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James DiEugenio

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  1. James DiEugenio

    Who changed the motorcade route?

    The rest of the review is here: https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/palamara-vincent-m-survivor-s-guilt What Vince does here is he shows with multi sources that, as Jim Garrison first stated, the route was altered. People like the shill McAdams, who have said it was not, just did not do any research on the subject. Of course, if he had and discovered this, he would have hushed it up anyway. Anybody who has ever been to Dealey Plaza, and stood atop the trestle and looked down at the motorcade path, I mean you just shake your head in disgust. I have said it before and I will say it now: it was like the hit team designed the route. What more could you have asked for? The fact that the WC never called anyone on the carpet for this route or pointed out all the problems it posed for protection, that says all you need to know about them.
  2. James DiEugenio

    Who changed the motorcade route?

    Paz: In my opinion, the best answer to this is in Vince Palamara's book. From my cheesy web site, this is part of my review of Survivor's Guilt which addresses the issue. Chapter 4 is devoted to the setting of the motorcade route. This is a key point. Because as anyone who has been to the Dealey Plaza, triple underpass site will know, the two turns made by the motorcade into the plaza, onto Houston and then Elm, created an almost ideal situation for what military assassins call an L shaped ambush. That is a slow moving target, vulnerable to snipers from concealed places at three points surrounding the target. In addition, the location allowed for easy exits since there were parking lots adjoining at least two sniper locations: the Depository and the grassy knoll. Palamara does some good and interesting work in regard to the mystery of how this bizarre, indefensible route was chosen. He states that considering the fact that agent Gerald Behn, White House assistant Ken O'Donnell and Kennedy advance man Jerry Bruno were all opposed to the Trade Mart as the dinner destination, its seems odd that it was ultimately chosen. (pgs. 98-101) As late as November 14th, there was no dogleg on the motorcade route. The route came straight down Main Street. (ibid, p. 102) The author makes the case that the two men who added the dogleg onto Houston and Elm Streets were Secret Service agents Forrest Sorrels and Winston Lawson. There were other routes possible, and the motorcade route was not automatically determined by the selection of the Trade Mart. (ibid, p. 103) Palamara later adds that the final route was not actually decided upon until November 20th. He feels that this change, which included the dogleg, was kept secret after being authorized in Washington by agent Floyd Boring. In a suppressed Commission document the author found, the assistant police chief, Charles Batchelor, revealed that the secrecy about this change in the route made it hard for the local authorities to furnish any help to the Secret Service. (p. 105) Another witness, Sgt. Sam Bellah told the author that the police did not know about the route change until the evening of November 21st. Bellah said the original plan did not have the motorcade pass in front of the Texas School Book Depository. Bellah said that his commander, Captain Lawrence, came to his home late on the evening of the 21st. He took him to the triple underpass to show Bellah the new route for the motorcycle advance escort, of which Bellah was a part. (ibid) Bellah said that there was never any explanation as to why the route was changed at the last moment. Another local policeman, Captain Orville Jones told author Larry Sneed the same thing. That the motorcade route was changed just prior to the 22nd. Jones told the author that many people he knew in the Secret Service did not approve of going through Dealey Plaza at all. There were other routes discussed which avoided the triple underpass. (ibid) Another witness to this strange alteration was motorcycle officer Bobby Joe Dale. Dale said that there was more than one route discussed and reviewed by the police. In fact, three had been bandied about. Dale said it was not until Kennedy's arrival at Love Field that morning that he was alerted to what the actual route was going to be. (ibid, p. 106) Winston Lawson told the Warren Commission that the dogleg was necessary, "Because it is my understanding there isn't any entrance to the freeway on Main Street." (ibid, p. 108) But as the HSCA correctly noted, " ... the Trade Mart was accessible from beyond the triple underpass in such a way that it was not necessary to enter the Elm Street ramp to the expressway. The motorcade could have proceeded westward through Dealey Plaza on Main Street, passed under the underpass and then proceeded on Industrial Boulevard to the Trade Mart." (ibid) In fact, this is the route that Jones