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IknowWhoDidIt

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  • Birthday 12/07/1957

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    Exposing corruption in the government and the CIA.<br><br>Restoring a legitimate and Constitutional government in the United States.<br><br>This has been my life since the spring of 1977.

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  1. This is an excerpt from the book that I've written . . . The deaths of all twenty-one Members of Congress who died from unnatural causes from 1951 to 1991, are herein cited. After the KGB officers that had infiltrated the CIA were exposed in 1984, they admitted to killing thirteen of these Members of Congress. An additional four of these twenty-one deaths were perpetrated by renegade CIA officers. Factors in the deaths of the seventeen Members of Congress that were killed by KGB officers and renegade CIA officers include: >Four vehicles became instruments of death for Members of Congress who were not on board the vehicles on four separate occasions. >The pilot of a Congressman’s plane “appeared nervous and even ran the aircraft off the taxiway shortly before take off.” > A helicopter crashed into a Senator’s plane when it was allegedly making a “second attempt” to “inspect the landing gear,” even though communications between the plane and the tower showed no problem with the landing gear and the plane was cleared to land. The pilot of the Senator’s plane had “three hours of experience as the pilot-in-command,” and “had problems on a previous flight.” >Two “mechanical failures” caused planes with Members of Congress on board to crash. >A Congressman allegedly left “at least seven” suicide notes, allegedly because it was reported that when he won a special election two years earlier, his campaign had received “an unreported cash transfer of $25,000” from the President’s campaign. >The last Congressman to die in a traffic “accident” was run down by a tractor-trailer in 1965, and four months after his death it was alleged that, at the time of the accident, the driver of the tractor-trailer had cataracts on both of his eyes, that he was asthmatic, that he had high blood pressure, and that he had exceeded the ICC limit on maximum hours of service. On October 16, 1972, two months before Warren admitted that President Johnson established the Warren Commission for the express purpose of a cover up, a light plane carrying Warren Commission member Congressman Hale Boggs and Congressman Nick Begich disappeared in the mountainous Alaska wilderness while Boggs was making a campaign appearance for Begich, Alaska’s Representative-at-large. (Washington Post, 10-17-72, page 1) The Washington Post reported that the pilot, Don Jonz, “once had been grounded by the FAA for several violations” but was “re-accredited.” (Washington Post, 10-19-72, page 1) “Campaign workers” were fully responsible for causing Boggs to miss a “commercial flight.” They “let him sleep a few extra hours, passing up a commercial flight to Juneau and chartering the plane flown by Jonz, owner of Pan-Alaska Airways . . . Ironically, it was a campaign trip Begich and Boggs probably did not have to make. Begich polled 37,900 votes to 16,500 for his two Republican opponents in the August Alaska primary election. Most political observers believe he would have no trouble in his re-election bid.” (Washington Post, 10-20-72, page 3) Since his disappearance while on a plane that he wasn’t supposed to be on, during a trip that he didn’t have to make, with a pilot who was once grounded by the FAA for several violations, Hale Boggs, who admitted that Warren’s team had members who “dissented,” and that they knew Connally was struck by a separate bullet, has been “presumed dead.” The deaths of Boggs and Begich were just two out of five Congressional deaths in plane crashes in less than four years. After the fifth death in August 1976, the Intelligence Oversight Committees were in place and there was a thirteen-year lull in plane crashes until August 1989. The thirteen-year lull in plane crashes came to an abrupt end when renegade CIA officers were emboldened by the fact that George W. Bush’s father, former CIA Director George H. W. Bush, became President. Four Members of Congress died in four plane crashes in less than two years after Bush became President, the first one less than seven months after Bush took the oath of Office. Three of these four plane crashes are among those already cited. Did Members of Congress start to fly en masse when the airplane slaughters began with Boggs and Begich in October 1972, and then stop flying for thirteen years as of August 1976? With the thirteen-year lull factored in, a total of nine Members of Congress died in airplane “accidents” in what amounted to a total of five and a half years. The next death following the deaths of Boggs and Begich was less than two months later and it was part of the airplane slaughters. As Congressman George W. Collins’ plane approached Midway Airport on December 8, 1972, it was “descending near 71st Pl and Lawndale Ave when it plunged to the ground, smashed through a row of one-story houses and burst into flames. The FAA control tower in Aurora, Illinois, said that its transmissions indicated that there were no ‘irregularities’ reported in the plane’s approach to Midway Airport.” (New York Times, 12-9-72, pg.1) On February 4, 1975, Congressman Jerry L. Pettis died when a private plane he was piloting crashed. (New York Times, 2-15-75, pg.1) The NTSB said the 58-year-old Pettis “was a veteran pilot with 18,250 hours of flying time, including 700 in the type of small plane he was flying at the time of the crash,” and the NTSB “listed the probable cause of the crash as Pettis’ continued flight into adverse weather conditions. It said Pettis had been adequately briefed on the weather before his flight.” (Since this is a death that the KGB admitted to, one has to wonder if the NTSB accurately pinpointed the “probable cause of the crash,” and if so, who “adequately briefed” Congressman Pettis, a veteran pilot, on the weather, before his “continued flight into adverse weather conditions.”) [Washington Post, 9-13-75, pg.10] On August 3, 1976, Missouri Congressman Jerry L. Litton, a candidate for the US Senate, died in a plane crash due to mechanical failure. The Washington Post reported that the NTSB “said its investigation showed a broken crankshaft in the left engine caused the engine to fail on take-off.” (Washington Post, 8-11-76, pg.15) After Congressmen Boggs, Begich, Collins, Pettis, and Litton were all killed in airplane “accidents” in less than four years, the thirteen-year lull in plane crashes began due to Congress setting up the Intelligence Oversight Committees. The next plane to go down with a Member of Congress on board didn’t crash. The Congressman who died was in the CIA and he was on board a plane filled with intelligence officers that was shot down after was shot down by a Soviet fighter jet. Congressman Lawrence McDonald died on September 1, 1983, when a Soviet fighter jet shot down the “commercial” flight he was on, Flight “Double-O-Seven.” The pilot had taken it hundreds of miles off course and it was shot down near a Soviet island off of Siberia. (New York Times, 9-2-83, pg.1) (The “official” reason for Flight 007 flying in Soviet airspace and the “official” cover story are cited later in this section.) The thirteen-year lull in plane crashes ended on August 7, 1989, when Congressman Mickey Leland died in an airplane “accident” in Ethiopia. Ground and air patrols searched for six days before the plane was found on August 13, 1989, on a “mountainside” in a “remote region of Western Ethiopia.” (New York Times, 8-14-89, pg.1) Congressman Leland’s death came less than seven months after George W. Bush’s father, former CIA Director George H. W. Bush, became President, and it was the first of four planes to crash with Members of Congress on board in less than a two year period during the Administration of George H. W. Bush. On August 13, 1989, six days after Congressman Leland’s death, Congressman Larkin Smith died when the Cessna he was on board crashed. Officials investigating the crash reported that witnesses said the pilot “appeared nervous and even ran the aircraft off the taxiway shortly before take off. The plane later veered off its planned flight path before crashing.” (New York Times, 8-17-89, section II, pg.10) The dead pilot responsible for Congressman Smith’s death wouldn’t be telling anyone what had made him so nervous. Senator John Heinz was killed in a plane crash on April 4, 1991, when a helicopter crashed into the plane he was on. (New York Times, 4-5-91, pg.1) The helicopter was allegedly inspecting the plane’s landing gear, but on April 24, 1991, the Washington Post reported that communications between the plane and the tower showed that the plane did not have landing gear problems and was cleared to land. The helicopter that crashed into the plane was actually making its “second attempt” to allegedly “inspect the landing gear.” (Washington Post, 4-24-91, pg.5) The Washington Post reported on July 4, 1991, that the pilot of Senator Heinz’ plane had three hours of experience as the pilot-in-command, and had problems on a previous flight. (Washington Post, 7-4-91, pg.4) On April 5, 1991, the day after Senator Heinz was killed, former Senator John Tower became the fourth victim of a plane crash during the Administration of George H. W. Bush. Senator Tower had retired from Congress in 1985, two years before his “Tower Commission” investigated the CIA’s Iran-Contra scandal, to which President George H. W. Bush had been linked during his Vice Presidency. (New York Times, 4-6-91, pg.26) Like Congressman Jerry Litton who died fifteen years earlier, Senator Tower’s death was attributed to mechanical failure. The NTSB said that “failure of a severely worn part in the plane’s propeller control unit caused the aircraft to spin out of control.” (New York Times, 4-29-92, section D, pg.24) The one airplane “accident” to kill a Member of Congress from 1951 to 1971 was on October 7, 1962, and as cited, the KGB officers admitted that they were responsible for it. Congressman Clem Miller died on October 7, 1962, when his plane crashed “in bad weather in a mountainous section of northern California . . . This was the first private plane flight Mr. Miller had made in this campaign.” (New York Times, 10-9-62, pg.30) Before the airplane slaughters began in 1972, traffic “accidents,” spaced out over the years 1957, 1959, and 1965, were a convenient way to dispose of Members of Congress. In the last traffic “accident” in 1965, Congressman T. Ashton Thompson was killed after a state trooper pulled him over on a highway on July 1, 1965. “As Mr. Thompson got out of the car, a truck veered onto the apron,” killing the Congressman. The truck then rolled over causing the driver to sustain internal injuries for which he was hospitalized. (New York Times, 7-2-65, pg.15) Four months later, in November 1965, the Interstate Commerce Commission issued a report recommending “a review of physical standards for truck drivers,” a report allegedly prompted by the killing of Congressman Thompson. (New York Times, 11-19-65, pg.29) The report alleged that an examination of the truck driver’s eyes in August 1965 showed that he had cataracts on both of his eyes, and it alleged that his physician reported that he was being treated for asthma and high blood pressure. It further alleged that he had exceeded the ICC limit on maximum hours of service, and that he killed Congressman Thompson when he allegedly lost control of his tractor-trailer due to “vision impairment” as Congressman Thompson was “talking to a state trooper who had stopped him for alleged speeding.” The Justice Department charged the truck driver with violating the Interstate Commerce Act. High blood pressure is something that a hospital would invariably determine when treating a man with internal injuries and they would certainly need to know if he suffered from asthma. Having just killed a Member of Congress would also have instantaneously qualified the truck driver for an eye examination on July 1, 1965, but the Federal report from a Federal agency said that the alleged eye examination which allegedly found cataracts on both of his eyes was in August, and it was allegedly his physician who said the truck driver had asthma and high blood pressure, not the hospital report. The ICC also said the truck driver had exceeded their limit on maximum hours of service and ostensibly, everything culminated in the “vision impairment” that caused the “accident” that tragically killed Congressman Thompson. This “cover story” includes the premise that people who were affected by Congressman Thompson’s death were surprised to learn, at least a month later, that the truck driver who killed him had cataracts on both of his eyes, and the premise that the truck driver offered no explanation for how he happened to “accidentally” kill a member of Congress, which would explain why his eyes weren’t examined for a month, if they were examined at all. Until Boggs and Begich were killed in 1972 as part of the airplane slaughters, only one more Member of Congress died an unnatural death after Congressman Thompson’s 1965 murder. It was Senator Robert F. Kennedy, who was assassinated by the KGB officers in 1968. The KGB officers even said why they killed Senator Kennedy, which is cited in another section of this text. (Manipulating the Jordanian-born, vehemently anti-Israeli Sirhan Sirhan, who at one time had lived in Jerusalem, to perpetrate the act on June 5, 1968, was no great challenge, as Senator Kennedy had spoken out in favor of Israel and June 5, 1968, was the anniversary of the 1967 six-day war in which Israel took over the rest of Jerusalem and the West Bank. A book about