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The Unedited Milteer/Somersett Transcript 180-10090-10220


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#1 Robert Howard

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Posted 03 May 2009 - 06:10 PM

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For the doubting Thomas, the conclusive evidence that this is the Milteer/Somersett Transcript is that the well known portion of the script is contained within this transcript......This is a very significant document, and if I do say so myself, there is additional information contained in it, that is very significant.

#2 John Bevilaqua

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Posted 04 May 2009 - 10:42 PM

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For the doubting Thomas, the conclusive evidence that this is the Milteer/Somersett Transcript is that the well known portion of the script is contained within this transcript......This is a very significant document, and if I do say so myself, there is additional information contained in it, that is very significant.


Absolutely right on, Robert. Now that even E. Howard Hunt, in his deathbed confession, admitted that there was a Miami plot to assassinate JFK, launched from a Miami based CIA safehouse, the Milteer tapes gain even more significance. Somersett was a confidential informant for the Miami PD Intel Unit who made the tapes for Lt. Lockhart Gracey of the Miami PD who was also the person who taped Hoover and Clyde in the Fountainbleau celebrity suite during a pole riding session. That tape was the talk of Miami for years. And the Milteer tape made just before or after a Congress of Freedom convention session should have blown the lid off the JFK plot but it did not.

Most people forget that the first (and only) suspects from most respected journalists came from the Far Reich Wing,
and only the Far Reich Wing pointed their scapegoating fingers at the other johnny-come-lately false suspects.
The scapegoating was led by the plotters like Rev Gerald L K Smith and Revilo P. Oliver and Philip J. Corso. They did such a fine job that no conclusive suspects were ever isolated and identified.

...more later

#3 Duncan MacRae

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Posted 05 May 2009 - 11:13 AM

Just a bit of little known information that the majority here are probably not aware of.
The Milteer tape which was broadcast on The Men Who Killed Kennedy is not the real Milteer tape.
The quality of the original was apparently so bad, that Nigel Turner decided to use voice over artistes to recreate the conversation. No mention of this was made during the broadcast.

Duncan MacRae

#4 Duncan MacRae

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Posted 05 May 2009 - 02:51 PM

Just a bit of little known information that the majority here are probably not aware of.
The Milteer tape which was broadcast on The Men Who Killed Kennedy is not the real Milteer tape.
The quality of the original was apparently so bad, that Nigel Turner decided to use voice over artistes to recreate the conversation. No mention of this was made during the broadcast.

Duncan MacRae


The source of this information can be found here.
Source of the re-enactment information Re: The Milteer Tape

#5 Robert Howard

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Posted 06 May 2009 - 02:14 AM

Just a bit of little known information that the majority here are probably not aware of.
The Milteer tape which was broadcast on The Men Who Killed Kennedy is not the real Milteer tape.
The quality of the original was apparently so bad, that Nigel Turner decided to use voice over artistes to recreate the conversation. No mention of this was made during the broadcast.

Duncan MacRae


The source of this information can be found here.
Source of the re-enactment information Re: The Milteer Tape

Thanks Duncan, I didn't realize that; the voice-over was convincing, I've seen the series and never thought anything about it.
The following comments are from memory, so if anyone catches something odd, definitely challenge me on it.
I seem to remember the claim that either the local police or the local FBI revealed that Somersett was the informant and that it was likely that Milteer found out.....Which, if thats the case is pretty despicable. One of my disappointments is that [as far as I know] there is still some uncertainty over whether the person in Dealey Plaza to the right of the motorcade is Lucien Conein or Milteer, while I have always been of the opinion it is Milteer, it seems? there is some ambiguity over Conein's whereabouts on 11/22/63 as far as I know.
For those who read the post, I was particularly struck by the name references specifically "Kenneth Adams" and "Brown."
Brown is not only mentioned as allegedly tracking MLK, in the period before Dealey Plaza, but Milteer states "Brown is as likely to get him as anybody," referencing JFK.
I would have to go back and look but there are definitely, both in the WC documents and the de-classified files other suspects, even besides Oswald. I need to see if there is a Brown or Adams, amongst that category.
I also felt that the following comments.
Somersett: Now you see, we will talk to all these other people, you have made up your mind that you are going to use the Constitutional Party as a front.
Milteer: Yeah, Constitutional Party States Rights.
Sommerset: Yeah, and it will sic [be] strictly secret and nobody will be exposed except you.

Regarding that passage, either Milteer was willing to go to prison for the assassination, if Somersett is correct in what he says, or [and a more likely possibility in my estimation] Milteer knew that the only person that would ever be "charged" was "some nut" as he phrased it.

The conversations references to Birmingham are also important as well. For the record I have listened to audio tapes from the JFK Library regarding conversations between JFK, RFK and Governor Wallace and someone named Tom Watkins, whom Wallace wants to "have talk to JFK," as an ersazt intermediary, Bobby does not hide from Wallace in his conversations with the Governor, that Watkins had nothing to offer, in terms of any resolution of the Meredith situation, when the violence broke out, a British journalist also died there, Paul Guihart; after the violence ended, either RFK or JFK is on tape asking "what was the delay in getting them to Memphis" referencing either state police or state troopers, who had been sent to protect persons from the JBS types.
Apparently were at least an hour late in getting there.....Although Bobby or JFK don't say anything else other than listening to the excuse, as a listener to this audio, there seemed to be an undercurrent that seemed to hint that even the police sent there to stop the violence, might have been making a political statement by not arriving on time.