thought Kennedy would take that day. As the HSCA attorney in charge of the motorcade route inquiry wrote, "Any map of Dallas in 1963 shows that it was easy to reach the Trade Mart on streets that join Main on the West side of the overpass." Chapter 4 is devoted to the setting of the motorcade route. This is a key point. Because as anyone who has been to the Dealey Plaza, triple underpass site will know, the two turns made by the motorcade into the plaza, onto Houston and then Elm, created an almost ideal situation for what military assassins call an L shaped ambush. That is a slow moving target, vulnerable to snipers from concealed places at three points surrounding the target. In addition, the location allowed for easy exits since there were parking lots adjoining at least two sniper locations: the Depository and the grassy knoll. Palamara does some good and interesting work in regard to the mystery of how this bizarre, indefensible route was chosen. He states that considering the fact that agent Gerald Behn, White House assistant Ken O'Donnell and Kennedy advance man Jerry Bruno were all opposed to the Trade Mart as the dinner destination, its seems odd that it was ultimately chosen. (pgs. 98-101) As late as November 14th, there was no dogleg on the motorcade route. The route came straight down Main Street. (ibid, p. 102) The author makes the case that the two men who added the dogleg onto Houston and Elm Streets were Secret Service agents Forrest Sorrels and Winston Lawson. There were other routes possible, and the motorcade route was not automatically determined by the selection of the Trade Mart. (ibid, p. 103) Palamara later adds that the final route was not actually decided upon until November 20th. He feels that this change, which included the dogleg, was kept secret after being authorized in Washington by agent Floyd Boring. In a suppressed Commission document the author found, the assistant police chief, Charles Batchelor, revealed that the secrecy about this change in the route made it hard for the local authorities to furnish any help to the Secret Service. (p. 105) Another witness, Sgt. Sam Bellah told the author that the police did not know about the route change until the evening of November 21st. Bellah said the original plan did not have the motorcade pass in front of the Texas School Book Depository. Bellah said that his commander, Captain Lawrence, came to his home late on the evening of the 21st. He took him to the triple underpass to show Bellah the new route for the motorcycle advance escort, of which Bellah was a part. (ibid) Bellah said that there was never any explanation as to why the route was changed at the last moment. Another local policeman, Captain Orville Jones told author Larry Sneed the same thing. That the motorcade route was changed just prior to the 22nd. Jones told the author that many people he knew in the Secret Service did not approve of going through Dealey Plaza at all. There were other routes discussed which avoided the triple underpass. (ibid) Another witness to this strange alteration was motorcycle officer Bobby Joe Dale. Dale said that there was more than one route discussed and reviewed by the police. In fact, three had been bandied about. Dale said it was not until Kennedy's arrival at Love Field that morning that he was alerted to what the actual route was going to be. (ibid, p. 106) Winston Lawson told the Warren Commission that the dogleg was necessary, "Because it is my understanding there isn't any entrance to the freeway on Main Street." (ibid, p. 108) But as the HSCA correctly noted, " ... the Trade Mart was accessible from beyond the triple underpass in such a way that it was not necessary to enter the Elm Street ramp to the expressway. The motorcade could have proceeded westward through Dealey Plaza on Main Street, passed under the underpass and then proceeded on Industrial Boulevard to the Trade Mart." (ibid) In fact, this is the route that Jones thought Kennedy would take that day. As the HSCA attorney in charge of the motorcade route inquiry wrote, "Any map of Dallas in 1963 shows that it was easy to reach the Trade Mart on streets that join Main on the West side of the overpass." Compounding this shockingly poor choice of a route was the fact that Secret Service protocol was then broken while it was being navigated. Two years before Kennedy's murder, Mike Torina, Chief Inspector, stated that whenever a motorcade must slow down for a turn, the entire intersection must be checked in advance.