Joseph Backes

Here's the garbage that came from Rachel White and Richard Hooke: The Killer Queen Richard M. Hooke, Rachel White Primedia eLaunch LLC, [ AKA Scumbag Media ] 2019 - 336 pages Dispels 55 years of Deepstate limited hangout disinfo history on the JFK assassination as JFK assassination researchers Richard M. Hooke and Rachel White present and prove the real truth that on November 22, 1963 at 12:30pm Secret Service agent William Greer and CIA agent Jackie Kennedy shot and killed US President John F. Kennedy, in the left side of his head and the Illuminati Zionist Deepstate overthrew the United States of America by coup d'état; as the ONI/CIA/FBI patsy, Lee Harvey Oswald, who never fired any shots at all, was merely a spectator, from the doorway of the Texas School Book Depository, watching President Kennedy's Deepstate execution as it occurred a little ways down Elm Street. ************************************************************** So, Jackie was secretly a CIA agent / assassin. But, never mind her it was really D'uh Joooooooos, and, of course, it's ALWAYS Oswald in the doorway. There are always scummy people like this, infecting our work, muddying the water. Joe

There is some idiot woman in Britain who thinks Jackie killed JFK, Rachel White, I think her name is. She would make videos of herself in her car. Was she in this? She worked for a time with Richard Hooke, who was one of Ralph Conque's disciples. Joe

That's because HE is the author and the publisher. So, we have to wait a few days before it's released.

I love hearing from these 40 year plus self proclaimed JFK assassination experts no one has ever heard of before.

Part of the problem with MC is we had phone taping operations on both the Soviet and Cuban consulates, meaning the CIA did. The FBI also had their own separate taps. Also, we had human intel in there, especially in the Cuban one. And we had many operations against the Cubans. And then this guy Oswald shows up. Revealing true photographs of Oswald there, if any exist, would reveal the location of where the photos were taken. They may also have other people in the photograph(s) and that's why we haven't seen any. Just speculating. So far, nothing objective exists that really puts the one and only LHO in MC, as far as I know.

Your link above, I think you meant to link to a podcast or maybe a YouTube video? Joe

I wish he would re-release his book. Websites are good, but I like books too.

