Strength of the Wolf presents for the first time a definitive
history of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) from its birth in
1930 until its wrenching termination in 1968. Carefully and
extensively documented, the book is based largely on interviews with
former FBN agents, and in this respect The Strength of the Wolf
represents a new chapter in American history, one that introduces a
cast of fabulous characters. Douglas Valentine tells how the FBN's
premier case-making agents penetrated the arcane world of
international drug trafficking and, by uncovering the Establishment's
ties to organized crime, brought about their own demise. As the book
reveals in startling detail, the CIA and FBI were often protecting the
FBN's major targets in the Mafia and the French Corsican underworld.
The CIA and its Nationalist Chinese allies were found to be the
largest drug-trafficking syndicate in the world,
but for political and
national security reasons, the FBN was prevented from investigating
this overarching conspiracy.

Edited by Steven Gaal
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It has been a little while since I have dropped into EF to see what is happening.

Per the theme of Masons being largely behind the JFK hit, another Mason named Lemnitzer and a very good web site. Both Lemnitzer and LeMay are Masons, which connects them with the Masonic anti-communist rebel rousing troublemaker system in the US. In Dallas it was Mason Clint Murchison that funded Joe McCarty's "Red Scare" tactics


As most of you know Jim DeEugenio is highly interested in the Gladio type operations being connected with the JFK hit and that brings in Lemnitzer.


Gladio is set up to be like the LDS to rise up against Invasions, and Masons do much the same styles as Gladio also. Gladio was connected with PERMINDEX and going after DeGaulle



http://spikethenews.blogspot.com/2014/05/jfk50-lemnitzer-did-it.html?showComment=1400715425781#c573045294429107914

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I solved the JFK assassination way back in 1963, because A Y-12 Mason told me who done it. It isn't that hard to figure it out if you hang around the Intelligence community. I have even taught the course on how and who killed JFK to the Defense Nuclear Faculties Safety Board folks up in DC, as Y-12's Mason involvements with killing JFK is definitely against the health and safety of Presidents like JFK.
Lots of Mason have historically managed Y-12 and via various Intelligence connections were connected with Lee Harvey Oswald while he worked for Mason Guy Banister down in New Orleans on a project to kill Castro using some radiation and mutated lung cancer viruses. This is the story of Judyth Baker.
This all connects back to issues of the LDS church ideas of having a religious organization that is a direct spin off of Masons ideas. The LDS people all train to be "Preppers" and be able to rise up against any Communist take over of the US. Similar ideas were held by the Masons in Texas, the Y-12 Masons in Oak Ridge, and the rabid anti-Communist ex-FBI Guy Baniister.
Their methods were similar to how the Pro-Israel types forced the English to leave Palestine and in the process make good on the Mason Lord Balfour agreements to carve Israel out of Palestine as they left. The Jewish factions engaged in terrorism and killings of English troops till the costs were so high that the English left.
Such was a larger system set up in NATO European countries that was termed "Gladio", which intended to leave behind supplanted groups that would engage in terrorism if Communism expanded into the NATO zones. Another called PERMINDEX was set up by Mason George Mandel and its objective was to gain favor with the Vatican and gather up Knights Malta folks to support that mission.
Similarly, in the US the Texas Manson associated with big oil profits in Texas decided to run their own anti-Communism missions from Texas and network with Y-12 in Oak Ridge and also Mason Banister in New Orleans, as well as Mason Hoover of the FBI and Mason Dulles of the CIA.
PERMINDEX went after Charles DeGaulle in France and tried to kill him on multiple attempts, and INTERPOL picked up on their attempts to kill DeGaulle and PERMINDEX fled Europe going to South Africa. Soon Enough a Principle PERMENDEX agent named Ferenc Nagy was in the US trying to gain tighter alliances with the US Masons and the CIIA.
At the time of the JFK hit,PERMINDEX agent Ferenc Nagy lived right in Dallas to be connected with Mason Clint Murchison. Murchison headed the Joe McCarthy Red Scare Methods. Mason Murchison headed up the money to elect Eisenhower. And they headed up the efforts to kill JFK as a Communist, when the Mason Bannister attempt to kill Castro with Cancer failed in New Orleans. Then, the Patsy became LHO, who knew way too much.
The cover ups of the JFK hit were about keeping these supplanted groups from being detected. Which mean't don't expose these LDS methods, the "Gladio" system in Europe, nor even the PERMINDEX system that was trying to off DeGaulle as a Communist also.
The JFK assassination isn't that difficult to solve in National Security circles because everyone knows about the "Gladio" system these days, most all know about Mason run PERMINDEX, and most know the City of Hate Masons and big oil types that wanted JFK dead and buried. That also included the Y-12 Masons because they would be unemployed had JFK succeeded in his mission to have peace with Russia and Cuba. That quest was based upon the ideals of FDR at the time of his death in Warm Springs, Ga.
That is the long and short of those that wanted JFK assassinated and their pattern of connectivity in the US, which has many ties with Oak Ridge.
It has been known some Nov. 22, 1963, and Oak Ridge needs to also know that terrible history.