this assassination, “RFK Must Die!” has as its cover a photocopy of Sirhan’s diary writings in which he repeatedly writes over and over, “RFK must die! June 5, 1968!”) In the traffic “accident” which preceded Congressman Thompson’s murder there was another “need for sleep.” “Early” on November 4, 1959, Congressman Charles A. Boyle was killed when his car crashed into an elevated train pillar in Chicago, and the New York Times reported on November 5, 1959, that he “had apparently fallen asleep at the wheel or had been cut off by another car.” (New York Times, 11-5-59, pg.27) The “accident” was early enough on November 4 to be front page news in the late edition of the Chicago Tribune on that day, and the fact is, if Congressman Boyle hadn’t been a victim of homicide, killed by another driver who ran him into a pillar, it would appear that he simply hadn’t gotten enough sleep or that he had been awake for too long and thus “had apparently fallen asleep at the wheel.” This “need for sleep” was no different than the truck driver who ran down Congressman Thompson with his tractor-trailer six years later. The “sickly” truck driver not only had “cataracts on both of his eyes,” he also had a “need for sleep” because he had “exceeded the ICC limit on maximum hours of service.” The ensuing question of who is at fault in a traffic accident had to be what deterred the KGB officers in the CIA from continuing to use this as a way of killing Members of Congress, and these two “need for sleep” traffic “accidents” were the last two traffic “accidents” to kill Members of Congress. They must have seen the problem with continuing to put forth premises like: “Congressman Boyle wasn’t murdered. He just didn’t get enough sleep,” and “Congressman Thompson wasn’t murdered. The sickly truck driver who killed him with his tractor-trailer just didn’t get enough sleep.” There was a traffic accident in 1951 that was genuinely accidental, but it was also a model for murder. Witnesses said that Senator Virgil Chapman swerved his car and crashed head-on into a delivery truck near a supermarket at 3:30AM while on his way back to his Washington DC residence. (Either he was returning after a late night or he went out in the middle of the night.) The police report even said that Senator Chapman was in the wrong lane when the accident occurred. In the 1957 traffic “accident,” Congressman Henderson Lanham died when a switch engine (a train engine used to switch train cars) struck his car as he was crossing railroad tracks while on his way to a PTA meeting in Rome, Georgia, on November 10, 1957. (Atlanta Constitution, 11-12-57, pg.1) This first killing in 1957 seemed overtly accidental, but it was quite easy for the KGB to simply kill Congressman Lanham as he was crossing the railroad tracks while on his way to the PTA meeting. The first killing was obviously a huge success for the KGB. An analysis of the 1951 accident in which Senator Chapman swerved his car into the path of an oncoming truck while on his way home at 3:30 in the morning would indicate that a need for sleep was a factor in his death. A study in how to kill Members of Congress would account for the “need for sleep” factor in the “accidents” of 1959 and 1965. The fact that Senator Chapman was killed when he crashed into a truck, the one legitimate accident, accounts for the fact that the three Congressmen weren’t killed by a collision with another car, which is how thousands of people are killed every year. Their deaths came by way of a train engine, an elevated train pillar, and a tractor-trailer. A study in how to kill Members of Congress had clearly been implemented. Killing Congressman Lanham as he drove across railroad tracks in 1957 was simply convenient, especially since an entire train didn’t “accidentally” strike his car, it was just struck by an engine used to switch train cars. It was as convenient as the airplane “accident” five years later and the airplane “accidents” that began mounting fifteen years later, but killing a Congressman with a switch engine as he drives across railroad tracks is a one-time event, just as the “need for sleep” killings couldn’t be extended beyond two. The KGB officers were definitely stretching it with the story about an asthmatic truck driver with high blood pressure and cataracts on both of his eyes who had exceeded the ICC limit on maximum hours of service. By supposedly exhausting himself and having cataracts on both of his eyes and suffering “vision impairment,” the allegedly asthmatic truck driver with high blood pressure gained the dubious distinction of being the last man to kill a Member of Congress in a traffic “accident.” Culpability didn’t seem to be a problem in the 1957 “accident,” but the 1959 “accident” and the 1965 “accident” had to be raising the specter of responsibility and believability. The CIA’s “arrangements with state and local police” came into play in the 1965 “accident,” and the state police may have been demanding answers in the killing of Congressman Thompson, who was pulled over by a “state trooper” and then run down by a tractor-trailer. (As cited in another section, an Executive Order from President Reagan in 1981 made “arrangements with state and local police” an official, publicly stated policy of the CIA.) One of the two “official” suicides that the KGB had used to kill Members of Congress took place on May 24, 1973, less than six months after the third Congressman died in a 1972 airplane “accident,” and less than two years before the next airplane “accident.” This “official” suicide was accompanied by “at least seven notes,” and the Congressman was linked to President Nixon’s scandal ridden 1972 campaign. With the five flying fatalities included, six Congressmen died from unnatural causes in less than four years. Obviously traffic “accidents” were no longer necessary. Congressman William O. Mills was found shot to death on May 24, 1973. He had taken office two years earlier when a special election was held in 1971 to fill the seat of Congressman Roger Morton, who had become President Nixon’s Interior Secretary. Mr. Mills, “a Republican whose 1971 special election was aided by an unreported cash transfer of $25,000 from the Nixon campaign committee was found shot to death and the authorities called his death an apparent suicide . . . Mr. Mills had left at least seven notes, including one found on his body . . . One official said that in one of the notes, Mr. Mills said ‘He had done nothing wrong but said he couldn’t prove it, and so there was no other way out.’” (New York Times, 5-25-73, pg. 1 & 17) The New York Times also said that “three of his Congressional aides, including his former campaign treasurer, Col. James L. Webster,” had been killed in an automobile accident in 1972. Mr. Mills’ death “followed by five days the disclosure by the General Accounting Office that Mr. Mills’ 1971 campaign was aided by an unreported cash transfer from the Finance Committee to Re-elect the President.” (There had allegedly been an “unreported cash transfer of $25,000” from a political committee to the Congressman’s campaign two years earlier and therefore the Member of Congress allegedly killed himself and “left at least seven suicide notes,” one which allegedly stated that “he had done nothing wrong but said he couldn’t prove it, and so there was no other way out.”) The first of the two “official” suicides that were used to kill Members of Congress occurred on June 19, 1960, when 39-year-old Congressman Douglas H. Elliott, married and the father of three children, died of carbon monoxide poisoning. He had been elected less than two months earlier to fill the vacancy of Congressman Richard Simpson, who had died of natural causes in January 1960. “A coroner ruled that he had died of ‘carbon-monoxide poisoning, self-administered’. . . Friends and associates were unable to provide a clue that might explain his suicide.” Mr. Elliott had been elected to the Pennsylvania state senate four years before his brief service in Congress proved to be fatal. (New York Times, 6-20-60, pg.14) Besides the 17 deaths cited and the one genuine accident, there were only three other unnatural deaths of Members of Congress from 1951 to 1991. Senators Hunt and East, who were both in failing health and had announced that they wouldn’t be seeking re-election, committed suicide in 1954 and 1986, respectively, and Congressman Leo Ryan was shot and killed by a fanatical religious cult at a South American airport in 1978. The one genuine accident which killed Senator Chapman in 1951 and the suicide of Senator Hunt in 1954, two unnatural deaths before the KGB officers in the CIA began killing Members of Congress, were obviously models for murder. The first two killings, traffic “accidents” in 1957 and 1959, resembled Senator Chapman’s accident in that they took place in the Districts where the Congressmen lived, just as Senator Chapman’s accident was in the District of Columbia, where he lived. The first two killings also resembled Senator Chapman’s accident in that they were collisions that took place while the Congressmen were driving their cars, the first being a train engine colliding with the Congressman’s car, and the second being the Congressman’s car colliding with an elevated train pillar. No such collisions have taken place since 1959. In the traffic “accidents” of 1957, 1959, and 1965, the Member of Congress was the only one killed, as was the case in Senator Chapman’s accident in 1951. After five Congressmen were killed in less than four years in the airplane slaughters, two of the next five flying fatalities came by way of an aircraft that the Member of Congress was not on board. Congressman McDonald’s plane was shot down by a Soviet fighter jet in 1983, and a helicopter crashed into Senator Heinz’ plane in 1991. Senator Heinz’ “accident” harkens back to two earlier “accidents,” the train engineer who crashed his switch engine into a Congressman’s car in 1957, and a truck driver who ran his tractor-trailer off the road before running down a Congressman in 1965. With the Soviet fighter jet included, four vehicles became instruments of death for a Member of Congress who was not on board the vehicle. A vehicle that had no Members of Congress on it was heading toward Washington DC on September 11, 2001, and it was about to become an instrument of death for a multitude of Congressmen and Senators until it crashed in Pennsylvania. The renegade CIA officers who built the Al Qaeda hierarchy had conducted their own study in how to kill Members of Congress, and they apparently had already made use of it when they used airplane “accidents” to kill four Members of Congress in less than two years during the Administration of George W. Bush’s father, former CIA Director George H. W. Bush. But to drive home the point about September 11th and vehicles without Members of Congress on board: a Congressman was killed when a train engine smashed into his car; a Congressman was killed when he was run down by a tractor-trailer; a Congressman was killed when his plane was shot down by a fighter jet; a Senator was killed when a helicopter crashed into his plane; and a plane loaded with jet fuel was supposed to crash into a building filled with Members of Congress in order to kill them. Two “official” suicides, the 39-year-old father of three who had been in Congress less than two months in 1960, and the 1973 Watergate era “suicide” of a two-year Congressman who had allegedly received Nixon campaign funds, are early examples of the corruption and malice in the CIA, and the decades of apathy in the United States Government that continues today. No one questioned these two “suicides,” especially that of Congressman Mills, whose campaign allegedly received an unreported cash transfer of $25,000 and whose campaign treasurer had already been killed, but friends and associates of Congressman Elliott had no idea why he would have committed suicide in 1960. Both of these Congressmen were killed shortly after being elected in special elections. The KGB officers’ rabid exuberance with getting away with killing two Congressmen with traffic “accidents” in November 1957 and November 1959 was tempered in May 1960, by the fact that they had used a traffic “accident” six months earlier. As they continued to test the waters, they opted for a “suicide” in their third killing, which they followed with the first airplane “accident” in 1962 and the final traffic “accident” in 1965. Only four of the unnatural deaths from 1951 to 1991 are not attributable to the KGB officers and renegade CIA officers, but 17 of the unnatural deaths clearly indicate that being in Congress is a lot more dangerous than anyone imagined. Retiring, losing an election, dying of natural causes, or resigning, would have been the only other ways to leave the group of 535 men and women that comprise the body of Congress. Being a Member of Congress obviously makes a person a target for renegade CIA officers. Renegade CIA officers, like the KGB officers who preceded them, have had no aversion to killing Members of Congress, and there is no doubt that they have killed an untold number of American citizens. But every tax-paying American, in every state and every Congressional district, has paid an incalculable sum of money to finance these killings, and to finance the unfathomable corruption that has ripped apart the fiber of American democracy. Congressman McDonald, who died on Flight 007, was one of the Members of Congress who was in the CIA, and he was on board a plane filled with intelligence officers. Calling it Flight “Double-O-Seven” served as an inside joke for President Reagan and the CIA, until the Soviets shot it down. The “official” reason for flying near a Soviet island off of Siberia for an extended period of time was to light up the Soviet’s radar/defense system. The United States would then use satellites and its vast array of electronic intelligence gathering systems to gather data on the Soviet’s radar/defense system, (a pointless endeavor, but a good excuse for a CIA operation that would be used to kill a Member of Congress). The “official” cover story for Flight “007” was that the pilot “accidentally” ran low on fuel and had to take the “shortcut” through Soviet airspace. This is actually an admission by the CIA that it uses “accidents” as cover stories. Members of the 98th Congress who had the responsibility of addressing the situation knew that Flight “007” was on a spy mission when it was shot down hundreds of miles off course. Killing Congressman McDonald by resuming the airplane slaughters was less conspicuous because Members of Congress knew that Congressman McDonald was in the CIA and that Flight “007” was a plane full of intelligence officers on a spy mission. No one suspected that Flight “007” was sent up for the sole purpose of being shot down. In 1984 I discussed the killings with the KGB officers who had gone to prison and they acknowledged that they killed thirteen of the fourteen Members of Congress that had died from unnatural causes from 1957 to 1983, specifically Congressmen Boggs and Begich in 1972, Congressman McDonald in 1983, Senator Kennedy in 1968, and “others” that they said they “can’t remember,” although we did specifically recount each year that they had killed a Member of Congress. The one death from unnatural causes that they weren’t responsible for from 1957 to 1983 was that of Congressman Leo Ryan, who was shot and killed by a fanatical religious cult at a South American airport in 1978. Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton, one of the CIA officers in Congress in 1984, told me that he knew that the CIA had killed Missouri Congressman and Senatorial candidate Jerry Litton, the first of two “accidents” caused by mechanical failure. Renegade CIA officers were acutely aware of how easy it was to kill Members of Congress, but in fairness to the renegade CIA officers, Senator John Tower wasn’t actually in Congress when they killed him. He retired from Congress in January 1985, two years before he headed the “Tower Commission” that investigated the CIA’s Iran-Contra scandal, which implicated then Vice President George Bush. In 1991, with President George H. W. Bush’s re-election looming, the shadow of John Tower was eliminated by renegade CIA officers when his plane crashed due to “mechanical failure.” And to the credit of the KGB officers and the renegade CIA officers, there have been a number of women in Congress over the years, but none of them have died in any type of “accident,” in comparison to four men who died in traffic “accidents” and eleven men who died in airplane “accidents.” In fact, not one of the women in Congress has died from unnatural causes since 1951, the year this research dates back to. But the same can’t be said for African-American Members of Congress. Congressman Collins, who was killed by the KGB officers in 1972, was an African-American, and Congressman Leland, who was killed by renegade CIA officers in 1989, was an African-American. Two out of four consecutive plane crashes killed African-American of Members of Congress. (Two more killings by renegade CIA officers that are related to the Presidency of George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush’s son, are cited later in this text.)
  2. John Martino was acting on behalf of culpable parties in the CIA to perpetuate the fallacy that Cubans were behind the assassination. Please see my post entitled "The Warren Commission: Information They Covered Up and Why"
  3. Kennedy managed to get rid of the repressive Diem-Nhu regime in South Vietnam 3 weeks before they killed him. KGB officers in the CIA wanted the repressive regime in there and other third world countries to foster Communist insurgencies. This is another excerpt from my book, "Secret Works Of Darkness: Ongoing Corruption In The Government & The CIA," and it includes critical information on Kennedy's effort to replace the Diem-Nhu regime. . . KGB officers in the CIA were responsible for the United States installing and supporting repressive regimes around the world, as repression was the most effective way to sow discord. Leftist insurgencies were then established to combat the repressive governments. Repressive regimes were being installed in third world countries in the months before they killed President Kennedy. An article on November 18, 1963, said that for a year and a half, American military aid had been used to overthrow constitutional governments and install repressive regimes. Kennedy continued to speak out against it until he was assassinated, while Barry Goldwater, a CIA officer being handled by the KGB officers, spoke out in favor of it. On September 25, 1963, less than two months before the KGB officers killed President Kennedy in an effort to get Goldwater into the Presidency, “The armed forces of the Dominican Republic overthrew Juan D. Bosch, the Caribbean nation’s first legally elected president in a generation. A right-wing civilian junta was installed.” (R.P. 186) On October 3, 1963, “Honduras President Ramon Villeda Morales was toppled in a military coup. A military junta took over in the Central American country.” (R.P. 186) Reporting from Honduras a Washington Post reporter wrote: “United States efforts to dissuade Honduran military leaders from launching the coup that ended democracy here last week were hampered by division and uncertainty among American Embassy officials . . . Some harbored reservations that turned to satisfaction when the military finally acted. There appears to be a strong tendency among U.S. military officials and members of the Agency for International Development mission here to regard the coup with considerable sympathy . . . Some of the 20 military men based here have expressed the view that the coup was ‘understandable’ . . . ‘Maybe this country just isn’t ready for democracy,’ one officer said.”(R.P.187) Barry Goldwater charged on July 12, 1963, that President Kennedy was trying to “coexist with international communism wherever it thrives, even in the Western Hemisphere.” (R.P. 52) On October 9, 1963, President Kennedy said that the U.S. is wholly opposed to military coups in Latin America, no matter what justification is made for them, and Kennedy stated that “dictatorships are the seedbeds from which communism ultimately springs up.” On October 11, 1963, when Goldwater spoke to the Military Order of World Wars after his grandiose welcome in Texas, he praised the coup in the Dominican Republic, stating “that the Bosch government in the Dominican Republic had been ‘smashed altogether by military leaders who saw communism, not true progress, building behind the facade . . . The Administration curses the juntas that curse the communist curse.’” An article on November 18, 1963, stated: “In Guatemala, Peru, Argentina, and Ecuador in the last year and a half . . . American military aid meant to fight communism has been employed to overthrow constitutional governments . . . So far, all the United States has gotten out of its $90 million per year military aid to the area is resentment on the part of those who are pushed around at the end of American rifles, the overthrow of several governments the U.S. had tried to protect, and a loss of ground to the Communists who thrive on the discontent produced by military dictatorships.” (R.P. 188) In a speech on November 18, 1963, Kennedy “warned that those who support military coups against constitutional governments ‘tear apart the fabric and hope of lasting democracy.’” (R.P. 186) On November 22, 1963, the day Kennedy was assassinated “Honduras announced a program that would produce civilian rule in 15 months,” three months after the U.S. Presidential election in 1964. (R.P. 186) On November 26, 1963, the Dominican Republic announced a series of elections beginning with elections “for minor local officials between September 1, 1964 and November 30, 1964; municipal elections on January 15, 1965; a constituent assembly election on March 1, 1965; and a presidential election on July 15, 1965.” (At least this announcement of a bizarre series of elections didn’t “coincidentally” take place on November 22, 1963. It took place four days later.) [R.P. 190] The timing of these announcements and the timetable for the alleged return to democracy both had a purpose. The announcements, neither of which proved to be true (as a phone call to either embassy would confirm), were meant to denigrate Kennedy’s anti-coup stand and make Goldwater’s perspective seem pragmatic. The CIA’s “anti-communist” excuse for their actions and their use of American embassies was never in doubt. “Anti-communism” and the CIA’s use of an American embassy were more than evident in South Vietnam in the two months before they killed President Kennedy. It was actually the flip side of the CIA coups that installed repressive regimes. A Washington Post article on September 22, 1963, about Kennedy’s efforts to oust the repressive Diem-Nhu regime in South Vietnam, said that “certain elements of the CIA believe that there is no alternative to the Diem-Nhu axis. These sentiments also exist among American military leaders . . . The brass simply feels that any change in American policy would wreck the war effort. The firmest opponents of change, however, seem to be certain top CIA people. There is strong reason to believe that the recent Times of Vietnam story exposing an alleged CIA coup attempt was actually leaked by CIA dissidents themselves in an attempt to forestall any American attempt to dump Nhu . . . CIA dissidents see positive virtues in Nhu . . . Ambassador Lodge cannot fully trust his own staff members.” (R.P. 186) On October 5, 1963, the Washington Post reported: “John H. Richardson, CIA station chief in South Vietnam, is being recalled to Washington . . . Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge is reported on good authority to have requested Richardson’s replacement . . . Richardson has been one of the key men in development of the U.S. Role of helping the Diem government fight Communist guerrillas . . . There have been persistent reports of differences between Lodge and the CIA staff.” (R.P. 192) At a news conference on October 9, 1963, President Kennedy “vigorously defended the role of the Central Intelligence Agency in South Vietnam . . . The President devoted a good share of his 30 minute news conference to the subject of the CIA, a normally sacrosanct matter which the White House never airs in public.” On November 1, 1963, three weeks before the KGB officers killed the President who was the antithesis of their ostensibly right-wing megalomaniac endeavors, the Diem-Nhu regime was ousted in a coup. “Diem was defended to the last by the special forces troops trained by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.” (R.P. 193) The KGB officers had not foreseen Kennedy’s removal of the Diem-Nhu regime before his death, and Kennedy’s interference with their agenda was a clear reason why they wanted an intelligence officer under their control to be President. The removal of the Diem-Nhu regime, however, wasn’t going to change the KGB’s agenda, especially since they killed the President responsible for it. The KGB officers in the CIA were still intent on having a Communist insurgency take over in South Vietnam, and the CIA and the American military were used to restart the repressive environment. After all, exactly two months before the CIA killed President Kennedy, the Washington Post article said that “CIA dissidents see positive virtues in Nhu,” and American military brass in South Vietnam “simply feels that any change in American policy would wreck the war effort.” Only President Nixon’s desperate attempt to fend off political fallout from the Watergate scandal as his second term began brought about a ‘peace’ treaty in January 1973, but it was nothing more than an American agreement to bid a hasty retreat from South Vietnam, nine years and three months after President Kennedy “vigorously defended the role of the Central Intelligence Agency in South Vietnam.” The KGB’s plan failed in the Dominican Republic when, in 1965, President Johnson sent American troops to end a civil war that broke out when the right-wing civilian junta installed by military leaders refused to yield to democracy. The American troops, however, did not install democracy and elections were not held. As cited in the section on a lack of Congressional oversight of the CIA, in May 1966, Senators Russell and Saltonstall claimed that the CIA was not crafting foreign policy, and Senator Young suggested that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee set up its own “special subcommittee on the CIA.” The Foreign Relations Committee Chairman, Senator J.W. Fulbright, said that they had previously tried to do that, but when the Director of the CIA, Admiral William Raborn, appeared before the Committee, he refused to answer the Senators’ questions, claiming that to do so would be illegal. Characteristic of the CIA’s warped perspective, a perspective that they’ve always proffered as being legitimate, the CIA Director was asserting that the Senators were asking him to do something illegal. Senator Fulbright’s statement that Admiral Raborn “took the position that he was not authorized under the law to respond to our questions,” clearly shows that 19 years after the CIA was created, the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee thought that the Central Intelligence Agency was incredibly powerful, and that by comparison, he and the other Senators had no power at all. The aggregate of everyone’s perspective on the CIA would account for the fact that seven months after Senator Fulbright’s unconditional surrender to the CIA, Senator Joseph Clark said that the CIA “has achieved a position of power pretty close to the danger line.”