Suffice to say, there were a lot of people that knew JFK was going to be assassinated before it happened.

Of course, Milteer qualified in that regard in spades, years later Jack Anderson and Les Whitten reference the Milteer incident and added further information, that shows even more how in the know Milteer really was; the information as of today, was news to me. The article stated that when the FBI questioned Milteer, he admitted he had been in Dallas in June 1963, but had no knowledge of the Kennedy assassination, and then mentions in the aftermath of the assassination the informant asked him if he had any advance knowledge of the plot or was just guessing, to which Milteer is said to have replied...."I don't do any guessing." 1

If Milteer did actually say the statements attributed to him, that would be perjury, which refutes the adage, you can't have your cake and eat it too. Joseph Milteer certainly seemed to. It would also seem to indicate that the only thing the FBI was deadly serious about regarding the Kennedy assassination was not getting to the bottom of how JFK was assassinated, as it has been mentioned many time previously in JFK lore, they "already had their man on both counts."
See
MYSTERY WITNESS IN JFK INQUIRY
http://www.maryferre...amp;relPageId=2

Edited by Robert Howard, 06 May 2009 - 03:56 AM.


#6 Robert Howard

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Posted 06 May 2009 - 01:19 PM

Just a bit of little known information that the majority here are probably not aware of.
The Milteer tape which was broadcast on The Men Who Killed Kennedy is not the real Milteer tape.
The quality of the original was apparently so bad, that Nigel Turner decided to use voice over artistes to recreate the conversation. No mention of this was made during the broadcast.

Duncan MacRae


The source of this information can be found here.
Source of the re-enactment information Re: The Milteer Tape

Thanks Duncan, I didn't realize that; the voice-over was convincing, I've seen the series and never thought anything about it.
The following comments are from memory, so if anyone catches something odd, definitely challenge me on it.
I seem to remember the claim that either the local police or the local FBI revealed that Somersett was the informant and that it was likely that Milteer found out.....Which, if thats the case is pretty despicable. One of my disappointments is that [as far as I know] there is still some uncertainty over whether the person in Dealey Plaza to the right of the motorcade is Lucien Conein or Milteer, while I have always been of the opinion it is Milteer, it seems? there is some ambiguity over Conein's whereabouts on 11/22/63 as far as I know.
For those who read the post, I was particularly struck by the name references specifically "Kenneth Adams" and "Brown."
Brown is not only mentioned as allegedly tracking MLK, in the period before Dealey Plaza, but Milteer states "Brown is as likely to get him as anybody," referencing JFK.
I would have to go back and look but there are definitely, both in the WC documents and the de-classified files other suspects, even besides Oswald. I need to see if there is a Brown or Adams, amongst that category.
I also felt that the following comments.
Somersett: Now you see, we will talk to all these other people, you have made up your mind that you are going to use the Constitutional Party as a front.
Milteer: Yeah, Constitutional Party States Rights.
Sommerset: Yeah, and it will sic [be] strictly secret and nobody will be exposed except you.

Regarding that passage, either Milteer was willing to go to prison for the assassination, if Somersett is correct in what he says, or [and a more likely possibility in my estimation] Milteer knew that the only person that would ever be "charged" was "some nut" as he phrased it.

The conversations references to Birmingham are also important as well. For the record I have listened to audio tapes from the JFK Library regarding conversations between JFK, RFK and Governor Wallace and someone named Tom Watkins, whom Wallace wants to "have talk to JFK," as an ersazt intermediary, Bobby does not hide from Wallace in his conversations with the Governor, that Watkins had nothing to offer, in terms of any resolution of the Meredith situation, when the violence broke out, a British journalist also died there, Paul Guihart; after the violence ended, either RFK or JFK is on tape asking "what was the delay in getting them to Memphis" referencing either state police or state troopers, who had been sent to protect persons from the JBS types.
Apparently were at least an hour late in getting there.....Although Bobby or JFK don't say anything else other than listening to the excuse, as a listener to this audio, there seemed to be an undercurrent that seemed to hint that even the police sent there to stop the violence, might have been making a political statement by not arriving on time.

Suffice to say, there were a lot of people that knew JFK was going to be assassinated before it happened.

Of course, Milteer qualified in that regard in spades, years later Jack Anderson and Les Whitten reference the Milteer incident and added further information, that shows even more how in the know Milteer really was; the information as of today, was news to me. The article stated that when the FBI questioned Milteer, he admitted he had been in Dallas in June 1963, but had no knowledge of the Kennedy assassination, and then mentions in the aftermath of the assassination the informant asked him if he had any advance knowledge of the plot or was just guessing, to which Milteer is said to have replied...."I don't do any guessing." 1

If Milteer did actually say the statements attributed to him, that would be perjury, which refutes the adage, you can't have your cake and eat it too. Joseph Milteer certainly seemed to. It would also seem to indicate that the only thing the FBI was deadly serious about regarding the Kennedy assassination was not getting to the bottom of how JFK was assassinated, as it has been mentioned many time previously in JFK lore, they "already had their man on both counts."
See
MYSTERY WITNESS IN JFK INQUIRY
http://www.maryferre...amp;relPageId=2



