In the weeks and days leading up to the Cuban missile crisis, Sen. Kenneth Keating, a New York state Republican, was one of the first to criticize President Kennedy for failing to address the issues of Soviet missiles in Cuba. The other person was Clare Booth Luce, whose articles in Life Magazine also made an issue of the possiblity of Soviet missiles in Cuba. Luce's sources that the missiles were there were her anti-Castro Cuban maritime commandos, who had close contacts in Cuba and often went there to deliver arms and sabatours.
As noted in the books about the crisis, including Dino Brugioni's "Eyeball to Eyeball," Keating would not reveal the source of his information on the missiles. Now we know, it was U.S. Army Col. Philip J.Corso, who acknowledges that he was the source of Keating's allegations, and his source was a Pentagon Army Intelligence officer affiliated with NPIC who had obtained the photos from U2 survillance flights.
For those who see parallels between the characters in the Bay of Pigs, Cuban Missile Crisis and the assassination of President Kennedy, both Col. Corso and Sen. Keating are repeat offenders.
After the assassination, Keating became a fierce opponent of RFK, and was a close friend of ABC News reporter Lisa Howard, whose boss was former Eisenhower's press spokesman, both of whom were knowledgable of and facilitators of JFK's backchannel communications with Castro (via William Attwood and Carlos Lechuga at the UN). Howard publicly endorsed Keating over RFK before she died mysteriously of a drug overdose in the same fashion as MM and Dorithy Killgallon.
Col. Corso was the Army's chief of R&D under Gen. Trudeau, and was well known for having promoted the idea that there were still American POWs in Korea years after the war's end, that the Bureau of Estimates and other US intelligence agencies were penetraated by the KGB, and oh, yea, that the Army R&D (his outfit) utilized reverse engineering to figure out the advanced science behind the UFO that crashed at Roswell, NM in 1947.
Corso is also believed to be connected to certain elements within the intelligence community that is promoting bogus documents and stories about the CIA and the Kennedy assassination promoted by Gregory Douglas as the "Zipper Documents."
That Corso is the source of Sen. Keating's Oct. 1962 public allegations that there were Soviet missiles in Cuba, and that an Army Intelligence officer affilialted with NPIC is Corso's source, is extremely significant information in trying to piece the Dealey Plaza puzzle together.
It's also interesting that Dino Brugioni should have known this fact when he wrote "Eyeball to Eyeball," yet failed to reveal it, and it is also interesting that Corso, in trying to persuade people to belive that the miliary developed alien technology from the 1947 Roswell crash, fails to mention that the UFO phenonomena was used by the military as cover for their experimental aircraft including drones and U2. It's also fair to say that he knew about and didn't mention that NPIC was founded by former Navy photo interpreter Art Lundahl, who had a fascination with UFOs and was hired by the CIA out of the Navy photo shop to start NPIC after his analysis of films and photos of UFOs. Why wouldn't Corso use these facts to support his hypothesis of the use of alien technoloy, which I think is still being used to cover for real experimental aircraft today.
When President Kennedy fired Gen. Charles Cabel for leaking secrets during the Bay of Pigs, Cabel complained it wasn't him who did the leaking, and Brugioni later revealed that it really wasn't him, but actually a Navy admiral on the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Then we have Brugioni saying Sen. Keating was red-baiting President Kennedy over Soviet missiles in Cuba, but wouldn't reveal his source, but now we discover that the source was Army Col. Corso, and the leak was an Army Intelligence officer, probably one of the three members of a NPIC photo exploitation team that included three officers, one each from the Army, Navy and Air Force. It's Col. Corso however, who is the secret manipulator and disinformation agent both before the Cuban Missile Crisis and after the assassination of President Kennedy.
From "The Day After Roswell" by Col. Philip J. Corso (Pocket Books, 1997, with William J. Birnes) – A Former Pentagon Official Reveals the U.S. Government's Shocking USO Cover-up.
As Chief of the Army's Foreign Technology Division in 1961, Philip J. Corso stewarded the Roswell, New Mexico, alien artifacts in a reverse-engineering project that led to today's : Integrated circuit chips, Fiber optics, Laser, Super-tenacity fibers and "seeded" the Roswell alien technology to giants of American industry.
Dedication: In memory of Lt.Gen. Arthur G. Trudeau,…chief of U.S. Army Reserch and Development…at Pork Chop Hill in Korea,…deeply religious and went on "retreats" at Loyola….His accomplishments changed the world for the better…
Chapter 17 Star Wars (p. 251)
TOWARD THE WPRING OF 1962, GENERAL TRUDEAU TOLD ME OF his intention to retire. He was not going to be the commander of U.S. Forces in Vietnam, he'd been told…A West Point graduate, he was born into a generation of military officers who had absolutely no doubts about what was right and what was wrong, and he marched through two wars and a series of commands, including the head of Army Intelligence, secure in the knowledge that he was on the right side…He had been at the helm of R&D for six years after having commanded Army Intelligence for three years before that. Although the general didn't explicitly comment much on the incredible facts we had uncovered in the Roswell file because he considered it just part of his job, he did joke about it from time to time with his old friend Senator Strom Thurmond. More than once, I would take the back door into his inner office only to find Sen. Thurmond and General Trudeau sitting on his couch and looking me up and down as I walked in.