(p. 109) That did not occur here. James Rowley wrote to the Commission that he had no knowledge of who actually released the motorcade route to the press. This seems another deception by Rowley. Palamara says it was Betty Forsling Harris a Dallas socialite on the local committee, who did so. She was working closely with representatives of John Connally, the Secret Service, and LBJ aide Bill Moyers. Palamara concludes that this false information was given out for purposes of plausible deniability. That is, the Secret Service could later say that the route was purposely advertised in more than one configuration to show that there was more than one option in hand. When, in reality, the Secret Service knew between November 18th and 20th what the actual route was, including the dogleg. This is a quite disturbing issue. In and of itself it seems simply bizarre that Lawson and Sorrels would choose this incredibly dangerous route. But then to not protect the president as he was going through this dangerous path is even more bizarre. Once this route was chosen, then the only way it could be made secure was by the Secret Service being supplemented by local law enforcement agents i.e. the police, the sheriff's office, military intelligence. Again, none of this happened. According to the author, Sheriff Decker told his men not to participate in any security operations. Palamara then writes that the local Dallas police force was called off the night before by the Secret Service. (p. 118) Captain Will Fritz was supposed to commander a detail riding behind the Vice-President with rapid-fire machine guns. According to two sources, this was changed the night before. Instead, this detail was sent to the Trade Mart to protect the speaker's stand. Palamara now brings in witnesses like former Eisenhower press secretary Jim Haggerty, and former agent Darwin Horn who state that supplementing the Secret Service with local police was a common practice. He then quotes Winston Lawson as denying this before the Warren Commission under oath. His specific words were, "This was not usual procedure." (ibid) Palamara now makes a penultimate point about the arrangement of the motorcade. Military aide Godfrey McHugh almost always rode in the president's car on these occasions. Yet, in Dallas, another anomaly took place. In Dallas, he was asked by the Secret Service "for the first time" to "ride in the back, instead, as normally I would do, between the driver and the Secret Service agent in charge of the trip." (p. 119) The reason given was this would allow the president fuller exposure to the crowd. As Air Force aide, one of McHugh's duties was to supervise Air Force One. Finally, the author notes that Batchelor told the Commission that he did not think any local authorities were in place below Houston Street. He then quotes William Manchester as writing, "Possibly [Police Chief] Curry's department met its responsibilities by deciding to end supervision of Friday's crowd at Houston and Main, a block short of the ambush ... " Manchester then added, perhaps for ironic effect, "The weakest link in downtown Dallas was Dealey Plaza." (p. 120) As Palamara points out with detailed accuracy, everything about this route, from its unnecessary choice, to the lack of supporting personnel, to the violation of protocol, to the secrecy about which route was actually to be used, to the almost incredible lack of protection at its most exposed point, cried out for a thorough investigation. To put it mildly, that did not happen. Compounding this shockingly poor choice of a route was the fact that Secret Service protocol was then broken while it was being navigated. Two years before Kennedy's murder, Mike Torina, Chief Inspector, stated that whenever a motorcade must slow down for a turn, the entire intersection must be checked in advance.(p. 109) That did not occur here. James Rowley wrote to the Commission that he had no knowledge of who actually released the motorcade route to the press. This seems another deception by Rowley. Palamara says it was Betty Forsling Harris a Dallas socialite on the local committee, who did so. She was working closely with representatives of John Connally, the Secret Service, and LBJ aide Bill Moyers. Palamara concludes that this false information was given out for purposes of plausible deniability. That is, the Secret Service could later say that the route was purposely advertised in more than one configuration to show that there was more than one option in hand. When, in reality, the Secret Service knew between November 18th and 20th what the actual route was, including the dogleg. This is a quite disturbing issue. In and of itself it seems simply bizarre that Lawson and Sorrels would choose this incredibly dangerous route. But then to not protect the president as he was going through this dangerous path is even more bizarre. Once this route was chosen, then the only way it could be made secure was by the Secret Service being supplemented by local law enforcement agents i.e. the police, the sheriff's office, military intelligence. Again, none of this happened. According to the author, Sheriff Decker told his men not to participate in any security operations. Palamara then writes that the local Dallas police force was called off the night before by the Secret Service. (p. 118) Captain Will Fritz was supposed to commander a detail riding behind the Vice-President with rapid-fire machine guns. According to two sources, this was changed