The Endless Assassination of John F. Kennedy See - https://www.texasmonthly.com/arts-entertainment/the-endless-assassination-of-john-f-kennedy/ I’m on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository, a ring of corrugated boxes stacked so tightly around me I can practically breathe in their cardboard musk. Three more boxes sit at my knees, propped against a window overlooking Dallas’s Dealey Plaza, frozen beneath a cloudless sky. I peer down through the trees lining Elm Street. I think about the trajectory a bullet might take from here. I lean forward, disturbing the cat sleeping in my lap here inside my Austin home. She stirs, then begins rubbing against the virtual reality headset I’m wearing. The Dallas skyline trembles. This scene (minus the cat) is part of JFK: Memento, an “immersive” documentary set to debut this November at Dallas’s the Sixth Floor Museum. Through stereoscopic wizardry, visitors can experience the chaos that unfolded there on November 22, 1963, when President John F. Kennedy was killed. They’ll stand with spectators as Kennedy’s motorcade passes and sit in the so-called sniper’s perch, where the Warren Commission concluded that a disgruntled loner named Lee Harvey Oswald had changed the course of American history. In JFK: Memento, you see it all—except Kennedy’s murder. Those details remain obscured, impossible to divine no matter how close you get. JFK: Memento is just the latest software update to a morbid fascination that’s thrived for sixty years. November 22 has been parsed across more than one thousand books; its secrets have inspired countless political thrillers and reams of internet punditry. The grief it evokes has been immortalized in TV melodramas and maudlin folk songs. The sheer volume of assassination-tainment we’ve amassed speaks not only to the tragedy’s historical importance or to the urge to solve its mysteries. As this expansion into virtual reality illustrates, we keep returning to the Kennedy assassination because, over time, we’ve made this story about ourselves. When the Sixth Floor Museum opened, in 1989, it was geared toward “what the museum calls ‘the rememberers,’ ” its executive director, Nicola Longford, says, those with firsthand accounts of when Kennedy was assassinated. JFK: Memento, however, is aimed at a generation whose familiarity with the events are based on what sociologists call a collective memory—a pool of images and feelings passed down through the generations. This collective memory has largely been shaped by pop culture, into what the cultural-history professor Alison Landsberg terms a “prosthetic memory.” Most of the estimated 350,000 people who visit the Sixth Floor Museum annually know the Kennedy assassination this way. Collective memories are inherently biased, and they change over time. Our impression of the Kennedy assassination—formed in grief, then tainted by everything that followed—is an ever-evolving Rorschach test. Any chance we had at closure died with Oswald. The skepticism that greeted the Warren Commission report was compounded over a decade of turbulence, as America’s idealism was further tested by the assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr., by the furors over Vietnam and Watergate, by the revelations that the CIA had behaved like a gang of extralegal thugs. By the seventies most Americans no longer trusted the government. Even today a slight majority still doesn’t buy that Oswald acted alone. The collective memory of the Kennedy assassination is one of anger and suspicion. Our prosthetic memory, fashioned from media depictions that keep November 22, 1963, playing on a constant, Kodachrome-vibrant loop, has only calcified that unease. This cynicism has, in turn, shaped how we see ourselves. The art the assassination inspired nurtured a culture of mistrust whose influence has grown only more mainstream. Today the details—who killed Kennedy and why—are almost beside the point. The story has a life of its own. And we can’t seem to stop telling it. If we’ve spent much of the past sixty years viewing the Kennedy assassination through any particular window, it’s the one into Oliver Stone’s mind. In 1991 the postmodernist provocateur came to Dallas to make JFK, a film that is part political thriller, part nervous breakdown, and surely the most influential version of the story since the Warren Commission’s. JFK’s success—it raked in more than $200 million and eight Oscar nominations—rankled those who abhorred its frenetic blend of fact and fabrication. Yet its impact as a “countermyth,” to quote Stone, remains undeniable. As Roger Ebert, one of JFK’s many champions, wrote, “This is not a film about the facts of the assassination, but about the feelings.” Those feelings had been percolating even before Kennedy assumed office, in the film noirs born of post–World War II disillusionment, and in Cold War thrillers such as 1962’s The Manchurian Candidate. After Kennedy’s death, American cinema turned even more self-loathing. Vietnam-era movies, such as 1967’s Bonnie and Clyde and 1969’s The Wild Bunch, replaced white-hat cowboys with amoral antiheroes waging nihilistic violence. Watergate seeped into Chinatown and The Parallax View, both from 1974, and 1981’s Blow Out, films that teemed with systemic rot and shadowy cabals. Robert Altman’s Nashville (1975) and Martin Scorsese’s Taxi Driver (1976) captured a country in spiritual crisis, both films culminating in assassinations carried out by golems conjured from our fractured national psyche. Stone’s JFK drew upon all of these, adding a Capraesque righteousness that rallied baby boomers still in mourning. It also validated teenagers, like me, who suspected that everything was rigged—that, as Don DeLillo wrote in Libra, his 1988 assassination fantasia, “There is a world inside the world.” JFK made me a burgeoning assassination buff, a hobby I fed by devouring conspiracy books and the paranoid entertainment, like The X-Files, it inspired. For a kid—or anyone—grappling with a world beyond their control, conspiracy theories can be soothing. James Pennebaker, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Texas at Austin and a pioneer in the field of writing therapy, likens them to journal entries for trauma victims. “When we’re dealing with something that’s unresolved, our minds automatically try to resolve it,” he says. Pennebaker is no fan of Stone’s film: “A shameful rewriting of history,” he says. “I’m appalled by that movie.” Still, he understands why JFK resonated with anyone who needed to assign meaning to chaos. “It constructed a conspiracy theory that was really digestible, that gets into this collective memory of ‘the government cannot be trusted,’ ” Pennebaker says. More than scapegoats, JFK offered the seductive illusion that by uncovering the “truth,” we could right the wrongs of history. We’d suffered under this delusion since at least 1964, when Dallas’s self-proclaimed “schlockmeister” Larry Buchanan, director of Z-grade fare including Mars Needs Women,dreamed up The Trial of Lee Harvey Oswald. Since then, we’ve pinned Kennedy’s death on comic book supervillains, such as Red Skull and Magneto, or on The X-Files’ Cigarette Smoking Man, or leaped through time to rescue him, in an episode of The Twilight Zone and in novels such as Stephen King’s 11/22/63. These fictions reflect our surprisingly resilient grief, if not for Kennedy specifically then for some part of ourselves that believes we can still be the heroes. As the Washington Post’s Ann Hornaday pointed out, Stone’s JFKarrived the same year as the World Wide Web, a convergence that would essentially gamify the assassination, giving newly minted conspiracy hobbyists such as me endless rabbit holes to tumble down. The assassination was even adapted into video games—not just as a subplot in titles such as Call of Duty: Black Ops but, in 2004’s JFK Reloaded, where, as a first-person shooter, you could try your hand at killing Kennedy. Carrie Andersen, who studied JFK assassination–related games while completing her PhD at UT–Austin, understands that most people’s reaction to something like JFK Reloaded would be “rightfully, dismay and disgust.” Nevertheless, she says, the mere act of challenging an official narrative—even through a video game—can give us a rare agency over history. “The morbidity of seeing the Kennedy assassination in a video game, I don’t think that’s going away anytime soon,” Andersen says. “But there is something powerful about being able to put yourself in a historical figure’s shoes.” I’m on the sixth floor of the old Texas School Book Depository again, only this time I’m physically here. Ten feet away lies the sniper’s perch, walled off behind plexiglass, stacked with replica cardboard boxes. (The real ones were hauled off by the FBI.) The window is a copy too, the original having been removed by one of the building’s previous owners. Running along the wall facing Elm Street are touch screens playing a CGI reimagining of Kennedy’s motorcade. The president’s face is reduced to a featureless, Lego-like blob. I’ve paid a dozen visits to the Sixth Floor Museum, and each time I’m struck anew by how it feels less like a place where history happened and more like a movie set. Part of that, of course, is because everything from JFK and 2013’s Parkland to Erykah Badu’s “Window Seat” video was filmed right outside. But some of its uncanniness is because the museum, too, is another representation. It relies on photos, re-creations, and (soon) virtual realities. One of its main attractions is a model of Dealey Plaza used by the Warren Commission, a replica of the very building you’re standing in. Even up close, Kennedy’s assassination seems distantly artificial, a simulacrum wrapped in plastic. That clinical remove is by design. After all, a lot of people in Dallas didn’t want this museum. In 1988, a year before it opened, James Pennebaker coauthored a study that revealed how rates of murder, suicide, and heart disease had spiked among Dallasites in the year after the assassination. Local luminaries including Tom Landry and Mary Kay Ash called for the School Book Depository to be leveled. Arsonists tried, twice. Dallas’s collective memory was one of shame. Twenty-five years later, Pennebaker had found that 79 percent of Dallas natives still believed the world held them responsible. The Sixth Floor Museum remains hypersensitive about reopening those wounds: “We’ve been criticized for being too careful,” Longford says. But while the museum remains tastefully above the fray, the street below tells a different story. More recently Dealey Plaza has been invaded by increasingly outlandish groups. Dozens of QAnon conspiracists gathered here in 2021 to await the resurrection of Kennedy’s also-long-dead son, John F. Kennedy Jr.—and maybe even President Kennedy himself—whom they believed would return to help Donald Trump take back the White House. Our deep state paranoia has become so quaintly old hat, apparently, that today’s conspiracy theorists are asking not who killed Kennedy but whether he was killed at all. Dallas was able to purge its guilt over the Kennedy assassination. Oliver Stone absolved it, shifting the blame onto more vast and nebulous forces. What remains is a free-floating, ambient paranoia that colors everything—from 9/11 to COVID-19, from the January 6 insurrection to last month’s school board meeting. By the assassination’s seventieth anniversary, there will be even fewer who remember it—who know it beyond inherited feelings and experienced it other than virtually. But this fractured-mirror world it has created as its most lasting legacy will have become all too real. That story’s only just begun.