In addition to the information regarding Milteer's presence in Dallas in June 1963, the following document states that according to FBI Agent Charles Harding he "immediately ascertained" Milteer was in Quitman, Georgia at the time of the assassination. For those who are familiar with the photo in Dealey Plaza, it would seem that Conein was the person that was sighted on the route of the motorcade, if the reader believes it is one of the two, Milteer or Conein. In the world of JFK research, I have learned that considering every possibility is always a good idea. Thus, a third possibility exists that the person being referenced was neither Milteer or Conein, and an even less popular possibility was that it was Milteer, and that Harding's giving Milteer an alibi, in effect, was less than honest regarding the determination that Milteer was in Quitman, I am not familiar enough with this aspect of the Milteer investigation to state one way or the other.
http://www.maryferre...amp;relPageId=2

#7 Steve Thomas

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Posted 06 May 2009 - 04:08 PM

Robert,

For those who read the post, I was particularly struck by the name references specifically "Kenneth Adams" and "Brown."
Brown is not only mentioned as allegedly tracking MLK, in the period before Dealey Plaza, but Milteer states "Brown is as likely to get him as anybody," referencing JFK.
I would have to go back and look but there are definitely, both in the WC documents and the de-classified files other suspects, even besides Oswald. I need to see if there is a Brown or Adams, amongst that category.


I have this in my notes:

“The Milteer Documents” by Harold Weisberg as printed in Frame Up by Harold Weisberg, 1971.

Transcript of the discussion between Somerset and Milteer on November 10, 1963:

Somerset: A man who killed two Negroes in Athens, GA “is from Chattanooga. He knows Brown, he knows all of them, his uncle is in the Klan there…. So he has been involved in quite a little bit of stuff, according to his story about Nashville, Chattanooga, and Georgia.”

(Weisberg said that the Brown referred to is believed to be Jack H. Brown, who like Kenneth Adams who was implicated in the burning of a Freedom Riders bus).
Weisberg wrote, “He [Brown] operated a gas station in a Chattanooga suburb. He has been reported to be a “contact man” for the United White Party; to have arranged for the Klan to be entered into the Chattanooga softball series; to have been a NSRP presidential elector; to believe that the Klan needed a flag and to have offered to design it; to have died of a heart attack in 1965.”

Somerset indicated that Brown, “intimated that he backed the bombings of killing the Negroes in Birmingham…”

Steve Thomas

#8 Robert Howard

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Posted 06 May 2009 - 07:53 PM

Robert,

For those who read the post, I was particularly struck by the name references specifically "Kenneth Adams" and "Brown."
Brown is not only mentioned as allegedly tracking MLK, in the period before Dealey Plaza, but Milteer states "Brown is as likely to get him as anybody," referencing JFK.
I would have to go back and look but there are definitely, both in the WC documents and the de-classified files other suspects, even besides Oswald. I need to see if there is a Brown or Adams, amongst that category.


I have this in my notes:

“The Milteer Documents” by Harold Weisberg as printed in Frame Up by Harold Weisberg, 1971.

Transcript of the discussion between Somerset and Milteer on November 10, 1963:

Somerset: A man who killed two Negroes in Athens, GA “is from Chattanooga. He knows Brown, he knows all of them, his uncle is in the Klan there…. So he has been involved in quite a little bit of stuff, according to his story about Nashville, Chattanooga, and Georgia.”

(Weisberg said that the Brown referred to is believed to be Jack H. Brown, who like Kenneth Adams who was implicated in the burning of a Freedom Riders bus).
Weisberg wrote, “He [Brown] operated a gas station in a Chattanooga suburb. He has been reported to be a “contact man” for the United White Party; to have arranged for the Klan to be entered into the Chattanooga softball series; to have been a NSRP presidential elector; to believe that the Klan needed a flag and to have offered to design it; to have died of a heart attack in 1965.”

Somerset indicated that Brown, “intimated that he backed the bombings of killing the Negroes in Birmingham…”

Steve Thomas

Thanks Steve, thats really helpful, I have a lot of respect for Weisberg. Unfortunately his books are not as easily available as they once were, although I see them here and there. Didn't know he wrote about Milteer.

#9 John Dolva

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Posted 07 May 2009 - 03:30 AM

(down with bidvertiser)

__________________________


on topic:

In February 1962, Walker entered the race for Governor of Texas, but finished last among six candidates in a Democratic primary election in May that was won by John Connally.

Walker organized protests in September 1962 against the use of federal troops to enforce the enrollment of African-American James Meredith at the racially segregated University of Mississippi. His public statement on September 29:

''This is Edwin A. Walker. I am in Mississippi beside Gov. Ross Barnett. I call for a national protest against the conspiracy from within. Rally to the cause of freedom in righteous indignation, violent vocal protest, and bitter silence under the flag of Mississippi at the use of Federal troops. This today is a disgrace to the nation in 'dire peril,' a disgrace beyond the capacity of anyone except its enemies. This is the conspiracy of the crucifixion by anti-Christ conspirators of the Supreme Court in their denial of prayer and their betrayal of a nation.''


http://www.506infant...garticle01.html

In late September 1962, President John F. Kennedy ordered troops to be sent to Oxford, MS to support US Marshals who had already deployed to the university to enforce a federal court's desegregation ruling. A federal court had ordered the school to admit its first black student, James Meredith. Shortly after the ruling was issued, thousands of armed whites began assembling at the university to block the US Marshals from carrying out the order. The 1st Airborne Battle Group, 506th Infantry were the first US Army troops to arrive in the area, and COL Elvy B. Roberts (Commander, 1st ABG, 506th Infantry, 1961-1963) was the commander of all the troops in the area until the troop strength reached about 11,000 on about the third day.