the night before. Instead, this detail was sent to the Trade Mart to protect the speaker's stand. Palamara now brings in witnesses like former Eisenhower press secretary Jim Haggerty, and former agent Darwin Horn who state that supplementing the Secret Service with local police was a common practice. He then quotes Winston Lawson as denying this before the Warren Commission under oath. His specific words were, "This was not usual procedure." (ibid) Palamara now makes a penultimate point about the arrangement of the motorcade. Military aide Godfrey McHugh almost always rode in the president's car on these occasions. Yet, in Dallas, another anomaly took place. In Dallas, he was asked by the Secret Service "for the first time" to "ride in the back, instead, as normally I would do, between the driver and the Secret Service agent in charge of the trip." (p. 119) The reason given was this would allow the president fuller exposure to the crowd. As Air Force aide, one of McHugh's duties was to supervise Air Force One. Finally, the author notes that Batchelor told the Commission that he did not think any local authorities were in place below Houston Street. He then quotes William Manchester as writing, "Possibly [Police Chief] Curry's department met its responsibilities by deciding to end supervision of Friday's crowd at Houston and Main, a block short of the ambush ... " Manchester then added, perhaps for ironic effect, "The weakest link in downtown Dallas was Dealey Plaza." (p. 120) As Palamara points out with detailed accuracy, everything about this route, from its unnecessary choice, to the lack of supporting personnel, to the violation of protocol, to the secrecy about which route was actually to be used, to the almost incredible lack of protection at its most exposed point, cried out for a thorough investigation. To put it mildly, that did not happen.
  3. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    BTW, do you think Walker and the Dallas cops killed RFK? You know the Klan was into mind control don't you? Can't wait for PT to start on this one. What Lisa Pease and myself tried to demonstrate in The Assassinations was this: the cumulative effect of the four major murders of the sixties was the equivalent of a tsunami in political terms. It was for all purposes, the end of the sixties. And it gave rise to the anti RFK: Richard Nixon. There was no way RMN was going to beat RFK. Not even in his home state of California. When you also compare some of the recurring motifs in the cases, it really becomes kind of disturbing. Were they all done deliberately and by the same or similar entity? When the King case was being attempted to be reopened by Judge Joe Brown in Memphis, former congressman Walter Fauntroy voiced that distinct opinion on TV. And we quoted it in that book. "Remember the excitement about the New Frontier? We had a great decade--the decade of the sixties. But they changed the political landscape... And what concerns me is that if in fact there were an apparatus that functioned in in this fashion...." (p. 466) That is, if anything, an understatement.
  4. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    Here is another article on the RFK case. This one from England: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5773147/Why-man-whos-spent-50-years-jail-killing-Bobby-Kennedy-it.html There will be a part two to this on Monday. And I think the book is available on Amazon. And I can tell you, there is more on the way. The RFK case is more clearly a conspiracy than the JFK case is. But the problem was that everyone considered it an open and shut case because of the surface circumstances: Sirhan with a gun in front of RFK. And plus of course our less than worthless media. But the giveaway to the plot was that night on national TV. But she was ignored and then intimidated to make her go away: Sandy Serrano's midnight interview with Sander Vanocur--the girl in the polka dot dress.
  5. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    Joe, its summarized in detail on pages 285-95 of Into the Nightmare. As I said, if you do not have that book, you should. Its the best and most complete compendium of information that we have on the Tippit case.
  6. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    Let me add one other thing: the person who was the state AG during the last SIrhan appeals round was the Democratic Party's new darling, Kamala Harris. From my information, do you know who she enlisted help from to oppose the Dusek/Pepper appeal case? Mel Ayton. You know, Von Pein's partner. I can guarantee you that if that case would have been reopened and placed in front of a jury, Sirhan would be out today. That is how good the Dusek/Pepper brief was. It was so good, that as you can see from the story, the judge was actually talking about the Second Gun in the pantry. And he is full of it when he says there is no evidence of anyone running from the pantry who could be a suspect. Yes there is: Michael Wayne.