Oswald might have been there in person. But, I have not seen anything rock solid to prove that the real guy was really there. And that's a big problem. All of it falls apart when examined. All of it. The bus story is an incomprehensible mess. There are a lot of FBI records on it. Like the bus and cab story in Dealey Plaza I think it's total crap. If the real guy was there he did not get there by bus. How did he get there? Don't know. I think it had to have been by private plane. Then who flew him there? Don't know. I don't think he could possibly afford a commercial flight to Mexico City.

It would be if the photos claiming to have been taken of LHO ever show up. I agree with John Newman, it really doesn't matter if the real LHO was there or not. He was impersonated in person, and on the phone. This can be and has been proven. Sylvia Duran was impersonated on the phone as well. What matters is how the intel of this was handled, and why this odd event happened in the first place.

The woman with poor eyesight seems to be a reference to LI/Onion-2 who is not Greta Goyenechea.

Or...It COULD BE that Mr. Ford is completely full of it. We're going to see more and more people like him making more and more posts like the ones in this thread.

Try this - http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/McKnight Working Folders/Part 2/JFKs Collar Folder 5/JFKs Collar Folder 5 19.pdf I can see the doc, it's from Vince Palamara. ASSASSINATION RESEARCH / Vol. 4 No. 2 © Copyright 2006 Vincent M. Palamara Can you work from here? - http://jfk.hood.edu/browse.php?&Sl=.%2FMcKnight Working Folders I can access it all, I could send you a .pdf of whatever you're looking for. PM me. Joe

People, try and save copies of these images. The Altgens 6 one is great, especially if you can save the ability to enlarge the heck out of it. It's one of the best I've seen. Save 'em all. Auction has ended I believe. Joe

Re: your first para, This is JFK and Jackie and Connally leaving the Chamber of Commerce breakfast. They went by car to Carlisle Air Force Base and flew to Love Field airport and then they got into the Kennedy limousine, the one he was killed in. Nellie Connally did not sit with her husband on the drive from the Hotel Texas to Carlisle Air Force Base. Jeb Byrne, an advance man brought in late to Texas trip planning explains: ( see https://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2000/summer/jfk-last-day-1 ) "A Secret Service agent from the Washington detail came back from the President's car escorting Nellie Connally, the governor's wife. There was no room for her in the President's car, which was a five-passenger model, the same as the Vice President's car. The President and Mrs. Kennedy and Governor Connally would ride in the rear seat of the President's car. The driver and agent Roy Kellerman would be up front. So there was no place for Mrs. Connally. But the Vice President's car was now reserved for the Johnsons, Yarborough, and, of course, Johnson's Secret Service agent and driver. The senator showed signs of relinquishing his seat to the lady. O'Brien, his face working, quickly moved in. To accommodate larger occupancy of the car, he ushered Mrs. Connally into the middle of the front seat. The Vice President and Mrs. Johnson came out of the hotel and approached the motorcade. O'Brien stepped back as Mrs. Johnson entered the car, and I stepped forward." Your 2nd para, I don't think that's a woman. Yes, there is a curled corded telephone line. It could be either someone with the media or part of JFK's security, possibly with the White House Communication Agency. Joe

It's back! RIF search is back on the home page right where it was, right where it should be! HOORAY! Joe

Yes. What do you think of this new system, how are you using it? Desktop, laptop, cellphone? Do you think it's an improvement? If folks don't like it, say so, loudly! Joe

MFF changes explained by Rex - https://www.maryferrell.org/pages/Featured_MFF_is_Phone_Friendly.html In actuality, for desktops, it sucks. For starters, the "click here to learn more," doesn't work. It links to a weird page with a link back to the link at the top of this post. God damn it, this is worse than 1986 New Coke. To get the "old" RIF search - go to the home page, click on the adv search, put a blue dot in the RIF search there, it's a weird page that says SEARCH, put in the RIF number in the "search for," field, click search, you'll get something like the old way, but it's nowhere near as good as the old system. Big thumbs down from me. Joe

I don't like it. Normally on the Home page, and with every search you did, next to the empty field where you would put in whatever you were looking for there were two options in red color font, a RIF search and an ADV search. Now, the RIF search is gone. I can see they are trying to make the thing more useful to people on cell phones. But, to lose the RIF search to help idiots on cellphones is too high a cost. A new RIF search is kind of available if you hit ADV search it takes you to a new place and you're choice now is standard search and RIF search. But, it's not the same. Also gone is when you did a RIF search and it would show you in blue all of the previous releases for that one RIF document. Bring it back, Rex. I've got too much invested in your site for this drastic a change. Joe

Larry Rivera, is a Ralph Cinque wannabe, disciple, devotee dufus. He should be banned from the JFK assassination research community. All he does is create BS like this. And yet the Project JFK / CSI Dallas crowd take him serious. I am so sick of this Altgens 6 alteration crap.