"Forgotten Soldiers of the Integration Fight
By William Doyle (author of An American Insurrection: The Battle of Oxford, MS, 1962)

On October 1, 1962, in the early morning, a force of nearly 30,000 American combat troops raced toward Oxford, MS in a colossal armada of helicopters, transport planes, Jeeps and Army trucks.

Their mission was to save Oxford, the University of Mississippi and a small force of federal marshals from being destroyed by over 2,000 white civilians who were rioting after James Meredith, a black Air Force veteran, arrived to integrate the school.

The troops were National Guardsmen from little towns all over Mississippi, regular Army men from across the United States and paratroopers from the 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions. They had to capture the city quickly; the FBI had intelligence that thousands of Klansmen and segregationists from California to Georgia may have set off for Oxford, many of them armed.

The first troops to reach Oxford found over 100 wounded federal marshals at the center of campus, 27 of them hit by civilian gunfire. Packs of hundreds of rioters swarmed the city, some holding war dances around burning vehicles.

Snipers opened fire on the Army convoys and bricks struck the heads of American soldiers. Black GI's in one convoy were ambushed by white civilians who tried to decapitate them in their open Jeeps with metal pipes.

The Army troops restored order to the school and the city, block by block. A girl watched a team of infantrymen under attack on the Oxford town square and, according to a reporter at the scene, wondered aloud, "When are they going to shoot back?" Except for a few warning shots, they never did.

Yet when the soldiers left the city a few weeks later, they marched into oblivion. Most were under orders not to talk to the press. The Cuban missile crisis unfolded just weeks later, wiping Oxford from the front pages.

What the troops did in Oxford was so courageous that their commanders nominated them for scores of medals. But an internal Army memo from May 1963 states: "The focus of additional attention on this incident would not be in the best interest of the US Army or the nation . . . decorations should not be awarded for actions involving conflict between US Army units and other Americans." Memories of what the troops did then faded away."

#10 John Bevilaqua

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Posted 07 May 2009 - 04:00 AM

Never forget that the nephew of then Mississippi Senator James O. Eastland, Byron DeLa Beckwith,
murdered Medgar Evers, Jr. in the Summer of 1963. He was a member of the NSRP and the KKK
just like the Birmingham Bombers and Joseph A. Milteer. See "Portrait of a Racist" by Reed
Massengil. Shortly after Evers was murdered, Wickliffe Draper sent his first $225,000 check to
the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission as a headhunter's payback in my opinion. See Doug
Blackmon, Wall Street Journal, June, 1999 - on Draper and the funding of the MSC. Draper
sent other checks to the MSC just before JFK was killed and just before the murders of Chaney,
Schwerner and Goodman, The Freedom Riders in The Ghosts of Mississippi.

You all know that Eastland and Senator Thomas J. Dodd were involved with Klein's Sporting
Goods and the Louisiana Voter Registration Drive with Lee Harvey Oswald and SISS but you
probably did not know about the other Mississippi connections. Doug Blackmon was amazed
that I knew about the Draper and Eastland connections 5 years before he found the documents
in the MSC files. Eastland headed the Draper Eugenics Committee as part of SISS. And did you
know that Jim Marrs discovered that Eastland wanted to head up: "The Eastland Commission
to Investigate the Assassination of JFK"? That is a fact, Jack.

Eugenics and Eugenicists who funded Southern crackers from Mississippi, Georgia and Alabama perpetrated
almost all of the Civil Rights violence of the 1960's. And Wickliffe Draper was the man who provided most of the money for them to operate. Google Doug Blackmon and Draper to see.

What did Eugenics and Draper have to do with Civil Rights violence and the JFK murder? Everything.

Everything.

#11 John Bevilaqua

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Posted 07 May 2009 - 04:07 AM

June 11, 1999


More on the Pioneer Fund
New York Press Counterpoint (June 30, 1999)

Silent Partner: How the South's Fight To Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North
New York Millionaire Secretly Sent Cash to Mississippi Via His Morgan Account 'Wall Street Gang' Pitches In

By DOUGLAS A. BLACKMON
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

JACKSON, Miss. - On the afternoon of Sept. 12, 1963, a vice president of Morgan Guaranty Trust Co. sent a telegram to the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, the agency created by local politicians to fight the civil-rights movement and preserve racial segregation.

A Morgan client, the telegram said, was "setting aside as an anonymous gift" stock valued at $100,000. There was one condition: "Donor would like the fact and amount of the gift to be kept confidential."

The matter was referred directly to Mississippi Gov. Ross Barnett, who agreed to the terms and, that same day, sent Morgan instructions on where to send the cash.

Once the money arrived in Mississippi, it was funneled to an account in Washington, D.C., where segregationists were launching a fierce campaign to defeat landmark civil-rights legislation abolishing segregation in most public facilities. And in the ensuing months, the mystery contributor would follow up with additional, substantial gifts to help the cause.

For nearly four decades, the role of that donor remained concealed in the files of the now-defunct Sovereignty Commission. But last year, a federal judge ordered the unsealing of more than 130,000 commission files. The documents triggered a painful examination of some of the South's most heinous racial crimes. Little explored, though, was the trove of ledgers, invoices and correspondence recording the commission's finances.

Those records show large transfers of money by Morgan on behalf of a client who turns out be a wealthy and reclusive New Yorker named Wickliffe Preston Draper. Mr. Draper used his private banker to transfer nearly $215,000 in stock and cash to the Sovereignty Commission for use in its fight against the Civil Rights Act. The entire budget for the effort amounted to about $300,000. Adjusted for inflation, Mr. Draper's contributions would be worth more than $1.1 million today.