  4. THIS IS ANOTHER EXCERPT FROM MY BOOK. THE EXCERPT IS ENTITLED "LET’S SET UP THE PRESIDENT TO BE ASSASSINATED / GOLDWATER’S CLOSED-DOOR TESTIMONY IN 1984". (THE "R.P." ANNOTATIONS STAND FOR "REFERENCE PAGE" AND REFER TO A PARTICULAR NEWSPAPER ARTICLE IN THE INDEX OF THE BOOK.) In 1984, Senator Barry Goldwater testified that he was expecting President Johnson to be assassinated on October 31, 1964, as part of the plan to get him elected to the Presidency on November 3, 1964. He also testified that he was in the CIA and that he was well acquainted with CIA officers that had been exposed as KGB officers. Three specific KGB officers that he knew were: John McCone, Director of the CIA from 1961 to 1965, Vincent Puritano, who was in charge of the CIA’s domestic operations in 1963 and 1964, and Tony Chavez, who had been the head of domestic operations from the late 1960s until 1984. Goldwater testified that after President Kennedy was assassinated, his CIA colleagues, the KGB officers who had been exposed, made him aware of the fact that they had arranged it, and he testified that they had hinted earlier in 1963 that President Kennedy might be assassinated. A well-orchestrated production of escalating rhetorical conflict between Kennedy and Goldwater was engineered to end in the crescendo of gunfire that killed President Kennedy on November 22, 1963, which was the first step in the two-pronged assassination plan. When the attempt to assassinate President Johnson on October 31, 1964, was foiled, the KGB’s plans to put Goldwater into the Oval Office came to a screeching halt. Essential elements of the rhetorical conflict between Kennedy and Goldwater sprouted on the morning of July 12, 1963, when Senator Barry Goldwater, “the leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination in 1964 arrived at the Statler-Hilton Hotel, just three blocks from the White House, to have breakfast with 500 of his admirers.” The occasion was the Human Events Political Action Conference. Human Events is “a conservative political weekly published in Washington.” Goldwater, in his early morning political speech, “charged that President Kennedy was trying to ‘coexist with international communism wherever it thrives, even in the Western Hemisphere.’” He made several statements attacking the way Kennedy dealt with communist expansionism and added, “I believe today’s liberal is so frightened of the future that he is incapable of acting in the present.” “Goldwater’s attacks on the President were greeted with applause, shouts, cheers, whistles and the stomping of feet and the Senator’s harsh words set the tone for a long day of speeches by other Members of Congress . . . Administration proposals ranging from the wilderness bill to disarmament were denounced.” (R.P. 52) Republican Congressman Bruce Alger of Texas “declared that ‘Bobby is behind every bush,’ and the audience howled at this thrust at Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.” The only Democrat who addressed the conference was from the segregationist South, Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, “one of the principal opponents of Mr. Kennedy’s civil rights program.” On July 31, 1963, “Senator Barry Goldwater accused Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy of using ‘police state’ powers in an effort to desegregate communities around military bases.” (R.P. 53) “He and several Southern Democrats denounced a Pentagon directive authorizing military commanders to designate as off limits for servicemen communities which practice ‘relentless discrimination’ against Negroes.” “Goldwater told the Senate this action carries the seeds of a possible military takeover.” “What he fears, Goldwater said, is ‘the threat of a military takeover should things change in this country and we find that the military commanders have become used to running politics and the social life of the community.’” On August 13, 1963, during Senate hearings on a partial nuclear test ban treaty, “Senator Barry Goldwater, front-runner for the Republican presidential nomination, said in a Senate speech that the treaty might open ‘a possibly fatal gap’ in this Nation’s defenses against enemy missile attack.” (R.P. 54) On September 20, 1963, Goldwater made it appear as though he was warming up to the idea that he would be President Kennedy’s opponent in 1964, and he used the electoral prize of what was then conservative California to do so, the state that was conservative enough to elect Ronald Reagan as its Governor in 1966. Goldwater announced the formation of a California advisory committee “‘for consultation’ about the California primary,” but he stated that it was “not an announcement that I intend to seek the Presidential nomination.” (R.P. 55) “Why the Arizona Republican hit upon the idea of an advisory committee is something he didn’t explain, beyond saying it was suggested by his California friends and supporters.” On September 26, 1963, less than two months before his assassination in Dallas, Texas, “President Kennedy spoke in the Mormon Tabernacle in Salt Lake City, Utah . . . Utah, like the other mountain states the President is visiting on his five day, ten state Western tour, is a center of Goldwater strength and radical right-wing activities.” “President Kennedy sharply attacked the foreign policies advocated by Senator Barry Goldwater” and “took issue point by point with proposals put forth by the Senator. The speech marked the first time that the President has tried to refute in a detailed way the foreign policies that Goldwater has stressed.” (R.P. 56) Kennedy deleted a reference to the fact that Barry Goldwater often spoke about “total victory,” but in what seems to be a naively ironic parody of the fate that awaited him, Kennedy did say, “We have history going for us today.” On October 3, 1963, less than two weeks after his California advisory committee was formed and exactly one week after Kennedy went to conservative Utah to attack his foreign policies, Barry Goldwater spoke “deep in the heartland of Western conservatism” to the California Federation of Republican Women, and he “charged the Kennedy Administration with establishing ‘a Soviet-American mutual aid society.’” Goldwater attacked President Kennedy’s New Frontier policies and said: “In less than a month the New Frontier has offered to pick up the check for half the cost of a joint shot to the moon, stop testing nuclear weapons in the air and, finally, bail out the highly vaunted Soviet farm collective with what I’m willing to bet will be tons of free American wheat.” (R.P. 57) “There is an old line somewhere that goes: If you can’t lick ‘em, join ‘em. But I for one am not quite ready to lie down and play Rover to Kremlin tunes.” “Along the New Frontier the idea is to conform or keep quiet. Nothing must be done to ruffle Mr. Khrushchev’s feelings or lead him to think that we are superior to the Soviets in any category. We don’t hear a tough note out of this Administration unless it is directed at one of our tried and proven allies.” (The “tried and proven allies” were the repressive dictatorships that Goldwater and the CIA supported. Another section of this text addresses the repressive regimes and their correlation to Kennedy’s death.) Six days later, on October 9, 1963, “President Kennedy said that the United States is wholly opposed to military coups in Latin America, no matter what justification is made for them . . . In addition to their threat to the whole process of democratic government and progress, he said, military ‘dictatorships are the seed-beds from which communism ultimately springs up’ . . . His statement served to clarify the United States position in the controversy that has arisen about this nation’s policy since the recent military coups in the Dominican Republic and Honduras.” (R.P. 58) President Kennedy made his remarks at a news conference that also consisted of the following: Q: Mr. President, there is a widespread impression that you expect Senator Barry Goldwater to be the Republican nominee for President next year. I think your speech in Salt Lake City had something to do with that. Is that your expectation? A: I think he can do it. I think it is possible for him to do it. But he has a long road to go, recalling the situation in September 1959, October 1959. I think Senator Goldwater has a trying seven or eight months which will test his endurance and his perseverance and his agility. Q: Are you basing that on your own experience in 1960? A: Yes. (R.P. 59) On the following day, October 10, 1963, Barry Goldwater spoke in Pennsylvania and “lashed out at the ‘corruption-ridden machines’ which he said are the key to national Democratic victories . . . Goldwater delivered a slashing attack on the New Frontier’s connections with the big city machines in the North and East . . . ‘The liberal Democratic alliance for power today means that no Democratic candidate for office at the national level can be nominated or elected without the support of big city political bosses and their corruption-ridden machines.’” (R.P. 60) Goldwater also said, “The vitality of American leadership in the cold war has waned to the vanishing point.” (R.P. 61) “Mr. Goldwater, rated a leading prospect for next year’s Republican Presidential nomination, said the Kennedy Administration’s choice was clear: ‘Government of the Kennedys, by the Kennedys and for the Kennedys.’” “He said the kind of progress the Democrats offered ‘stumbles backward toward depression-born make-work programs . . . What counts are New Frontiersmen and their cronies.’” “His appearance in this key state was widely viewed as another sign that he is seriously considering becoming a candidate for the GOP nomination next year.” (R.P. 60) It was also on October 10, 1963, that “Senator Barry Goldwater told reporters he would be willing to debate President Kennedy on television if he is the Republican Presidential nominee in 1964, but he stressed that he hadn’t made up his mind about seeking the nomination. When asked when he would make a decision he said, ‘I don’t know when it will be.’” (R.P. 62) Besides having the electoral prize of California as a point of interest in his possible Presidential bid, Goldwater now had the electoral prize of Pennsylvania, and the day after his visit to that particular electoral prize, he made the most noteworthy of appearances. On Friday, October 11, 1963, exactly six weeks before President Kennedy was assassinated while riding from Dallas Love Field, Goldwater visited Texas. The Washington Post reported: “Goldwater flew to San Antonio and got a red carpet welcome midway through a three-night speaking schedule that will take him across the nation.” (R.P. 63) “The Senator rode from the airport in an open convertible” while “a crowd of fans chanted ‘We want Barry’ and waved ‘Goldwater for President’ signs.” “Goldwater, rated by pollsters as a leader among potential candidates for the 1964 Republican presidential nomination, waved and leaned over to shake hands.” (This reception in Texas did not go unnoticed by President Kennedy.) Goldwater “touched down in San Antonio for less than a day” to address the Military Order of World Wars. A Dallas Morning News reporter reporting from San Antonio wrote: “Senator Barry Goldwater charged here Friday night that the Kennedy Administration is following the most disastrous foreign policy in the nation’s history . . . ‘The policy stands wall-eyed in Berlin and cross-eyed in Paris and blind in Cuba.’” (R.P. 64) “Senator Goldwater waded into the Administration after receiving an award for his contribution to national defense from the Military Order of World Wars, made up of active and retired commissioned officers.” “The front-runner for the Republican Presidential nomination told the officer veterans that he was going to give them some plain, hard talk about the world situation.” “His speech was interrupted eighteen times by applause from an obviously conservative and anti-Kennedy military audience.” “He rounded the world in his indictment and was particularly critical about the handling of Latin-American affairs.” The Washington Post story describing Goldwater’s reception in Texas was on page 2 on October 12 and headlined, “Goldwater Labels JFK Policy a Disaster,” but there was another, lengthier article in the Washington Post on October 13, 1963, describing Goldwater’s speech: “In his speech he ad libbed ‘The Administration curses the juntas that curse the Communist curse.’ He stated that the government in the Dominican Republic had been ‘smashed altogether by military leaders who saw communism, not true progress, building behind the facade.’” (The armed forces in the Dominican Republic had ousted the first President to be legally elected in several decades, and they installed a repressive right-wing government a few weeks before Goldwater made his statement.) [R.P. 65] “Goldwater deeply stirred the convention with a pep talk for patriotism at the end of his formal speech.” The October 13th article also detailed a news conference in San Antonio on October 11, 1963, during which Goldwater, who supported segregation, addressed civil rights, stating, “‘I’d like to see us calm down in the whole field’ . . . with the recognition ‘that not only the Negro, but the whites in many instances have beefs.’” “During his news conference he repeated a quip about the government being ‘of the Kennedys, by the Kennedys and for the Kennedys.’” (R.P. 66) Goldwater had also made his statement about a government “of the Kennedys, by the Kennedys and for the Kennedys” on the day before coming to Texas, and he also held a news conference before coming to Texas. At that news conference, Goldwater answered a number of questions “with the preface, ‘I am not a candidate.’ However, from time to time he did say, ‘If I were a candidate’ before responding to a question.” (R.P. 60) This apparently was the first time that Barry Goldwater had uttered any words that weren’t a straightforward denial that he had made any decision about becoming a candidate, just as the reception in Texas was also unprecedented. (In the “Goldwater’s Prospects” section, there are several times that Goldwater refuses to speculate about being a candidate and denies having made a decision that he would become a candidate, which is why it was so newsworthy when he said, “If I were a candidate” on the day before his grand reception in Texas.) Besides his news conference before coming to Texas and the one in San Antonio on October 11th, “The conservative Senator stopped over at Dallas Love Field briefly on his way to San Antonio for a Friday night speech” and held a “brief five-minute press conference before boarding a Braniff jet.” (R.P. 67) It was also on October 11, 1963, that a copyrighted story appeared on page one of the Dallas Morning News stating that Barry Goldwater would announce his candidacy in early January. (R.P. 60) On October 12, 1963, the Dallas Morning News reported that Goldwater denied he would announce his candidacy and when asked about the copyrighted story, he stated, “There is no truth in it. It is absolutely not true.” Goldwater issued the denial when he stopped at Dallas Love Field while on his way to his grand reception San Antonio. (R.P. 67) Goldwater returned to the electoral prize of California on October 19th and fired off another volley, accusing the Kennedy Administration of “endangering the nation through ‘flagrant news management’ . . . Goldwater attacked the Administration’s handling of the announcements of four recent international developments” in a speech sponsored by the San Bernardino Sun-Telegram. (R.P. 68) On November 10, 1963, Goldwater stated in an interview that, “Any interference in this Administration’s bungling of foreign policy would work for the better.” In this interview, with twelve days remaining before President Kennedy visited Dallas, Goldwater was more speculative about the prospect of being President Kennedy’s opponent in 1964, using the phrases “not yet decided . . . until I am convinced . . . If and when . . . unless I decide . . . whether or not I decide.” (R.P. 69) On November 22, 1963, “Mr. Kennedy was on his way to the Trade Mart to make a speech. It was to be a bold speech. Here in the stronghold of political conservatism, and before an audience made up largely of critics of New Frontier policies at home and abroad, he was going to accuse right-wing extremists of talking ‘just plain nonsense.’” “Mr. Kennedy and Mrs. Kennedy were riding in the rear seat of a top-down Lincoln Continental . . . Thousands had cheered the First Family as the motorcade drove in from Love Field.” (R.P. 70) “The assassination occurred just as the President’s motorcade was leaving downtown Dallas at the end of a triumphal tour through the city’s streets . . . The original plans called only for a fast ride from the airport to a lunch at the Trade Mart . . . Mr. Kennedy himself had made the decision to ride in the slow-moving motorcade.” (R.P. 71 & 72) Back on January 8, 1963, the Washington Post stated: “President Kennedy himself, it can be said with knowledge, does not think his re-election will be easy or can be taken for granted.” (R.P. 73) On October 5, 1963, the Washington Post reported: “President Kennedy is now much preoccupied with his chances of winning a second term . . . Governor Connally, on his way out of the White House, had this to say to reporters: ‘I told the President that he would have a hard race in Texas . . . It would be unrealistic to think we are not going to have a tough fight there next year’ . . . Connally acknowledged that Goldwater had ‘considerable strength’ in Texas, but suggested that after the Democrats do a job on the Senator some of his strength might vanish . . . Goldwater will certainly be on Mr. Kennedy’s mind when he visits Texas on November 21-22.” (R.P. 74)
  5. Looking back over the last 11 U.S. Administrations, it's hard for me to decide which one I would consider the most incompetent. They have all perpetuated monumental corruption in the United States Government. President Kennedy is the only one to have actually been killed by his own Administration. Reagan came close to being killed, as the Secret Service parked his limo 25 feet down the driveway and made sure their intended assassin, John Hinckley, had access to him. Tony
  6. THIS IS ANOTHER EXCERPT FROM MY BOOK The conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy succeeded because President Johnson feared that Cuban and Soviet involvement in the assassination would get the United States into a nuclear war, and he set up the Warren Commission to cover up information about Cuban and Soviet involvement. In a very complex strategy, the culpable parties in the CIA supplied disinformation to the Warren Commission that said Cubans had assassinated President Kennedy, but pursuant to the instructions from President Johnson, the Warren Commission covered it up. The disinformation was uncovered less than three years later by a New Orleans District Attorney. The idea to establish the Warren Commission officially came from Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach, who has been mentioned several times in this text and is obviously a point man for CIA cover-ups. The documentary video, “The JFK Assassination: The Jim Garrison Tapes,” shows the memo that Katzenbach wrote to the White House suggesting a Presidential Commission, and it says that speculation about a Communist conspiracy must end. It also states: “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin; that he did not have confederates who are still at large; and that the evidence was such that he would have been convicted at trial.” Seven men were chosen for the express purpose of covering up a conspiracy to assassinate the President of the United States. EARL WARREN In December 1972, more than nine years after President Kennedy was assassinated, retired Chief Justice Earl Warren was interviewed for a PBS television show and he stated the reason why a cover up was paramount and why he agreed to lead the cover-up team. He said that President Johnson cited rumors “that Soviet Premier Khrushchev and Cuba’s Premier Castro might have been involved in the assassination.” Warren “was invited to the White House by Mr. Johnson who ‘told me he felt conditions around the world were so bad at the moment that he thought it might even get us into a war; a nuclear war.’” (R.P. 206) Two hours before going to the White House, “Mr. Warren said that he had advised the President’s brother, Robert F. Kennedy, that he did not believe a Chief Justice should undertake non-judicial duties while sitting on the Supreme Court.” “Warren also related that Mr. Johnson said he had asked for a report from Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara for an estimate on how many Americans would be killed in a Soviet nuclear attack. He said that Mr. Johnson had told him he was given a figure of 60,000,000 . . . The former Chief Justice said that the President’s concern had caused him to agree to head the inquiry.” (R.P. 206) President Johnson “also talked personally with each member appointed” when the Warren Commission was established. (R.P. 207) Warren claimed that the rumors about Khrushchev and Castro “later proved to be unfounded.” (R.P. 206) When Katzenbach wrote his memo to the White House, he suggested proffering a perspective “which will satisfy people in the United States and abroad that all the facts have been told, and that a statement to this affect be made now,” and “We should have some basis for rebutting the thought that this was a Communist conspiracy.” With this “basis” for establishing the Warren Commission, Earl Warren certainly wasn’t going to admit that they found evidence that it was a “Communist conspiracy.” The whole point of the Warren Commission was to cover up evidence of Cuban and Soviet involvement because President Johnson “thought it might even get us into a war; a nuclear war.” Warren, therefore, claimed that the rumors about Khrushchev and Castro “later proved to be unfounded.” The monumental concern about a nuclear war resulting from Soviet and Cuban involvement in Kennedy’s assassination was pointedly logical, and circumstances made it extremely convenient to use as justification for a cover up. In 1961, when Johnson was Vice President, the notorious Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba took place and in October of 1962, when Soviet missile sites were discovered in Cuba, President Kennedy initiated a blockade of Cuba which has since been viewed as a nuclear stand-off that brought us to the brink of nuclear war. Lee Harvey Oswald, the accused assassin of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963, had lived in the Soviet Union, was married to a woman from the Soviet Union, and was purported to be pro-Castro. As cited, Oswald was conveniently arrested within an hour and a half of President Kennedy’s assassination and then killed less than forty-eight hours later. On December 15, 1963, a Washington Post columnist cited a letter that Chief Justice Earl Warren had written to a Congressman in 1958 when Congress was considering a “Commission on Presidential Disability.” Warren made direct statements in his letter in which he said that no one on the United States Supreme Court could serve on such a Commission. Warren’s statements in 1958 would have also precluded him from serving on a Commission to investigate President Kennedy’s assassination in 1963. Warren stated: “It has been the belief of all of us that because of the separation of power in our Government, the nature of the judicial process, a possibility of a controversy of this character coming to the Court, and the danger of disqualification which might result in lack of a quorum, it would be inadvisable for any member of the Court to serve on such a Commission . . . I believe that the reasons above mentioned for nonparticipation of the Court are insurmountable.” (R.P. 208) The columnist criticized the Warren Commission itself, stating: “On the charter of the Commission; when a congressional committee is assigned an inquiry, its terms of reference must be precise and its boundaries clear . . . The terms of reference given to the President’s Commission are so general that the Commission is, in effect, writing its own charter.” (Obviously he didn’t know that Warren and his cover-up team intended to save us all from a nuclear war.) In June 1957, the New York Times reported that “under the leadership of Chief Justice Earl Warren, the Supreme Court” had “sharply criticized the Congress for giving undefined and unlimited powers of investigation to Congressional Committees.” (Warren, of course, changed his perspective when he accepted his cover-up task.) [R.P. 209] The four Members of Congress on Warren’s cover-up team, Senators Russell and Cooper and Representatives Boggs and Ford, did their part to give the team “undefined and unlimited powers.” The Senate “quickly passed and sent to the House a resolution giving the Warren Commission broad powers to carry out its fact-finding mission.” Senators Russell and Cooper sponsored the legislation and “an identical proposal was offered in the House” by Representatives Boggs and Ford. (R.P. 210) As for Johnson’s cover up effort, “One effect of the President’s action and perhaps part of its purpose, apparently will be to stop the scramble by Congressional Committees to investigate the assassination of Mr. Kennedy.” (R.P. 207) Johnson’s efforts to prevent the revelation of a Cuban connection failed in 1967 when a New Orleans District Attorney named Jim Garrison (whose celebrated prosecutorial effort was spotlighted in the movie “JFK”) promulgated information that there was Cuban involvement in the assassination of President Kennedy. Garrison’s investigation was first publicized in a New Orleans newspaper on February 17, 1967. It identified the focus of the investigation as a New Orleans pilot named David Ferrie and on the following day, “District Attorney Jim Garrison issued a statement predicting ‘arrests and convictions’ in New Orleans.” (R.P. 211 & 212) It was also on the following day that “Mr. Ferrie acknowledged that he was under investigation but called the inquiry ‘a big joke.’” (R.P. 213) David Ferrie was found dead in his apartment at 11:40 AM on February 22, 1967. The coroner, Dr. Nicholas Chetta, said he had died on the evening of February 21, four days after Jim Garrison’s investigation became public. (R.P. 213) The New York Times stated that Ferrie was naked under a sheet in his bed, where he died of a “brain hemorrhage.” The brain hemorrhage was brought on by “natural causes.” (R.P. 213 & 214) The Times initially stated: “What appeared to be a suicide note was on the dining room table in the apartment, according to Dr. Nicholas Chetta, the Orleans Parish coroner . . . He quoted part of it as saying, ‘To leave this life is, for me, a sweet prospect. I find nothing in it that is desirable, and on the other hand, everything that is loathsome,’” but “Mr. Chetta declined to reveal the full contents of the note.” (R.P. 213) “Dr. Chetta said he was not yet classifying the death as a suicide. He said ‘anatomical findings’ thus far had shown that Mr. Ferrie suffered a brain hemorrhage.” “‘Probably this man was under undue pressure,’ Dr. Chetta said.” (Maybe that’s what naturally caused his brain hemorrhage, while he was in bed, naked under a sheet.) On February 25, 1967, the New York Times reported: “Dr. Chetta said Mr. Ferrie’s physician, whom he declined to name, had told him that Mr. Ferrie grew increasingly depressed in recent weeks and ‘talked of suicide and rambled on about suing Mr. Garrison.’” (R.P. 214) On February 23, 1967, two days after Ferrie was silenced, the New York Times stated: “Housewives who lived near Mr. Ferrie at the time of the assassination told newsmen he had a strong interest in Cuba, and acquaintances reported him to be militantly anti-Castro . . . According to a friend, Mr. Ferrie was ‘a rabid anti-Castroite.’ The friend said he hinted that he had participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion but would never elaborate.” (R.P. 215) On May 22, 1967, an Associated Press article carried by the New York Times stated: “District Attorney Jim Garrison says that Lee Harvey Oswald did not kill President Kennedy and the Central Intelligence Agency knows who did.” (R.P. 216) “‘Purely and simply it’s a case of former employees of the CIA, a large number of them Cubans, having a venomous reaction from the 1961 Bay of Pigs episode. Certain individuals with a fusion of interests in regaining Cuba assassinated the President,’ Mr. Garrison says.” “Mr. Garrison said that the agency knew ‘the name of every man involved and the name of the individuals who pulled the triggers’ to kill Mr. Kennedy.” “Mr. Garrison said it would take ‘only 60 minutes for the CIA to give us the name of every last Cuban involved in this and that’s how close we have been to the end for some time, but we are blocked by this glass wall of this totalitarian, powerful agency which is worried about its power.’” (R.P. 216) “He repeatedly accused the agency of blocking and attempting to block his investigation, begun last fall.” (Obviously the CIA was the source of information that Cubans were involved.) This Cuba connection that needed to be covered up was almost instantaneously made part of President Kennedy’s assassination. When Ferrie died, the New York Times reported: “Mr. Ferrie came under investigation by local and Federal authorities only hours after the assassination when Edward Voebel, a high school classmate of Oswald’s, told investigators that Oswald had served briefly in a civilian air patrol unit commanded by Mr. Ferrie.” (R.P. 215) “Secret Service records show that Mr. Ferrie told agents shortly after the assassination that he was ‘positive’ he was in New Orleans on the day of the murder, Friday, November 22, 1963.” (R.P. 217) “Three days after the assassination, when they received reports that Mr. Ferrie had made a quick trip to Texas immediately after the Presidential murder, Mr. Garrison’s staff arrested him for questioning, but Federal interest in Mr. Ferrie waned, according to one investigative source, when the FBI determined that Mr. Ferrie had gone to Houston rather than Dallas and had not known Oswald in the air patrol.” (R.P. 215) (It seems that a man who was supposedly Oswald’s high school classmate lied to investigators and in the process established an immediate Cuban connection that the “Secret Service” was looking into.) On the day Ferrie was found dead, Jim Garrison stated: “Evidence developed by our office had long since confirmed that he was involved in events culminating in the assassination of President Kennedy. Although my office has been investigating Mr. Ferrie intensively for months, we have not mentioned his name publicly up to this point . . . In a meeting in my house this morning, we had reached a decision to arrest him early next week. Apparently we waited too long.” (R.P. 215) At the very beginning of “The JFK Assassination: The Jim Garrison Tapes,” Nicholas Katzenbach, Deputy Attorney General in 1963, an obvious CIA cover-up man and one of the Federal authorities who could decide that Federal interest in David Ferrie should “wane,” states, “I had the impression both before and after the assassination that Jim Garrison was an absolute nut.” Jim Garrison didn’t know that the CIA orchestrated the idea that Cubans were involved in the assassination, and Warren couldn’t acknowledge evidence that Cubans were involved because he thought he and his team were heading off a nuclear war. The CIA, of course, didn’t want it known that they were the source of the information, but Jim Garrison followed the Cuban connection right up to the CIA’s doorstep. Unlike Warren, Jim Garrison didn’t get any instructions from a President who “thought it might even get us into a war; a nuclear war.” By having the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court enlisted to head the cover up, the CIA effectuated a tripartite conquest of the three branches of the United States Government. Earl Warren effectively gave Supreme Court approval to the workings of the Central Intelligence Agency. The other six members of the Warren Commission were: 1) Senator Richard B. Russell 2) Former CIA Director Allen Dulles 3) Congressman and Future President Gerald Ford 4) Former Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy 5) Congressman Hale Boggs 6) Senator John Sherman Cooper. Critical information on the other six members with whom President Johnson “also talked personally” is detailed on the following pages. It is not unlike the information cited thus far in this text, and it clearly shows how the CIA exercised dominion over the United States Government. The second section on Congressman Hale Boggs details the deaths of Members of Congress who were killed by KGB officers in the CIA and by renegade CIA officers.
  7. The CIA planted a story on the day that they killed Oswald to make it look like he was, undeniably, the assassin. These are two short excerpts from my book. One is from the section on the Dallas police and Lee Harvey Oswald, and the other is from the section on Warren Commission member Allen Dulles. FROM THE SECTION ON THE DALLAS POLICE AND LHO On November 25, 1963, the Dallas Morning News reported that officers who searched Oswald’s room found a map on which a line marked the path of the bullets that killed President Kennedy. (R.P. 5) On November 26, 1963, “District Attorney Henry Wade said he understood that the police had the map, but he had not seen it. Lieutenant Wells of the Police Department said the map was in Wade’s possession. Wade denied it . . . Chief Jesse Curry said that he knows nothing of the map and that all evidence had been turned over to Wade.” (R.P. 3) Captain Glen King said, “I have heard there was a map, but I have not seen it. I heard there was one, but it was not from an authoritative source. But I am not saying there isn’t one. If there is a map, it is evidence. And I think Chief Curry has been very clear about evidence.” On November 27, a Washington Post reporter wrote: “Dallas officials reported late yesterday that all evidence in their possession has been turned over to the FBI.” (R.P. 4) The idea that there was a map in Oswald’s room that marked the path of the bullets undoubtedly did much to dispel any notion that Oswald might not have killed Kennedy. The Dallas Morning News purportedly came into the information about the map on the evening of Sunday, November 24, 1963, the day Oswald was killed. Citing nothing more than a “reliable source,” the copyrighted story on November 25th reads, “This was learned by the Dallas Morning News Sunday night from a reliable source who has seen the map.” (R.P. 5) “He told the Dallas News, ‘This was a map of the City of Dallas. Oswald had placed marks at major intersections along the motorcade route; three or four as I recall. There was also a line from the Texas School Book Depository Building to Elm Street. This was the trajectory of the bullets which struck the President and Governor Connally.’” “This map was apparently the ‘major evidence’ which Police Chief Jesse Curry reported officers had uncovered. Chief Curry refused to reveal the evidence, but said it definitely linked Oswald to the assassination of President Kennedy.” “Officers theorized that Oswald, who was himself shot to death Sunday, marked the other intersections while considering spots from which a sniper could get a good shot at the Kennedy motorcade. He knew it would move slower than usual at these intersections.” “Had Oswald faced a jury, District Attorney Henry Wade would have used the map as ‘Exhibit A’ in his legal fight to send the murder suspect to the chair.” “Wade would have bolstered testimony of officers by calling Mrs. Earline Roberts to the stand. The 58-year-old housekeeper who cleaned Oswald’s room saw the map in the room.” “ . . . Rubenstein’s bullet sealed Oswald’s lips, ending with sudden finality any chance of a confession.” “Did Dallas police have the real killer?” “Yes, said Police Chief Jesse Curry, Homicide Captain Will Fritz and Wade.” “‘This is the man who killed the President,’ Fritz said.” “After Oswald died, Fritz told reporters, ‘The case is closed.’” “Fritz was convinced Oswald alone was involved.” It is hard to imagine this copyrighted article, on November 25, 1963, three days after Kennedy was killed and one day after Oswald was killed, as saying anything more to legitimize the idea that Oswald killed Kennedy. The Dallas officials wouldn’t be refuting the characterization of their perspectives, but those perspectives, in an article headlined “Oswald’s Room Yields Map of Bullets’ Path,” had nothing to do with the alleged map. Wade said he didn’t have the map and hadn’t seen it, and Chief Curry, who said all evidence had been turned over to Wade, said he didn’t know anything about the map. FROM THE SECTION ON ALLEN DULLES Dulles’s Deputy Director at the CIA, Air Force General C.P. Cabell, who had been fired prior to the Bay Of Pigs, also had a brother, but General Cabell’s brother seemed to hold a less powerful position than Allen Dulles’s brother, former Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. The General’s brother was Mayor Earl Cabell of Dallas. On the day before President Kennedy’s assassination, Mayor Earl Cabell’s Administration made a change in the route that President Kennedy’s motorcade would take. Instead of traveling straight down Main through the middle of Dealey Plaza, which was the route published in the Dallas Morning News on November 21, the motorcade turned right on Houston and went over to the Texas School Book Depository at Elm and Houston. It then turned left and headed down Elm. President Kennedy was shot and killed on Elm. (The JFK Assassination: The Jim Garrison Tapes) As cited earlier in this text, the CIA planted a story that there was a map found in Oswald’s room that traced a path of bullets from the Book Depository to the spot where Kennedy was assassinated: “There was a line from the Texas Book Depository Building to Elm Street. This was the trajectory of the bullets which struck the President and Governor Connally.” The section on Warren Commission member Richard Russell cited that the parade route was not decided on until the Wednesday before the President’s arrival on Friday and was not published until Thursday, and “Oswald had no way of knowing when he took the job at the Texas School Book Depository that it would provide a vantage point for assassinating the President.” Not only was Oswald unaware that the Book Depository job was along the President’s motorcade route, Oswald had no way of knowing that the motorcade would be on Elm Street. The fabricated story of a map tracing a trajectory of bullets from the Texas School Book Depository to Elm Street was, however, never rebuffed. The “others” that Senator Russell admitted were involved in the assassination were the ones who knew that the motorcade would be on Elm Street. They simply positioned Oswald to take the fall and then killed him. CASE CLOSED!