 

Hi Pres. Trump,
 
I think JFK found being Pres was harder than he thought also!
 
Our Pal Roger Stone has pretty much figured out that Jack Ruby, Mac Wallace, and Jim Braden were the directors for the JFK hit, and they used Chicago Mafia shooters in the Dal-Tex, TSBD, and GN to kill JFK, all while LHO was on the front steps to the TSBD.
 
LHO was ratting out a bunch of rogue CIA and Mafia types and he had to be silenced. It is pretty easy as Braden was Dallas' Murchison/Hunt hired gun, Ruby was LBJ Mafia hit man stalking LHO around the TSBD and DPD, and Mac Wallace was LBJ's well known killer that left his finger prints in the TSBD.
 
Such is well known now thanks to Roger Stone and lots of others that dug out the facts.
 
So, please do admit what happened officially on the JFK hit, so the world can learn and work for peace and transparency to make all Safer. imho
Edited by Jim Phelps
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  • 3 weeks later...

<snip>

Oswald, though, thought that he was part of Operation Little Egypt, Harvey’s latest effort to assassinate the Cuban leader, working with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee’s Gilberto Lopez, CIA’s double agent in Havana, to gain access to the target.

<snip>

Actually, Steven, I find this very plausible. Lee Harvey Oswald was surely part of the JFK murder plot -- but not in full knowledge of his role -- that should be obvious to every CT.

This means that Lee Harvey Oswald knew his sheep-dippers very well -- but not well enough to know they were sheep-dippers.

The most likely scenario is that Oswald believed he was participating in one of the many CIA-Mafia-JBS plots to kill Fidel Castro.

This makes the most sense of his New Orleans period -- his fighting with Marina about hi-jacking an airplane to Havana; his worrying about his Mexico trip; his taking all his FPCC "street credentials" to Mexico City, and his naïve hope that as an "official" FPCC officer he would get the standard green-light for easy passage into Cuba just by showing up at the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City.

But his fellow plotters knew better. They were probably laughing their asses off, knowing that Oswald would be turned down flat in the Cuban Embassy. By then it was too late for Oswald -- he had been framed to a "T", not only in police records and newspapers but also on the radio and TV -- as an FPCC officer, and a self-proclaimed "Marxist-Leninist."

It would be impossible for Lee Harvey Oswald to shake this label. Even after NOLA DA Jim Garrison proved to reasonable people that Lee Harvey Oswald was faking his entire "Communist" period -- to this very day the framing of Lee Harvey Oswald remains common sense to historians and the public. It was a professional job. (Ed Butler and Carlos Bringuier did a brilliant job, actually, in concert with Clay Shaw, David Ferrie and Guy Banister.)

So -- I can agree with you solidly on this point, Steven.

As for the rest of your understanding of the JFK murder -- may I ask you to please encapsulate your entire theory in one paragraph? I feel certain that many other readers would like to see that, as well.

Best regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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