Vanity Fair article on RFK Jr. - https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2023/09/rfk-kennedy-interview#intcid=_vanity-fair-verso-hp-trending_82978cb7-a070-4d28-8624-39e2cf079de7_popular4-1 Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Mad, Mad, Mad, Mad World Vanity Fair hits the Kennedy family’s Cape Cod compound for a peek into the controversial 2024 candidate’s wet hot American summer. BY JOE HAGAN SEPTEMBER 27, 2023 On an overcast afternoon in mid-August, I find myself on a ferry to Nantucket with Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—son of Bobby, nephew of John, Democratic candidate for president of the United States. Trapped between Kennedy on my left and a window facing the Atlantic Ocean to my right, it is no exaggeration to say this is the low point of my summer—a supposedly fun thing I wish I’d never done. A couple weeks before, Kennedy had responded to an interview request by calling and expressing exasperation at various hatchet jobs in mainstream media and skepticism that a correspondent for Vanity Fair, a card-carrying member of the legacy media, might be fair to him. “Your editor won’t let you write anything positive,” he promised. Kennedy had had a rough ride since the summer started (he was virtually set ablaze by New York magazine) and so I proposed that instead of raking over his many controversial ideas—like his belief that the media has been infiltrated by the CIA, as he told the right-wing provocateur James O’Keefe in an interview this year; or his claim that pesticides in drinking water are causing “sexual dysphoria” in boys, as evidenced by a frog study—we meet up at the Kennedy compound and talk about his family history. Lean into his Kennedyness, have a little fun. I was scheduled to be on Cape Cod for vacation anyway and figured I’d go take the cut of his jib. “So you’re saying this won’t be a hit piece?” he wrote back. And so Kennedy agreed, reasoning that since we had a mutual friend in the late Peter Kaplan, his college roommate from Harvard and a mentor of mine in the journalism business, I would treat him fairly. The onetime editor of the weekly New York Observer taught me to give subjects a fair shake, though not to be afraid to have a point of view either. The first thing Peter used to ask when I returned from an interview was, “Did you like him/her?” “What do you think is a greater threat to the republic, censorship or January 6?” Kennedy asked, then clarified that the answer is censorship. “You could blow up the Capitol and we’d be okay if we have a First Amendment.” When I arrive at the Hyannis Port compound, I’m told Kennedy is on a boat somewhere and running late. And so I idle in the dining room of his house, a white colonial with soccer balls on the lawn and bicycles piled against the siding. I peruse books on his shelf: Best American Crime Writing 2004; How Al-Anon Works for Families & Friends of Alcoholics; Anything for a Vote: Dirty Tricks, Cheap Shots, and October Surprises in U.S. Presidential Campaigns. There’s a photograph of Kennedy with a falcon on his arm and a picture of him and his brothers as young men, posing shirtless in an outdoor bathtub together. Near the front door are two iconic photos, one of the late Bobby Sr., holding his son; the other of John and Jackie Kennedy on a boat, Jackie’s scarf blowing in the wind. A woman strolls in, barefoot and wearing hot pink sweatpants and a sleeveless T-shirt. It’s Kick Kennedy, RFK Jr.’s 35-year-old daughter. I tell her I’m waiting for her father, who by now is 45 minutes late. “Welcome to my life,” she says. She lives in Los Angeles and had planned to come out to the compound for a week but then one week became two which became three and, well, you know how summer on the Cape is. Word comes down that I’m to meet Kennedy at the boat dock and go directly to the ferry terminal—he has to catch the 4:15 to Nantucket for a fundraiser and our time at the compound is scotched. When I express disappointment, Kick offers to take me to the crow’s nest upstairs for a quick view of the compound. It’s the same view Kennedy Jr. used as a backdrop in a social media post this summer, meant to underscore his family legacy. We climb a nautically themed stairwell and pass by a room with a man face down on a bed (Kick asks me to whisper lest we wake her friend) and emerge on the roof to a sweeping view of the houses that make up the compound, each one tidy and separated by fences. Boats dot the harbor beyond. She points to a grand mansion festooned with red, white, and blue bunting. “That’s the house that everyone thinks is ours and it’s actually John Wilson’s from the college-admissions scandals,” she says casually, referring to the chief executive of Hyannis Port Capital accused of bribing college administrators to help his kid get into the Ivy League. That house is a false flag, I joke. That’s funny, she laughs, because she works at an art gallery called False Flag. Kick surveys the surrounding property. “Grandma’s over there, and this was Jackie’s house, and now it’s Teddy Jr.’s house, and our house is new, meaning we’ve had it for 20 years,” she says. “Then over there, if you walk straight down, you’ll see the famous field where the touch football games happened.” “I give famously good tours,” she adds. If I wasn’t presently scheduled to meet her father, she says, “I would have grabbed a golf cart and taken you to Squaw Island,” a scenic marshland nearby. “Have fun with whatever they’re going to force you to do,” she says and wanders back to the living room. walk down the street toward the boat landing and soon see the unmistakable figure of Robert Francis Kennedy Jr., 69, barefoot in a T-shirt and faded neon-print swim trunks. I greet him and his entourage, which includes Maria Shriver and her brothers, Timothy and Mark. Everybody is jovial and relaxed, just back from a trip to Baxter’s, the famous fried-seafood shack near the Hyannis ferry terminal. “He’s going to do the first nice article about me,” Kennedy says by way of introduction. “The first one.” “Oh, thank God!” says Maria, laughing. Then Kennedy is informed he has to leave in 10 minutes to catch the 4:15 ferry. “4:15? xxxx.” Yeah. He still has to tie up his sister Kerry’s motorboat after their pleasure cruise and I join him as he jogs to the dock and motors