The Sovereignty Commission files do more than simply document one man's role. They show that some of the most virulent resistance to civil-rights progress in the 1960s was supported and funded from the North, not just the South. The files also highlight the ethical issues that confront an institution like Morgan Guaranty, the private-banking unit of J.P.Morgan & Co., when it is drawn, even unwittingly, into a client's support for repugnant causes.

Since the 1930s, Mr. Draper had been a client of Guaranty Trust, which became Morgan Guaranty when it merged with J.P. Morgan in 1959. It isn't clear whether he used Guaranty to help with funding some of his earlier race related efforts, such as a program in the 1930s to encourage white military pilots to have more children, or research in the 1950s to prove the superiority of whites and the dangers of mixed-race marriages.

When Mr. Draper died in 1972, Morgan was an executor of his estate, overseeing distributions totaling about $5 million to two race-oriented foundations. The primary beneficiary was the Pioneer Fund, an organization Mr. Draper helped found and which became known in recent years for funding research cited in "The Bell Curve," a book arguing that blacks are genetically inclined to be less intelligent than whites or Asians. In his will, Mr. Draper instructed that after his death, the Pioneer Fund use Morgan for financial advice; the fund did so for two decades.

Morgan today says that "racism is deplorable" and that the bank doesn't "support institutions that further racist causes." Moreover, the bank notes that it has been a consistent donor to African American causes, giving more than $3.3 million of its own money to civil-rights-related groups since the late 1960s.

Morgan insists that the Sovereignty Commission transactions it processed for Mr. Draper were routine procedures carried out on behalf of a client, over which the bank had no influence or control.

"A thousand times a day, somebody sends money to an organization that 30 years later looks really terrible," says Morgan spokesman Joe Evangelisti. "We can't tell our customers how to spend their money."

Mr. Evangelisti says the role Morgan played was no different from the way Wall Street banks today facilitate gifts to organizations that could be equally controversial. He cites donations made to Planned Parenthood (often criticized for its pro-choice stance), or to the Boy Scouts of America (which prohibits gays from becoming troop leaders), Morgan's policy, he says, is to pass no judgment on any client's / Please Turn to Page A8, Column 1/ activities, except in the "rare situation" when "the wishes of a client ... conflict with the principles that we stand for as a firm." In those cases, the firm may close a client's account, Mr. Evangelisti says.

Since the Sovereignty Commission was a legal, state-created entity, says Hildy J. Simmons, a managing director at Morgan Guaranty, the bank had no choice but to follow its client's wishes. It would be no different today. "As long as the receiving party is legal, we have no discretion," says Ms. Simmons.

Morgan did close the asset-management account it maintained for the Pioneer Fund after the furor erupted over "The Bell Curve" in 1994, according to people familiar with the situation. The bank won't give details on why it did so.

That option is something banks should consider, says Thomas Donaldson, a business-ethics professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. "Good bankers should have the words 'Know thy client' tattooed somewhere on their chests," Mr. Donaldson says. "When the activities of the client or customer reach the point where they offend vital, deeply held values of the institution, you have to say no."

But many banks aren't comfortable with that posture, and with good reason, says George J. Benston, a banking professor at the Goizueta Business School at Emory University in Atlanta. "One would like any institution to operate with its customers neutrally. You don't want some bank officer making a judgment on whether a customer's donations are moral."

Brahmin Roots

Wickliffe Draper was, in many ways, a typical Yankee aristocrat. He was born in Hopedale, Mass., in 1891. His father was a top executive in the textile-machinery giant Draper Corp. His mother was from a blue-blood Kentucky family. An uncle was a Massachusetts governor. His younger sister married a nephew of President William Howard Taft.

Mr. Draper reveled in adventure. At Harvard College, from which he graduated in 1913, he excelled in shooting. A volunteer in both world wars, he used the title "colonel" for most of his life. In 1924, he inherited about half of his father's estate, which was valued at the then-enormous sum of nearly $11 million. In 1938, he reported to his Harvard classmates that his diversions over the 25 years since college included "shooting jaguar in Matto Grosso and deer in Sonora, elephant in Uganda and chamois in Steiermark, ibex in Baltistan and antelope in Mongolia; pigsticking in India."

By the late 1930s, for reasons that still aren't clear, Mr. Draper had also developed a fascination with racial genetics. In 1937, he helped found the Pioneer Fund. The foundation was devoted to supporting eugenics, a school of thinking which held that races can be genetically "improved" through mating practices, such as encouraging intelligent people to marry, or sterilizing handicapped individuals. Many eugenicists of the day, including some Pioneer founders, believed that whites were superior to blacks in intellect and other attributes, says Barry Mehler, a historian at Michigan's Ferris State University, who has studied the fund extensively.

The charter of the Pioneer Fund said the organization would support research and programs aimed at "race betterment," Scholarship programs would give special consideration to "children who are deemed to be descended predominantly from white persons who settled in the original 13 states." (In 1985, Pioneer amended its charter, saying it supports programs aimed at "human race betterment," and also deleting the reference to "white persons.")

Today, officials of the fund deny that it seeks to prove the inferiority of any race and maintain that it funds only legitimate genetic research, regardless of its findings. The organization says its past and present leaders were not biased for or against any race.