  7. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    I can assure you RFK Jr has heard of Cesar. And I can also assure you there is more to come in all of this. My one dispute with the story is that its a distinct possibility that Sirhan did not really shoot anyone. As Lisa Pease wrote in The Assassinations, there is evidence that he was firing a starter's pistol.
  8. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    Davey is up to his old tricks again. He never gets tired of this routine does he. The following is from Weisberg's Whitewash 2, Chapter 1. That chapter is largely from the first Secret Service interview with Marina by Charles Kunkel. The FBI advised her "It would be better for me if I were to help them....If I didn't want to answer they told me that if I wanted to live in this country, I would have to help in his matter...." "She said that she saw the rifle but she has never seen a pistol on Lee or in his possession or in the house." Geez Davey, think there is some relationship between the FBI threat and the difference between her first interview and her WC testimony? Well, gee whitakers, it sure as heck looks like it eh? And BTW, that rifle she recalled, it did not have a scope. But recall what she said when she was presented with the rifle before the WC, "That is the fateful rifle of Lee Oswald." Kind of interesting eh? In addition to the threat, let us never forget Tex-Italia Films out in LA.
  9. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    I do not think that is what Hasan was saying in his essay, which we printed at our web site, Kennedys and King.com https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/gerald-hill-and-the-framing-of-lee-harvey-oswald What I think he was saying was the gun was switched. If you read the essay he seems to say that Hill and Westbrook were in on the switch. If you read my essay you will see that Hill brought the gun back to Westbrook's office, that is the personnel office. Westbrook himself admitted that this was kind of inexplicable. But it is true. Now if you throw in the fact that, as Gene showed above, there is no proof that Oswald ever picked up the handgun in question from REA, then I think you have the beginning of a chain of custody problem. Let me add this also: is the Smith and Wesson in evidence the same model Smith and Wesson that they say Oswald ordered?
  10. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    If I recall, Vaganov was 6' 4"
  11. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    Let me add something more about Joe's book. Near the end he list some of the people who he thinks are suspects in doing the actual shooting of JD Tippit. From that list I think there are three that are really interesting: Vaganov, Olsen, Garner The Vaganov case is something everyone should consider. If you recall, Fonzi wrote an article about Vaganov in Philadelphia Mazazine that was so disturbing to the Power Elite that Esquire replied a few months later. But if you ask me, they just made it worse. An interesting suspect who, in any real inquiry, would have been called in for questioning. What can one say about Harry? He was so close to Ruby that they went ice skating together. Girlfriend Kay, a dancer who worked for Jack. Dismissed from the DPD in December of 1963. Lies about a supposed estate he was guarding that weekend, somehow he could not recall the address or the owner. Kay has a long talk with Ruby the night of the assassination saying Oswald should have been dragged through the streets. They leave for California and get married. Don Thomas just informed me that when the Olsens split, she returned to Dallas and said that Harry knew Oswald as well. Garner was a weird case. He was suspected of being the assassin who shot Warren Reynolds, a witness to the TIppit slaying who would not ID Oswald as the killler. But after he was shot, his memory was refreshed and he said it was Oswald. Garner got drunk and actually admitted he shot Reynolds. Betty Mooney, who once worked for Ruby, stepped forward to give Garner an alibi. About a week after Garner's release, Betty was arrested for disturbing the peace, placed in jail and the cops said she killed herself there. Three decent suspects I think.