back into the harbor. His piercing blue eyes stare straight ahead, jaw firm, face stony, the classical profile of a Kennedy. I’d recently read his memoir American Values: Lessons I Learned From My Family, and I ask where his maternal great-grandfather, John Francis “Honey Fitz” Fitzgerald, used to sunbathe nude. He gestures faintly to a beach along the southern shore but is distracted because he can’t find the mooring. I spy one with “Kennedy” printed on it and motion him toward it. There’s a pink buoy with a long stick for hauling the line up. “Grab the whip!” he yells hoarsely over the motor. “Haul it aboard super fast, get the whole rope on board.” I yank the wet rope on board and Kennedy ties up the boat. The motor is still running but Kennedy can’t figure out how to turn it off. A dock worker who comes to fetch us says he’ll do it for him and we race back to the house and jump into a black SUV with Kennedy’s hired security guards. “If we go fast,” says Kennedy, “we can make it in like seven minutes.” We gun it to the terminal and are fast-walking to the gangway, the last to board the ferry, when we’re stopped by a guard in mirrored glasses. “Sir, you gotta put shoes on, please,” he says, motioning to Kennedy’s bare feet. An aide quickly digs his formal dress shoes out of a suitcase and Kennedy yanks them on, looking faintly ridiculous as he strides onto the ferry in neon trunks and black dress shoes. He heads to the upper deck, known as the Captain’s View, and we sit side by side in bucket seats. After the whole mad scramble, we now have an hour to talk. My original plan scuttled, I turn to my notebook, which is full of questions. Three days before my arrival, Peter Baker of The New York Times had published a story on the Kennedy family’s unhappy feelings about Robert’s campaign; his taking on their friend and ally Joe Biden; his claim that John, and possibly Bobby Kennedy, were assassinated by the CIA. “That’s the third story the Times has done,” Kennedy says grimly. “The same story, three times.” “Well, I have a big family,” he says. “Some of them agree with me, some of them don’t agree with me. I think it’s like everybody’s family. People are entitled to their opinions. I can love people who disagree with me about the Ukraine war or about censorship, whatever.” He notes that sister Kerry, a critic of his campaign, loaned him her boat for the afternoon. No hard feelings. “She saw my boat didn’t have a key so she said, why don’t you take my boat?” He crunches some numbers. “I think there’s 105 cousins now,” he explains. “So I think four or five of them made statements against me. And then a lot of other ones showed up for my announcement.” Does it hurt his feelings? “No,” he says. “We grew up in a milieu where we were taught to argue with each other passionately every night at the dinner table. There’s five or six members of my family who work with the Biden administration. And there’s a lot of other ones who have 501c3s that are doing business with the Biden administration.” Kennedy finds President Biden “congenial” but disagrees vehemently with the war in Ukraine (he believes the US is partly responsible for starting it) and accuses the administration of censoring his views on COVID vaccines and lockdowns (in short, the former are dangerous, the latter unnecessary and dangerous). Indeed, he joined a lawsuit against a consortium of media and tech companies, including the BBC, The Washington Post, and Google, over alleged violations of his First Amendment rights. Among other things, it accuses the White House of leaning on Twitter to take down his posts or labeling them misinformation. (A week after I see Kennedy, a federal judge will deny Kennedy’s request for a temporary restraining order against Google and YouTube, citing “the public interest of preventing the spread of illness and medical misinformation”; later still, an appeals court will rule against the White House, saying it “coerced the [tech] platforms to make their moderation decisions by way of intimidating messages and threats of adverse consequences.”) For Kennedy, the “legacy media” is corrupted by pharmaceutical companies and an implicit allegiance to the Democratic Party. The federal judge who ruled against him is an appointee of President Joe Biden and is therefore in bed with the whole gang too—as am I. I assure Kennedy I wasn’t given any marching orders from the DNC or Big Pharma, nor was I on the CIA payroll. “You wouldn’t be sitting there if you were willing to depart from official orthodoxy,” he tells me, “so there’s a self-censorship that goes on.” To be honest, it isn’t a great way to start off an interview. But for Kennedy, this is clearly personal. “I was the first person censored by the White House,” he says. “Thirty-seven hours after he took the oath of office, White House officials contacted Twitter and told them to take down my post.” The post suggested baseball legend Hank Aaron’s death was related to his COVID vaccine. None other than Ohio Republican Jim Jordan would later defend Kennedy, saying “there was nothing there that was factually inaccurate. Hank Aaron, real person, great American, passed away after he got the vaccine. Pointing out, just pointing out facts.” “Nobody has ever pointed to a single post that I made, ever, that was factually inaccurate,” Kennedy continues. “We have probably the most robust fact-checking operation of any news organization in the country.” He’s referring to his nonprofit, the Children’s Health Defense, which he says has 350 PhD scientists and medical doctors who make sure all his public statements are “vetted and super vetted.” Kennedy says he lost a lot of followers after Twitter took down his anti-vax posts. “They lost me 800,000 followers,” he says. “They removed 268,000 people. People still, in this country, don’t know that the vaccine is killing kids. There’s what, 1,500 student athletes that have dropped dead on the field for myocarditis? Americans don’t know that…and none of it’s recorded. It’s all censored.” I’d actually read that claim before—Ron DeSantis’s controversial surgeon general in Florida, Joseph Ladapo, hyped the theory from a study that admitted in the fine print that it could not “provide a definitive functional proof or a direct causal link between vaccination and myocarditis”—so it couldn’t