One of the first major projects of the Pioneer Fund under Mr. Draper was a program to encourage officers of the all-white U.S. Army Air Corps, predecessor of the Air Force, to have more children. Mr. Draper and other directors of the foundation believed that the Pioneer Fund should encourage a higher birth rate among the best of the white race. So the fund offered to establish annuities to pay for the education of any child born in 1940 to a pilot who had already fathered at least three children.

Among the original Pioneer Fund directors who endorsed the plan was John Marshall Harlan II, a prominent New York attorney who would be appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1957. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's secretary of war, Harry H. Woodring, personally approved the plan, according to Justice Harlan's papers, now stored at Princeton University.

Memos to Mr. Harlan make clear that the plans were fulfilled. "During the calendar year 1940 there were 12 children born to officers in the Army Air Corps ... eligible to receive scholarships," wrote a psychologist hired to oversee the program. Mr. Draper made arrangements, according to records kept by Mr. Harlan, for an annuity to be established for each of the children at Guaranty Trust, the predecessor to Morgan Guarantee.

After World War II, the never-married Mr. Draper became increasingly reclusive. He stopped submitting updates to his Harvard class and lived alone in Manhattan, in a spacious East 57th Street penthouse duplex, surrounded by hunting weapons and mounted animal heads. For several years, he paid young researchers to visit his apartment and teach him genetic theory.

"For $10 an hour, I tutored Draper ... every time I was in New York," says Bruce Wallace, a retired Virginia Polytechnic University professor who adds that he disagreed with Mr. Draper's views. "His contention was that the-geneticists had all the figures but they were afraid to add them all up.... He was quite set on the idea that there was superiority and inferiority. I don't think he would have placed blacks among the superior."

The theories embraced by Mr. Draper fell out of favor after the war, and as the horrors of the Nazi regime became apparent, many of his old allies distanced themselves from their previous work. But through the 1950s, Mr. Draper continued to push for research to demonstrate white superiority; he also espoused sending American blacks, on a voluntary basis, to live in Africa, says the Pioneer Fund.

In 1957, the state of Mississippi created the Sovereignty Commission. Operating on an appropriation of about $100,000 a year, the commission penetrated most of the major civil-rights organizations in Mississippi, even planting clerical workers in the offices of activist attorneys. It informed police about planned marches or boycotts and encouraged police harassment! of African Americans who cooperated with civil rights groups. Its agents obstructed voter registration by blacks and harassed African Americans seeking to attend white schools. On occasion, the commission also took steps to discourage violence by the Ku Klux Man and other extremist groups.

Precisely how Mr. Draper became connected to the commission isn't clear. But the relationship appears to have blossomed shortly after a national address by President John F. Kennedy in June 1963. The president proposed wide-reaching legislation to outlaw segregation in public facilities. Mississippi leaders scrambled to mount a vigorous fight.

They turned to John C. Satterfield, a brilliant litigator from Yazoo City, Miss., and the immediate past president of the American Bar Association. By the end of the 1960s, Time magazine would label him "the most prominent segregationist lawyer in the country."

Within days of President Kennedy's speech, Mr. Satterfield headed to Washington to meet with top politicians and leaders of major trade organizations and business groups. The response was encouraging. "We in the South now have new and important allies who never before seemed seriously concerned," wrote Erle Johnston Jr., director of the Sovereignty Commission. "It was a thrill to me to see how the gentlemen at these meetings looked to Mississippi for leadership."

The result was a new national lobbying organization, called the Coordinating Committee for Fundamental American Freedoms. The Sovereignty Commission provided money to rent a Washington office and hire staff, and largely controlled the group from Mississippi.

On July 22, 1963, Mr. Satterfield received the first private contribution to the cause, a $10,000 Morgan Guaranty cashier's check drawn from Mr. Draper's accounts. It was deposited into a special account in the Mississippi state treasury and logged into Sovereignty Commission records with a simple notation: "Morgan Guaranty Trust Co."

Over the next year, Mississippi leaders repeatedly claimed that the campaign was being financed by broad grass-roots support in Mississippi and across the U.S. In truth, contributions from Mississippi citizens never topped $30,000. A surviving partner of Mr. Satterfield's law firm says the attorney obliquely referred to the source of the big money simply as "the Wall Street gang."

On Sept. 12, Mississippi Gov. Barnett received the telegram in which Morgan Vice President Arthur W. Rossiter Jr. said $100,000 in stock had been earmarked for the Mississippi commission. After the shares were sold, the gift totaled $98,612. It was entered into Sovereignty Commission records as "Donation from Morgan Guaranty Trust Company." Four months later, another telegram arrived from Mr. Rossiter, this time signaling the impending arrival of an additional $105,000 from Mr. Draper.

The money was derived from Mr. Draper's shares of Reynolds Tobacco, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey and Addressograph-Multigraph. Morgan sold the stock at Mr. Draper's direction, collected commissions on the sales, and moved the proceeds into what it calls a temporary Sovereignty Commission account at Morgan Guaranty. The Sovereignty Commission eventually forwarded the funds to Washington.

Throughout, Mr. Rossiter insisted that the source of the money never be disclosed. "This represents an anonymous gift to your Commission and the donor has specifically requested that the fact and the amount of the gift be kept strictly confidential," he wrote in one letter.

Mr. Draper's money buoyed a sweeping attack on the civil-rights bill. The Sovereignty Commission's Washington arm coordinated opposition efforts among less-organized groups, pushed trade associations to fight the bill and lobbied Congress. It sent ghost-written editorials to newspapers around the country and bought ads in 500 daily and weekly papers. By April 1964, the group had distributed 1.4 million pamphlets and mailings, Sovereignty Commission records indicate.