  8. I also posted the critical information on Kennedy's wounds in another post.
  9. THIS IS THE EXCERPT ON KENNEDY'S WOUNDS, TAKEN FROM THE BOOK THAT I'VE WRITTEN. As cited in the Introduction, the assassination of President Kennedy was carried out by two of the KGB officers that had infiltrated the CIA and a double agent, (an American intelligence officer who knowingly and willingly worked for the KGB). It was the first step in a two-pronged assassination plan that included assassinating President Johnson right before the 1964 election. Their purpose was to get Senator Barry Goldwater, the Republican candidate for President and one of the CIA officers that they were handling, elected President. Colonel Pierre Finck, one of three army pathologists who performed the autopsy on President Kennedy, testified at the closed-door Congressional hearings in 1984. He directly contradicted the official story of how President Kennedy’s wounds were caused. The official story alleges that President Kennedy was shot from behind and that a bullet entered the back of his neck, passed through it, and then wounded Governor John Connally of Texas. The official story that also alleges that a second bullet “disintegrated” after it allegedly “smashed off” the back of President Kennedy’s skull, or if publicly circulated photographs are to be believed, the second bullet entered into President Kennedy’s skull and then “disintegrated.” In closed-door testimony in 1984, Colonel Pierre Finck testified that there was no bullet hole in the back of President Kennedy’s neck, that there was no bullet hole in President Kennedy’s back, that there was a bullet hole in President Kennedy’s temple, and that the back of President Kennedy’s head was blown off. Colonel Finck also testified that he found a hematoma (pooling of blood) in President Kennedy’s neck and shoulder muscles. He further testified that there was a wound in the front of President Kennedy’s throat, that the only possible cause for this hematoma in the neck and shoulder muscles would have been a bullet entering the front of the President’s throat, and that a bullet entering the back of the neck would not have even caused the hematoma. He testified that one of the other pathologists found a bullet in President Kennedy’s shoulder muscle, the bullet that caused the hematoma. Under oath, Colonel Finck was asked, “Can you swear, under oath, with absolute certainty, that President Kennedy was shot twice and that both of those bullets came from the front?” Colonel Finck’s emphatic reply was, “Yes!” These are the details of how the story unfolded in 1963 and dramatically changed over the years to bolster the idea that President Kennedy was shot from behind by Lee Harvey Oswald, so that the KGB officers in the CIA could get away with killing the President of the United States in an effort to put one of their CIA colleagues into the Oval Office. The first written reports from Dallas on November 22, 1963, stated, “He was shot today by an assassin who sent a rifle bullet crashing into his temple.” (R.P. 32) On January 23, 1964, the doctors who worked on Kennedy described the effort to save his life in an article in the Texas State Journal of Medicine. “Dr. William Kemp Clark, a specialist in head injuries, said most of the right side of the back of the skull was gone . . . Dr. Charles J. Carrico, the first physician to see Mr. Kennedy, noted two external wounds, one in the neck and another in his head. In the head wound, he saw shredded brain tissue.” (R.P. 33) An article on November 23, 1963, the day after Kennedy was shot, said that Dr. Clark had described Kennedy’s head wound as “a large gaping wound with considerable loss of tissue.” (R.P. 34) On December 18, 1963, the Washington Post reported that the “as yet unofficial report of pathologists who performed the autopsy on the President’s body the night of November 22” says that “the second bullet to hit the President tore off the right rear portion of his head so destructively as to be ‘completely incompatible with life.’” (R.P. 35) Publicly circulated photos that are touted as being from Kennedy’s autopsy simply show a bullet hole in the back of his head, contradicting the information put forth in these articles, so I called the office of Congressman Louis Stokes, Chairman of the House Assassinations Committee in the 1970s, and they referred me to Robert Blakey at Notre Dame Law School. Mr. Blakey was the assassination committee’s general counsel. I called Mr. Blakey at Notre Dame and asked him when the autopsy photos were first made public. He stated that they’ve never been made public, so I queried him on the publicly circulated photos and he stated that they were “stolen documents.” I asked him if that meant they haven’t been authenticated in any way and he said that was correct, stressing that they were stolen documents. Further research into news articles revealed that when the House Assassinations Committee was investigating President Kennedy’s assassination, Regis Blahut, a CIA officer who had been detailed to “assist” the committee, broke into a combination safe at the committee’s offices. The break-in was reported in the news several months after the House Assassinations Committee actually disbanded. (R.P. 36) “The safe was reserved for physical evidence of President Kennedy’s assassination, including the autopsy photos, X-rays, and other articles, such as the so-called ‘magic bullet’ that wounded both Kennedy and Texas Governor John B. Connally.” (R.P. 37) “Autopsy photos of the head shot that killed Kennedy had been taken out of their cases and were left in disarray inside the three drawer safe . . . There was no doubt that the files in the safe had been tampered with . . . ‘It looked as though someone had just run out.’” Blahut’s fingerprints “were all over the place, on the photos, inside the safe, and on all sorts of different packages.” (R.P. 36) “The CIA acknowledged that it has dismissed the individual in question. ‘We’re satisfied it was just a matter of curiosity,’ said CIA spokesman Herbert Hetu.” (Blahut obviously made sure that the break-in would be noticed and that the autopsy photos were in disarray. That’s because the CIA does things for a reason, and if the CIA spokesman were to be believed, what he was really saying was, “Yes, the agent we assigned to assist the House Assassinations Committee broke into their safe, but that’s only because he was curious. In fact, we fired him. We’re satisfied.”) “In a telephone interview with the Washington Post, Blahut denied any wrongdoing. He insisted that there was an innocent explanation. He refused, however, to say what that was.” (The Post got its responses from the CIA and Blahut when they publicized the break-in.) Blahut said he worked for the CIA’s Office of Security and he stated, “There’s other things that are involved that are detrimental to other things,” and he refused to elaborate when asked what he meant by that. Blahut went on to say, “I signed an oath of secrecy. I cannot discuss it any further. . . . I’ve already defended myself to my employers. As far as I’m concerned, that’s all cleared up.” He also claimed to have passed CIA lie detector tests over the matter. (It doesn’t sound like he’d been fired. And why did the CIA have an agent with their Office of Security assigned to “assist” the House Assassinations Committee?) A couple of months after the Washington Post publicized that the Committee’s safe had been broken into, a man named Harrison Livingstone claimed that he was selling photographs from President Kennedy’s autopsy. At that time, Robert Blakey had said, “There are two things possible here. Either it’s a fraud, or it’s an attempt to sell stolen property.” (R.P. 38) Harrison Livingstone responded at that time by saying that they weren’t stolen, but the day after he made his claim about trying to sell the photographs, he said he was taking them off the market, still claiming that they weren’t stolen but allegedly claiming that he feared the Justice Department would take action against him. (R.P. 39) Photographs ultimately surfaced that show a bullet-size hole in the back of President Kennedy’s skull and the public has accepted that they are from President Kennedy’s autopsy. The CIA was obviously the source of the photographs and they undoubtedly had the sloppy break-in perpetrated to make the photos seem as though they were authentic autopsy photos. No wonder the spokesman said the CIA was “satisfied.” Regarding Kennedy’s neck wound, “the findings of the as yet unofficial report of pathologists” on December 18, 1963, twenty-six days after Kennedy was killed, alleged to “clear up confusions, particularly whether one shot hit him in the neck from the front.” The lengthy article said none of the doctors at Parkland Hospital were aware that he had been shot “in the back shoulder, five to seven inches below the collar line,” because he’d been on his back “until the body was covered with a sheet after he was pronounced dead.” The article, seemingly verbose, was already touting the official line that he was shot from behind. The first words of the article are: “President Kennedy was shot twice, both times from behind,” and several paragraphs later it blends in the part about doctors being unaware of a bullet in his shoulder, which serves as a premise for how the doctors allegedly explained things. When it gets to the part about the neck wound, it says, “The Dallas doctors admittedly were in disagreement. Some believed the President had been shot twice, the neck wound being from a glancing hit: one of the surgeons explained over television that he was shot only once, and that a fragment from the bullet that hit his head coursed downward and emerged through the front of his throat.” (As will be seen, it must have been an anonymous surgeon.) The “as yet unofficial report of pathologists” also said a bullet was “found deep in his shoulder,” but the fact is, it was a rifle shot to the front neck that put a bullet “deep in his shoulder.” (R.P. 35) The doctors trying to save the President’s life knew he wasn’t shot in the back and they also knew he wasn’t shot in the back of his neck, but the article headlined “Kennedy Autopsy Report: Final Bullet Was Lethal” touting “the findings of the as yet unofficial report of pathologists” was obviously being used to preclude any statements by the doctors that would interfere with a cover up. Although it was taking the official line that Kennedy was shot from the rear, the article ran contrary to what the official line has since become. It said that a bullet other than the two that struck the President had struck Connally. It claimed that “Both bullets that struck the President were tied by ballistics tests to the rifle found in that building where Lee Harvey Oswald worked,” and it said, “The one bullet that struck Governor Connally, however, could not be similarly traced to any rifle because it fragmented.” The Autopsy article also said that the bullet found in Kennedy’s shoulder caused “a hematoma, a pooling of blood inside the neck and shoulder muscles.” (This was the hematoma that Colonel Finck found.) It also said “the lower right back side, the occipito-parietal region of the head,” was “smashed off” by a bullet. The “unofficial report of pathologists” allegedly concurred on the idea that “a fragment was deflected and passed out the front of the throat,” which had allegedly been “explained over television” by “one of the surgeons” from the hospital. Even though the article ran contrary to what the official line has since become, the wording was clearly meant to drive home the idea that the bullets came from the rear. The fifteen paragraphs of the article cite the “doctors” and the “pathologists who performed the autopsy” several times as sources of information for bullets coming from the rear and for how the wounds were caused. The story of the bullets and how the wounds were caused would change completely, but the idea that Kennedy was shot from behind would remain intact. The description in this article twenty-six days after the President of the United States was assassinated, of how the neck wound was caused, eventually became inconsequential. In 1965, the New York Times reported that medical examinations of the neck wound had been made “before a tracheotomy had altered the wound in the front of the President’s neck . . . Doctor Rufus Baxter said the neck wound was ‘unlikely’ to be a wound of exit and ‘would more resemble a wound of entry’ . . . Doctor Charles Carrico