have been very successfully censored, no? “Well, you read little tiny bits, but you’re not reading about the kids that I read about every day,” he says. “New children dying. If an individual died of COVID, it’s front-page. If a guy dies of the COVID vaccine, you will not find it in a paper. That’s not right.” Tonally, Kennedy’s raspy voice can make it hard to tell whether he’s pissed off or just struggling to make himself understood, but it’s ambiguous enough that I ask him if he’s pissed off. “Do I go around angry?” he says. “No.” But as I question him, he gets increasingly tense. His arms are crossed tightly across his chest. He hasn’t laughed or smiled once since we started talking. Given all that he’s saying about Biden, plus his wholesale embrace of, and by, the conservative media, plus his appearance before the Republican-led, anti-Democrat Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, not to mention unlikely fans like Donald Trump, Roger Stone, Steve Bannon, and Ron DeSantis (who said he would consider making Kennedy the head of the FDA in his administration), I can’t help but wonder who Kennedy would vote for in a general election matchup between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in 2024. “I wouldn’t answer that question,” he replies. “I think the Ukraine war is an existential war for us. I think we are walking along the edge in a completely unnecessary war.” But as a Democrat, I press, wouldn’t Robert F. Kennedy Jr., of the vaunted Democratic Kennedy family, vote for the Democratic nominee? “You’re giving me a hypothetical situation,” he says. “It depends what their positions are on issues.” The first issue he mentions, Ukraine, is one that aligns him with Trump’s pro-Putin position. “Well, maybe,” he says, pointing out that he’s also critical of Trump’s COVID policies from 2020. “Trump engineered a $16 trillion useless expenditure with the COVID lockdowns,” he says. Of DeSantis’s idea, Kennedy says, “It’s nice for him to express confidence in me. I’m not going to express umbrage at that.” In liberal circles, these kinds of answers feed the suspicion that Kennedy, whose super PAC is largely financed by a Trump donor named Timothy Mellon, is a kind of Manchurian candidate set on spoiling Biden’s chances against Trump. Kennedy insists he won’t run as an independent (“Even if I was going to run as a third-party candidate, which I’m not, I would probably take more votes from Trump than I would from Democrats”), but feeling unloved by the press, he has embraced people like Joe Rogan, to whom he can fire off his theories without being fact-checked in real time, and Fox News, where Sean Hannity has given him free rein to espouse what Kennedy calls his “malinformation” (supposedly factually accurate information that Democrats don’t want you to hear). Then there’s former Fox host Tucker Carlson, with whom Kennedy seems to have a burgeoning bromance. “For years, I was trying to get Fox News to take endocrine disruptors seriously. It’s a toxin that affects sexuality in children. I’ve been fighting them for 40 years. So about a year ago, Tucker Carlson did a show, finally. He did a really detailed show on endocrine disruptors and the whole Democratic left came down against him. What is that about?” As it happens, Kennedy had taped an interview with Carlson only the night before we meet and came away with fresh questions about the January 6 insurrection, which right-wing media theorizes was sparked by a Capitol rioter named Ray Epps, who they surmise was an FBI agent running a false flag operation to implicate Trump fans (Epps has since sued Fox News for spreading the lie and has pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge in connection with the January 6 attack). Given how aggrieved Kennedy seems, I ask whether some of this treatment in the press might not be his communication style—the hyperbolic language, a certain undisciplined (and paranoid) style. “Like what?” he asks. Like his claim that the media, including The New York Times and The Washington Post, have been “compromised” by the CIA in a new version of the old 1960s CIA program, Operation Mockingbird. Nope, he actually believes that. “I had dinner about three weeks ago with Mike Pompeo,” Kennedy recounts, “and he said to me, ‘When I was at the CIA, I did not do a good job at reforming that agency.’ And he said, ‘I should have and I didn’t.’ And he said, ‘I failed.’ And he said to me, ‘The top echelon of that agency, all of the people who are in the top tier of that agency, are people who do not believe in the Democratic institutions of the United States of America.’” The strongest proof of corruption at the top levels of the government and media is how Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is being treated by the press. “Even Trump was not treated like this,” he says. “Tucker said it’s the worst treatment that he’s ever seen in his life, of any public figure.” “And that’s why I initially said I wasn’t interested in talking to you,” he explains, “because I know that it would be very unusual for me to get fair treatment from a mainstream journal.” He gives me an extended lecture about “what reporters are supposed to do” and how the media “did the opposite. They became propaganda vessels for a certain point of view. And they became manipulators of the public. And that is why you’re seeing the division in this country, because people know when they’re being lied to and when they’re being manipulated.” For example, he says, the media keeps “censoring” Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “It’s that the media will not report what I say,” he says. “They call me an anti-vaxxer. I’ve never been an anti-vaxxer on any vaccine. I was trying to get mercury out of fish for 40 years and nobody called me anti-fish. I want safe vaccines. I want good science. I want to have vaccines that are tested against placebos like every other medicine, prior [to] licensure. I think most people would agree with that. I tell it to every reporter like you and you won’t report it.” For what it’s worth, Kennedy has said as recently as July that “there’s no vaccine that is safe and effective” and called the COVID vaccine “the deadliest vaccine ever made.” His presidential campaign is aligned with his nonprofit, which consistently espouses anti-vaccine