The opposition effort was swathed in the issues of protecting states' rights and . reining in an overreaching federal government. The advertisements said the bill would create an "omnipotent president" and a "dictatorial attorney general."

But commission records make clear that the effort co-financed by Mr. Draper was grounded on bitterly racist notions. Citing several white-supremacist tracts, an internal memorandum by Mr. Satterfield said Americans had to be shown that the conditions of blacks in the U.S. were the result of "heredity ... not discrimination." At the heart of the matter, the memo said, were "the intelligence, criminality and immorality of the Negro."

The Sovereignty Commission campaign triggered thousands of letters. Despite that, Congress approved the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and President Lyndon B. Johnson signed it into law.

Frustrated by the defeat, Mr. Satterfield pressed Mississippi's new governor, Paul Johnson, to help start a new national organization, designed to demonstrate that the plight of blacks in the South was the result not of "mistreatment and discrimination" but the "completely different nature of Negro citizens and white citizens," he wrote the governor.

"Certain groups in the east who prefer anonymity" were ready to back the effort with $200,000, Mr. Satterfield wrote, if the state would match the contribution. As a gesture of seriousness, an unnamed northern benefactor had sent $50,000.

The donor was, again, Mr. Draper. His gift arrived via Morgan on June 2, 1964. Gov. Johnson endorsed the plan, and the Legislature quickly appropriated $200,000.

But the segregationists suffered another setback, this time at the hands of their most rabid elements. Klan members abducted civil-rights workers Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman and James Chaney in the town of Philadelphia, Miss. The three were beaten, shot to death and buried in an earthen dam. Six weeks later, the workers' 1963 Ford station wagon was found burned along an isolated road, still bearing Mississippi license tag H 25503, a number logged into Sovereignty Commission files by an informant a few weeks earlier.

The national outcry brought an end to the new alliance between Mississippi officials and Mr. Draper. Gov. Johnson's office was flooded with telegrams, many simply repeating the words "justice, justice, justice." Increasingly isolated, Mississippi leaders took at least symbolic steps to halt violence. The state's own $200,000 appropriation was quietly returned to the Mississippi treasury.

Later, the $50,000 from Mr. Draper was returned to his attorney in New York, Harry F. Weyher, who deposited it into the escrow account of his firm, records show. Mr. Weyher, who has been president of the Pioneer Fund for more than 40 years, says he doesn't recall the flow of funds, though he did remember meeting with Mr. Satterfield in the 1960s.

Mr. Draper maintained his interest in the fight to preserve segregation in the South. In the late 1960s and 1970s, he sent dozens of checks to private academies that had opened up to accommodate white families fleeing newly integrated public schools, estate records show.

After Mr. Draper died in 1972, Morgan continued to manage his holdings while the will was being sorted out. Five years later, his assets were distributed according to Mr. Draper's wishes.

He gave about $1 million to family members, and also bequeathed $3.3 million to the Pioneer Fund and $1.7 million to the Puritan Foundation. (The Pioneer Fund isn't related to the mutual fund of the same name.) The Puritan Foundation listed as its address the law firm of Mr. Satterfield, the Mississippi lawyer. In 1978, the fund was merged into another nonprofit called the Council School Foundation, according to Rutgers University Prof. William Tucker, who is researching Mr. Draper's activities. That Mississippi group was created to support private schools that catered to white students.

A State's Stigima

Citing bank policy, executives at Morgan won't discuss whether the bankers who worked with Mr. Draper knew of his racial leanings or the true nature of the Sovereignty Commission.

Still, Morgan was dealing with prominent Mississippi segregationists at a time when the national media were focused on the state, and when some on Wall Street and in New York's political community were concerned about maintaining business ties there. Mr. Barnett, the governor of Mississippi, had been pictured on the front page of the New York Times in 1962 during a bloody standoff with federal troops forcing the integration of the University of Mississippi.

The Mississippi state treasurer at the time, William F. Winter, said that Wall Street firms charged higher interest rates on the state's bonds, due to the stigma of having ties to Mississippi. In 1965, one such issue was canceled due to a lack of bids on Wall Street.

Morgan says none of that is relevant. The bank likely had clients supporting the civil-rights movement as well, executives say. And, adds Mr. Evangelisti, "doing business with a particular client doesn't mean that we endorse that client's beliefs of actions." It would be "offensive" for a bank to police how its clients conduct their affairs.

"That's a privilege of being rich in America," says Ms. Simmons at Morgan. "You can spend your money the way you want to."

Douglas A. Blackmon, "Silent Partner: How the South's Fight To Uphold Segregation Was Funded Up North," Wall Street Journal (Friday June 11, 1999) p. 1; A8.

Blackmon, Douglas A. "Silent partner: How the South's fight to uphold segregation was funded up North." Wall Street Journal. 11 Jun. 1999.

#12 John Dolva

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Posted 07 May 2009 - 04:58 AM

some extra background:

John : "In 1957, the state of Mississippi created the Sovereignty Commission. Operating on an appropriation of about $100,000 a year, the commission penetrated most of the major civil-rights organizations in Mississippi, even planting clerical workers in the offices of activist attorneys. It informed police about planned marches or boycotts and encouraged police harassment of African Americans who cooperated with civil rights groups. Its agents obstructed voter registration by blacks and harassed African Americans seeking to attend white schools. On occasion, the commission also took steps to discourage violence by the Ku Klux Klan and other extremist groups.

Precisely how Mr. Draper became connected to the commission isn't clear.