"Art," Senator Thurmond would draw, barley hiding his Cheshire cat smile, "what spooky things you think old Phil's been into?"…..
…As the summer of 1962 came to an end, ominous reports were circulating all though Washington concerning Soviet freighters making their way into Cuban waters. The traffic was intense, but there was no response from our intelligence people on what was happening. The CIA was completely mum, and the word making its way through the Pentagon was that we were getting slapped around by the Soviets and were going to sit still for it. Whatever it was, friends of mine in Army Intelligence were saying, the CIA was going to downplay it because the Kennedy administration didn't want a confrontation with the Soviet Union.
What was it? I kept asking,...My answer came in a shocking series of photographs, unmistakable surveillance photographs, that were leaked to me by my friends in an office of Army Intelligence so deep inside the Pentagon and so secret that you weren't even allowed to take notes inside the room. I was asked, by officers who may still be alive and therefore shall go unnamed, to take a good look at the photographs they had developed from the spy planes over Cuba. They said, "Memorize these, Colonel, because nobody can make any copies here." I couldn't believe my eyes as I looked down at the glossies and then ran a magnifying glass over them just to make sure that I wasn't seeing things. Nope, there they were, Soviet intermediate range ballistic missiles of the latest vintage. These babies could take out Washington in minutes, and yet there they were, sitting outside of hangers only a few miles from our marine base at Guantinamo Bay.
Had Gen. Curtis Lemay seen these photos, I had to ask myself? LeMay, a veteran of Korean bombing runs, should have been drooling over his desk at the prospect of bombing the hell out of Castro just for thinking he could even park ICBMs so close to US airspace. Yet no reaction from Washington at all. The army had nothing to say, the air force had nothing to say, and my navy friends were simply unresponsive. Somebody was putting the lid on this, and I was getting deeply worried. So I called one of my friends, New York Senator Kenneth Keating, and asked him what he knew.
"What do you mean missiles, Colonel Corso?" he asked. "What missile, where?"
It was October 1962.
"In Cuba, Senator," I said. "They're sitting in Cuba waiting to be deployed on launchers. Don't you know?"
The truth was Senator Keating did not, nor did Representative Mike Feighan, whom I also called. Both legislators knew better than to ask me where I found the photos or who gave them to me, but before they did or said anything, they wanted to know why I believed them to be authentic?
"They come from our best resources," I told them….
…Senator Keating asked whether I knew for sure that President Kennedy had been informed of the presence of the missiles, but I told him there was no way of knowing. Privately, I would have been shocked if intelligence sources had kept this information away from the President because there were so many intelligence pathways to the Oval Office the President would have found out no matter who tried to keep the information away. So it was pretty clear to me that the administration was trying to keep the news from the American people so that neither the Russians nor the Cubans would be embarrassed and have their backs against the wall.
I also knew that by going to Senator Keating and Representative Feighan I was taking a huge risk. I was leaking information outside the military and executive chains of command to the legislative branch. But, that same April, I had already testified to Senator Dirksen's committee on the administration of the Internal Security Act that it was my belief- and I had proof to back it up – that our intelligence services, particularly the Board of Estimates, had been penetrated by the KGB and as a result we lost a war in Korea that we should have won. The testimony was regarded as classified and never released. But it made its way to Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who promised me, in a private interview at the Justice Department, that he would personally make sure his brother, the President, read it. Now…it was clear that unless somebody stopped them, the Russians were going to get away with it. Not on my watch.
President Kennedy had gone up to Hyannis Port, and the vice president, Lyndon Johnson, a friend of Ken Keating's from his days as Senate majority leader, was completely out of the decision –making loop within the White House. The rumors were that because of his association with Bobby Baker, there was going to be an investigation of the vice president and he might (sic not) return as a member of the ticket in 1964. So Senator Keating didn't recommend going to Lyndon Johnson with this information. Besides, we had to get it right in front of the public so it couldn't be swept away, leaving the White House free to ignore it until it was too late to force the Soviet's hand. This was a gamble, of course, because the whole world could explode in our faces, but I knew that the only way to deal with the Russians was put their noses in it and teach them a lesson. Had we done that in Korea the way MacArthur wanted to, there probably wouldn't have been a Vietnam War.
One of my old friends in the Washington press corps was Paul Scott, the syndicated political columnist whose pieces appeared in the Boston Globe and the Washington Post. If we gave him the story, it would find its way into the Globe and the Post at the same time, right in the President's face and forcing him to act. I didn't enjoy this, but there was no other way. So Senator Keating, Mike Feighan, and I coordinated the strategy. I called Scott and told him I had seen some photos and had an interpretation he needed to hear…..
Edited by William Kelly, 30 April 2010 - 06:45 AM.