opinion. One might argue that Kennedy is not so much censored as simply disbelieved, but censorship also happens to be the genesis and thrust of his campaign for president. “I thought if I ran for president, I’d actually get to talk to Americans instead of having the press be the dishonest intermediary.” In other words, people like me are actually the reason he’s running—so he can get around me, even though he’s right in front of me. And this is where the interview takes a sour turn. The day before, I had listened to the sample chapter of his 2021 book, The Real Anthony Fauci: Bill Gates, Big Pharma, and the Global War on Democracy and Public Health, published by Skyhorse Publishing and his anti-vaccine nonprofit, and read the synopsis on Amazon, and a few reviews, the gist of which is this: Fauci, former director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, along with Microsoft founder Bill Gates, and various “heads of state and leading media and social media institutions,” allegedly formed a “Pharma-Fauci-Gates alliance” that “exercises dominion over global health policy” with the intent of controlling the general populace. The process, Kennedy claims, began in early 2000 when “Fauci shook hands with Bill Gates in the library of Gates’ $147 million Seattle mansion, cementing a partnership that would aim to control an increasingly profitable $60 billion global vaccine enterprise with unlimited growth potential.” Skeptical, I ask Kennedy about his claim that Fauci was somehow “corrupt” or “nefarious”—my words—and wonder if perhaps he wasn’t overstating Fauci’s motives given that we were, after all, in an unpredictable global pandemic in 2020 that was killing hundreds of thousands of people. At this, Kennedy turns toward me with his whole body, muscles flexing, and grips the tray table between us. “You’re lying to me,” he says, furious. Shocked, I ask what he means. People in nearby seats glance over nervously. “Because you didn’t read the book,” he says. “Because I don’t do that. I don’t look into [Fauci’s] head the whole book. What I do in that book, I document what happened. Not a single factual error has been found in that book. It’s 2,200 footnotes. Show me something I got wrong.” He accuses me of not doing my “homework” and expresses regret at doing the interview. “I thought this was going to be something different,” he says. “You said it was going to be lighthearted.” It’s worth pausing for a moment to describe what happened in the days following this interview. Later that night, and over the next three days, Kennedy texts me links to articles about alleged vaccine-related deaths among people 18 to 34 as well as a report, from a site called Slay News, that 92% of COVID deaths in England in 2022 were people who were vaccinated. He also mails me his 2022 book, A Letter to Liberals, also published by Skyhorse Publishing and his anti-vaccine nonprofit, wherein he rails against the modern Democratic Party and the media “cabal” supposedly collaborating in a cover-up of inconvenient truths about the COVID vaccine. I read the book. In Chapter 1, Kennedy publishes 12 pages of charts that allegedly illustrate how weekly COVID deaths around the world spiked in 2021 after the introduction of “mass vaccination.” Paraguay, Vietnam, Nepal, Ireland—in country after country, COVID deaths appear to go up after vaccinations are introduced, which is supposed to demonstrate that the vaccine had “negative efficacy”—indeed, that vaccinations tended to worsen illness and death. He goes on to claim the US death rate is “consistent” with “global patterns” and that more Americans died of COVID in 2022 than in 2020. “Because this truth has not been reported by corporate media,” he writes, “it’s understandable that you might find it surprising or unbelievable. And, nonetheless, it’s true.” Kennedy’s analysis is wildly misleading and false. The first of his charts, for Ireland, depicts vaccinations starting in December 2020 and a spike in weekly deaths from COVID in February. According to Ireland’s own public health care data, less than 1% of the Irish population had been vaccinated in February. One might presume, from Kennedy’s supposition, that the rate of weekly COVID deaths would escalate as more people became vaccinated. It’s the opposite: Weekly COVID deaths declined as the percentage of the vaccinated population went up. By August of 2021, the Irish government reported that it had fully vaccinated 80% of the adult population. Weekly COVID death rates never returned anywhere near the February 2021 peak again. The second chart is for Portugal. Kennedy’s chart shows vaccinations beginning in late December and a spike in weekly COVID deaths in late January 2021. According to data from Johns Hopkins University, 0.67% of the population had received full vaccination at the time. And again, if the vaccine had “negative efficacy,” as Kennedy claims, then the rate of weekly deaths should have gone up as the percent of the vaccinated population increased. It didn’t. Again and again, Kennedy pulls this sleight of hand: A chart shows a spike in weekly COVID deaths as COVID-19 deaths were peaking globally but when only a fraction of the world’s population had been fully vaccinated. Kennedy also lumps Cambodia into this argument, showing a spike in weekly COVID deaths four months into the vaccination process. Cambodia had one of the highest rates of vaccination in the world (higher than the US) and by November of 2021 the government reopened the country after a period of lockdowns. As of 2023, the country has limited the number of COVID deaths to 3,056 in a population of 16.8 million, according to the World Health Organization. Kennedy conspicuously does not show a US chart. But as with other countries, the first major spike in weekly COVID deaths in 2021 was in late January, about a month after vaccinations began, and weekly COVID death rates never returned to that peak again. And contrary to Kennedy’s claim, the number of COVID deaths in the US was less in 2022 (244,986) than in 2020 (350,831), according to Centers for Disease Control statistics. Those numbers might have been much better had states like Mississippi and Wyoming, hot beds of anti-vaccine sentiment, managed to get more than 55% of the population fully vaccinated. Instead, those states have had