>But the relationship appears to have blossomed shortly after a national address by President John F. Kennedy in June 1963*. The president proposed wide-reaching legislation to outlaw segregation in public facilities. Mississippi leaders scrambled to mount a vigorous fight.<

They turned to John C. Satterfield, a brilliant litigator from Yazoo City, Miss., and the immediate past president of the American Bar Association. By the end of the 1960s, Time magazine would label him "the most prominent segregationist lawyer in the country."

Within days of President Kennedy's speech, Mr. Satterfield headed to Washington to meet with top politicians and leaders of major trade organizations and business groups. The response was encouraging. "We in the South now have new and important allies who never before seemed seriously concerned," wrote Erle Johnston Jr., director of the Sovereignty Commission. "It was a thrill to me to see how the gentlemen at these meetings looked to Mississippi for leadership." "

(a bit of editing, typos, format to highlight a point)
...............

*''Byron DeLa Beckwith, murdered Medgar Evers, Jr.** in the Summer of 1963.( ed : early morning, june 12, '63 )'' ... a few hours after watching Kennedy's Civil Rights speech ( June 11 ) declaring that the time of waiting ( ed : 100 years ) is over... At the gathering Evers was described as being unusually shaken and withdrawn, (a bit like part of the description of MLK the evening before he was assassinated).

( **Leading Black Civil Rights Leader. RFK flew to his brothers side and they became firm friends. (Likewise, pre '61 election, JFK flew to MLK's side, IOW Civil Rights was a major priority for the Kennedys from early on))


#13 John Dolva

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Posted 08 May 2009 - 03:27 AM

Spartacus :

''In December 1962, Felipe Vidal Santiago had a meeting with a lawyer connected to a "Citizen's Committee to Free Cuba". He told Vidal about a conversation he had with Henry Cabot Lodge, who had been told by Walt Rostow, that John F. Kennedy was exploring "a plan to open a dialogue with Cuba." Vidal was furious about what he considered to be an act of betrayal and immediately told leaders of the anti-Castro community and his CIA contact, Colonel William Bishop. >>According to Dick Russell, Vidal was also "an information conduit for" General Walker<<.''

So, after his humiliation at Oxford, Walker plants the Cuba diversion setting the stage for what is to come.
Following the assassination, he and his cohorts push the Cuba did it scenario through numerous outlets, diverting attention away from the real story, (successfully so for decades ( the jfk researcher is the conspirators, unwitting in many cases, best friend )) : his and the Confederacy's grab for power and the perpetuation of that which he fought so vigorously for, a segregated US of A.

#14 John Dolva

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Posted 08 May 2009 - 03:47 AM

Jackie had a choice for the location of Kennedy's grave in the days following the assassination.
She choose the site where when you look at the eternal flame so that when you raise your head you look straight at Robert E. Lee's onetime house.

She wore her blood stained clothes until her husband had been brought to the White House, replying to any request for her to change with "No, let them see what they have done.", (just like Emmett Tills' mother had said 10 years earlier at the public viewing, when she was urged to close the coffin on her sons mutilated body).

#15 John Bevilaqua

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Posted 08 May 2009 - 04:20 PM

Spartacus :

''In December 1962, Felipe Vidal Santiago had a meeting with a lawyer connected to a "Citizen's Committee to Free Cuba". He told Vidal about a conversation he had with Henry Cabot Lodge, who had been told by Walt Rostow, that John F. Kennedy was exploring "a plan to open a dialogue with Cuba." Vidal was furious about what he considered to be an act of betrayal and immediately told leaders of the anti-Castro community and his CIA contact, Colonel William Bishop. >>According to Dick Russell, Vidal was also "an information conduit for" General Walker<<.''

So, after his humiliation at Oxford, Walker plants the Cuba diversion setting the stage for what is to come.
Following the assassination, he and his cohorts push the Cuba did it scenario through numerous outlets, diverting attention away from the real story, (successfully so for decades ( the jfk researcher is the conspirators, unwitting in many cases, best friend )) : his and the Confederacy's grab for power and the perpetuation of that which he fought so vigorously for, a segregated US of A.


Point well take, John. Compare the dates of Wickliffe Draper's contributions to the Miss Sov Comm and the dates
of the assassinations of Medgar Evers, Jr., John F. Kennedy and Chaney, Schwerner and Goodman. I will get those
dates from Pulitzer Prize winning author Doug Blackmon's article from the Wall Street Journal in June of 1999 later.
The Birmingham Bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church was also part of this co-ordinated assault on Civil Rights advances inspired by Draper and his cohorts. You seem to be one of the few persons who is acutely aware of the
linkages among these common attacks. Even the MLK death was done by these friends of The Confederate Yankee
in King Camelot's Court - Wickliffe Draper though he may have remained hands off for RFK and MLK. Draper had
already cashed in his share of the $100,000,000 from the Rockwell takeover in 1967 and his inspiration showed these goons how to carry out political assassinations and then cover them up. It took 30+ years to convict Eastland's nephew, Byron DeLa Beckwith for the murder of Medgar Evers, Jr. and the Birmingham Bombers and they were emboldened by their successes.

Money Bags: Wickliffe P. Draper and CIA agent Harold B. Chait
Dealey Plaza Organizers: Hunt and Strugis and Barker (Watergaters)
Cover-Up Crew: Morris, Angleton, Cline and Willoughby
Scapegoaters: Oliver, Smith and Corso
Shooters: Robert Emmett Johnson and Company




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