  12. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    Let me address this issue of alleged bias. As I replied above, I like to think of myself as a writer who abides by the evidence. To give you an example, up until about five-seven years ago, I was like everyone else and I more or less accepted the view of Kennedy as a kind of moderate liberal. It was not until I started reading things outside the field, for instance Kennedy's Middle East policy, that I rearranged my thinking about that. In other words, it was more evidence that altered my view. Another example, I am not an admirer of Nixon. In fact I think he was a pretty bad president all the way around. But when I began to look at the Watergate scandal for a special issue of Probe Magazine, I began to see that Woodward and Bernstein had left out a lot of relevant material, and had not explained some of the outstanding questions of the Watergate case e.g. Hunt being at the CIA front Mullen Company before Colson hired him. And so after some further study I came to the conclusion that Watergate was a set up. And it worked. And the worst thing about it is that it gave America the illusion that the system had succeeded, when it had not. It also made heroes out of Woodward and Bernstein. When they were not. In fact Woodward is still dissembling about Deep Throat being only Mark Felt. As proven by the book In Nixon's Web, the best recent book on that case, that is not true. Deep Throat was a composite. Hollywood made it all worse this with first Bob Redford presenting it straight on, and then Tom Hanks doing that more recent Mark Felt as Deep Throat film. As I said, I think Nixon was a very bad president. And what he did in Indochina was horrendous. But I will be one of the first to say that Watergate was pretty much a trap and we still have not gotten to the bottom of what happened there. I will further add, the Republican minority on the Ervin Committee was closer to the truth than the Democrats led by the country bumpkin Ervin and Sam Dash. To me the overarching problem in both cases, Watergate and the JFK murder, is that the system failed. That is the press, Washington, and legal authorities. And that is really important because it led to a non belief in government. Which, I hate to say, was well deserved.
  13. James DiEugenio

    New RFK Jr book gives big nod to research community

    Mike: That link of yours to the Daily Beast shows just what the problem is in this case and its a perfect illustration of what I was talking about. The author is Len Levitt. Talk about bias. If you read my article, which you refused to do, you would learn that he was the recipient of family lawyer Sheridan's investigative files. And then started to write a series of articles based on those files, which Sheridan had rigged to make the worst case scenarios--Warren Commission style. That was a part of the Rush to Judgment in the first place. In other words, he was Fuhrman pt 1. It would be like linking to an article by David Belin in 1967. The whole idea of non fiction writing, at least I always have felt, is that you are supposed to try to find the most revealing and reliable information, and then try and inform the public about what has been withheld from them. Bobby Kennedy's book is full of forensic facts from people like Henry Lee. And at the same time it describes a whole litany of legal abuses which originated from public pressure induced by Dunne, Levitt and Fuhrman. Paz, as I wrote in my review, in the book, he spends 13 pages utterly demolishing the students at Elan. And what went on there from students like Coleman. It got so bad that kids who survived formed an organization to get it closed down.
  14. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    The tear down of the Ambassador and the construction of the huge RFK High School was done around a deception. I know because I attended the public meetings at the school board office. As did dozens of others. Ray Romer, the superintendent, did something very clever. He included three plans for the new high school. All three preserved the pantry site. He then rammed through, with his allies on the board, the one that would preserve ONLY the pantry--none of the outside or kitchen area. About a year later, as the construction project was beginning, I called the builder and then the board. Romer played a real trick on everyone. He yanked out all the materials from the pantry, and deposited them in a warehouse. But did not include any plans for reinserting them into the new building. And in fact the building was completed liker that. He never wanted to use any space at all for anything except more class rooms.
  15. James DiEugenio

    The Tippit Case in the New Millenium

    First, let me say I am gratified at how long and productive this thread has been on the Tippit case. I really did not expect it to go over like this. But I guess a lot of people agree with me that it needed a new look due to new information. But let me also add, it seems that Livingstone used some info from Pulte and Lowery concerning Loomis and Crater that McBride did not. If you read McBride's book, and I sure hope I have convinced everyone here to do so, McBride had good relations with those Dallas researchers also. But I could not find Crater in his index, and he goes over Loomis and his alleged ties to Ruby and Oswald in about eight words. (p. 487) So I am assuming Joe did not feel the info was substantiated enough to include in his book. I hope he comments on this.
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