some of the highest per capita rates of COVID-19 mortality in the country. Indeed, data from the CDC shows that unvaccinated people between ages 65 and 79, among the most vulnerable populations, were nine times likelier to die from COVID as vaccinated people. Kick Kennedy surveys the surrounding property. “Grandma’s over there, and this was Jackie’s house, and now it’s Teddy Jr.’s house, and our house is new, meaning we’ve had it for 20 years.” I later wonder whether Kennedy had left out the context to hype his claim or whether he himself had been duped by his 350 scientists and medical physicians. Neither seemed particularly promising for a candidate for president of the United States—though, in these Trumpian times, neither did it seem particularly surprising. As his pal Tucker Carlson has illustrated, paranoia and innuendo sell. But if Kennedy can’t get his biggest claim correct in Chapter 1 of the “revised” edition of his book, why should we believe anything he says? We still have 20 minutes to Nantucket and Kennedy won’t even look at me. I try to smooth things over by promising to give the Fauci book a closer read. (When I do, later on, I’m convinced of one thing for sure: Kennedy would be terrific at writing thrillers.) I feel bullied by Kennedy, harangued and insulted into becoming a fact-checker for his many speculative and debunked theories. But my job is to keep asking him questions and so I do. Does he think this focus on censorship is helping his campaign? “I don’t think it’s hurting me,” he says. “It’s hurting me among the people that I need to become nominated—so that 28%. And they’re the people that watch MSNBC, CNN.” He means Democrats, who one presumes he’ll need to get to the White House as a Democrat. How does he propose to get through to them? “When polling starts to indicate that I can win and that President Biden can’t,” he ventures, “we’ll see. And then there’s also the possibility”—he stops short of saying what I think he’s about to say—“there’s all kinds of possibilities that could happen.” He’s waiting for Biden to drop out—or, you know, off. He points to Cory Booker and Gavin Newsom, who he says are running shadow campaigns in case of the same eventuality. I gently suggest to Kennedy that Donald Trump is the existential threat that animates Democratic voters, not vaccines. When I ask for his view on the Trump indictments, he declines to talk about it but asks rhetorically, “What do you think is a greater threat to the republic, censorship or January 6?” “I don’t have a way of measuring that,” I reply. “To me, it’s obvious,” he says. “If the press is condoning censorship by the government or the media, that’s the end of democracy.” He continues: “You could blow up the Capitol and we’d be okay if we have a First Amendment. Why are we hearing about the Capitol day after day after day after day and nobody’s talking about the First Amendment?” The conversation once again morphs into a lecture on the failures of the press, about which he is an expert and I, a reporter for Vanity Fair, am implicated. By now it’s clear that Kennedy sees himself as the lone truth teller in a world of lies and deceit, crusading against a vast conspiracy of interlocking powers involving the Biden and Trump administrations, the tech companies, the pharmaceutical industry, the CIA, the FDA, and the mainstream media, who have coordinated to stifle the truth of a “three-year experiment performed on the American people.” Robert F. Kennedy Jr., like his father and uncle before him, was born to slay dragons. “From my youngest days I always had the feeling that we were all involved in some great crusade,” he writes in his memoir, “that the world was a battleground for good and evil…It would be my good fortune if I could play an important or heroic role.” In a time when both the far left and far right find common ground in a paranoid distrust of power, when faith in institutions is at an all-time low, here stands Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to unite the people in their mutual distrust of everything—if only the damned reporters will report what he’s saying, or report what he means to say, or report what he’s decided to say on any particular day. I think of our mutual friend Peter Kaplan, onetime editor of the New York Observer. Kennedy says Peter would have been “depressed” by the state of the media if he were alive today. Sure—aren’t we all? But he, like many of Kennedy’s oldest and dearest friends, would have been downright heartbroken by the state of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. I see Nantucket on the horizon and breathe a sigh of relief. And I think of Peter Kaplan’s old query: Did I like Robert F. Kennedy Jr.? No, I did not. He is a humorless bully living in a paranoid fantasy in which reporters like me are cast as corrupt dupes whose only redemption is to follow Robert F. Kennedy Jr. into this miasma of overheated conspiracies. It’s a script that’s beneath Netflix, let alone the Kennedy legacy. At a loss for words, I note that Kennedy seems very passionate. “I wouldn’t describe myself that way,” he says. How would he describe himself? “Well, I don’t think I’m governed by passion,” he says. “I think I’m governed by evidence.” A passion for the evidence perhaps? “Okay,” he says. “I’ll settle for that.” If only. CORRECTION: This article has been updated to accurately reflect Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s middle name. It is Francis.

Benjamin, You want corroborating evidence from Russian records. Exactly where would one go to get such records? There isn't an open national archives in Russia where one could look at their intel agency records. There isn't anything like the JFK Act governing the records of a foreign nation. Russia doesn't have a FOIA. How would you get the internal KGB records, the NKVD? Joe

Lori's podcast - https://rumble.com/v3i3em6-strange-bedfellows-ep.-13-gunman-arrested-at-rfk-jr.-speech-in-los-angeles.html

I believe that was his brother, Raymond. Police detained him for a while and searched his vehicle. It was Raymond who drove Adrian to the event.

His name is Adrian Paul Aispuro. see - https://nypost.com/2023/09/16/armed-man-impersonating-us-marshal-arrested-at-rfk-jr-event/ Oddly, this NYP story says he was arrested 24 miles away from the event. Huh?