described the wound as ‘fairly round, had no jagged edges’ . . . Doctor Ronald Jones had described it as the sort ‘you would see in a bullet that is entering rather than exiting from a patient.’” (R.P. 44) In January 1964, the Texas State Journal of Medicine reported that Dr. Carrico, “the first physician to see Mr. Kennedy, noted two external wounds, one in the neck and another in his head. In the head wound, he saw shredded brain tissue.” A bullet did not enter the back of Kennedy’s neck, but at that time, the official line was that a bullet fragment coursed downward through his head and emerged through the front of his throat. In 1984, Colonel Pierre Finck testified that two men wearing the uniforms of Four Star Generals had come to him after the assassination and instructed him on what to say regarding the autopsy. He also testified that Federal operatives were present at the autopsy giving orders and at one point, they pointedly told the pathologists, “No talking!” During public hearings in 1969, Colonel Finck testified that he made no attempt to dissect the President’s neck to trace the path of the bullet because, “We were told not to.” He “said he did not recall who had given the order not to dissect the President’s neck.” (If he had traced the path of the bullet, he would have traced it from the front of Kennedy’s throat until he found it deep in Kennedy’s shoulder.) Colonel Finck also testified at the public hearings in 1969 that the bullet that allegedly struck Kennedy in the back of the head “exploded through the right top” and “a five-inch star-shaped wound resulted where the bullet exited,” and he testified that the bullet “disintegrated.” According to the article, Colonel Finck testified that the bullet “entered nearly in the center of the back of President Kennedy’s head . . . exploded through the right top . . . a five-inch star-shaped wound resulted where the bullet exited . . . ‘The general direction of the missile was from the rear, going downward’” and the bullet “disintegrated.” (R.P. 42) The downward angle and the five-inch star-shaped exit wound were undoubtedly supposed to account for it exiting in the rear before it allegedly disintegrated. (Was the bullet supposed to have disintegrated in his head, which actually makes the idea of a fragment more plausible, or was the bullet supposed to have “smashed off” the back of his head before disintegrating?) As if Colonel Finck’s description wasn’t hard enough to figure out, he then said that another bullet allegedly fired by Oswald had a decidedly different angle than the alleged downward missile that allegedly took off a five-inch star-shaped piece of President Kennedy’s skull. He alleged that the bullet that was supposed to have struck Kennedy in the back of the shoulder five to seven inches below the collar line (the “as yet unofficial report of pathologists”), had “entered the back of the President's neck, had gone through the throat, and exited in front.” This was supposedly the “magic bullet” that caused Governor Connally’s wounds. Colonel Finck was following orders in all this, but the truth came out in 1984. Colonel Finck’s account in 1969 was in keeping with the Warren Commission report that claimed the bullet exited through Kennedy’s throat and struck Connally, but both were in stark contrast to “the findings of the as yet unofficial report of pathologists” on December 18, 1963. In the first paragraph of that article, it says that the first bullet to hit Kennedy “was found deep in his shoulder.” Toward the end it says, “The shot that killed was the third one fired; the second struck Governor John Connally.” It also said, “All the shots, the investigations have shown, had trajectories that would line them up with the sixth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository building, where the assassin has been traced.” The autopsy article cited trajectories and “the assassin,” but the alleged “trajectories” did not account for Connally’s wounds, which is why the story of how Connally was wounded had to change. Even the story of Kennedy’s wounds had to completely change. After the original reports, he would no longer be shot in the “temple,” and eventually there would no longer be a bullet “found deep in his shoulder,” nor would there be a fragment that coursed downward through his head. The story had to be changed so that they could still claim that the shots came from behind, specifically from “the sixth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository,” where “the assassin” has been traced, “that building where Lee Harvey Oswald worked.” The fact is, twenty-six days after the President of the United States was violently assassinated, neither the American public nor the American press were entertaining the idea that anyone would claim that one of the bullets passed through President Kennedy and wounded the Governor of Texas. This original information less than four weeks after the assassination went a long way toward solidifying claims made by Dallas police that Oswald was “the assassin” and that he was guilty “beyond a shadow of a doubt,” but since it was in stark contrast to later positions of how the assassination officially took place, the quasi-official statements obviously didn’t stand up to scrutiny. They did, however, pave the way for a palatable “magic bullet” and a Warren Commission statement that “although it is not necessary to any essential findings of the commission to determine just which shot hit Governor Connally, there is very persuasive evidence from the experts to indicate that the same bullet which pierced the President’s throat also caused Governor Connally’s wounds.” (R.P. 46) The memo from the Justice Department to President Johnson, suggesting the establishment of the Warren Commission (which will be cited in the section on Earl Warren), specifically states, “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin; that he did not have confederates who are still at large; and that the evidence was such that he would have been convicted at trial.” Obviously in order to do what they were directed to do by the President of the United States, they had to say, “It is not necessary to any essential findings of the commission to determine just which shot hit Governor Connally.” Another obvious fact is that it was absolutely “necessary” to claim that “the same bullet which pierced the President’s throat also caused Governor Connally’s wounds.” (The idea that a bullet had gone through President Kennedy’s neck had not been alleged by anyone until the Warren Commission came out with its report in September 1964. Stating that it was “the same bullet which pierced the President’s throat” makes it seem as though it was already an established fact that a bullet had passed through Kennedy’s neck, but the Warren Commission was the original source of this allegation of how Kennedy’s wounds were caused. Until the Warren Commission came out with its report in September 1964, that bullet was officially “found deep in his shoulder.”) The doctors who tried to save Kennedy’s life refuted the Warren Commission’s “new story” within a few months. As has been cited, the New York Times reported in 1965 that medical examinations of the neck wound had been made “before a tracheotomy had altered the wound in the front of the President’s neck . . . Doctor Rufus Baxter said the neck wound was ‘unlikely’ to be a wound of exit and ‘would more resemble a wound of entry’ . . . Doctor Charles Carrico described the wound as ‘fairly round, had no jagged edges’ . . . Doctor Ronald Jones had described it as the sort ‘you would see in a bullet that is entering rather than exiting from a patient.’” Malcolm Kilduff, acting White House press secretary on November 22, 1963, stated in November 1966 that he didn’t accept the idea that a single bullet passed through Kennedy and caused Connally’s wounds in the chest and wrist because the bullet was “in almost perfect condition.” (Maybe it was a really great bullet, but the one that disintegrated was a piece of junk.) [R.P. 47] On November 23, 1963, the Dallas Morning News reported that on November 22, Mrs. John Connally told the Governor’s administrative aide, Julian Read, that the first bullet struck President Kennedy. “Mrs. Connally said she heard the first shot and Governor Connally turned around and looked at the President. Then, she said, just as Connally turned around he was hit by the second bullet.” (R.P. 48) Obviously he wasn’t hit by the first shot and the bullet that struck him didn’t pass through Kennedy first, but the official line is that the first bullet passed through Kennedy’s neck, wounding Governor Connally, and the second one “smashed off” a five-inch piece of President Kennedy’s skull before “disintegrating.” As previously noted, for quite some time after the assassination, the official line was tailored to the knowledge that Kennedy was not wounded in the back of his neck, and tailored to the knowledge that the bullet that caused Connally’s wounds did not pass through Kennedy. The article that cited Malcolm Kilduff and the bullet “in almost perfect condition” began with: “On the third anniversary of President John F. Kennedy’s assassination today, the two-year-old Warren Commission report on his death is the subject of intensive attacks,” but just as the unofficial report of pathologists didn’t stand up to scrutiny, the Warren report apparently didn’t stand up to scrutiny either as the Warren Commission’s schematic drawing actually showed the bullet entering Kennedy’s back. So much had been said about the bullet entering his shoulder from behind that they had a schematic drawing made to show that happening. They simply left the impression that it changed directions and exited through his throat, which was a primary reason for the “intensive attacks” on the Warren Commission’s report in November of 1966, the third anniversary of Kennedy’s death. The story was obviously in need of more doctoring and it evolved further, five years and two months after the “intensive attacks.” In January of 1972, a urologist who examined the autopsy photographs and X-rays, in response to continuing criticism of the Warren report, claimed that the bullet passed through Kennedy’s neck “at a distinctly downward angle, more than was shown in the schematic drawings released by the Warren report . . . the path of the projectile into the back of President Kennedy’s neck and out the base of his throat . . . the front hole is considerably lower than the one in back.” (R.P. 43) (A urologist? Twenty-six days after the President of the United States was assassinated, the American public had no problem with that bullet having been “found deep in his shoulder, five to seven inches below the collar line.” The alleged fragment that allegedly coursed downward through his head and caused the wound in the front of Kennedy’s neck may have been less acceptable.) The urologist also “said that the wound that destroyed most of the right side of the brain was ‘horrible’ and that the pictures should never be made public.” The urologist, purported to be “a student of assassinations by firearms,” (a student of assassinations by firearms?) “had published articles supporting the commission’s conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald had acted alone in killing the President.” (R.P.50) The story in the newspaper of how this “urologist” allegedly became “a student of assassinations by firearms” is that he had been in World War II, and like all doctors in a war he had to treat wounded soldiers, and it was at this point that he allegedly became “a student of assassinations by firearms.” (R.P. 43) In August of 1972, Dr. Cyril Wecht, “coroner of Pittsburgh and Allegheny County, Pa. and a past president of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences,” became “the first critic of the Warren Commission’s report on the assassination to be allowed to see the items from the autopsy on the President.” (R.P. 49 & 50) Dr. Wecht said that “the preserved brain of President Kennedy, plus microscopic slides of tissues removed from his bullet wounds, have been withheld,” and “that the slides should show definitely if all of President Kennedy’s gunshot wounds were from the rear.” “Entering bullets burn and soil tissues around the wound of entry but not at the point of exit,” according to Dr. Wecht, “who is both a pathologist and a lawyer.” He also said that the bullet alleged to have caused the severe wounds to Governor Connally after passing through the President was in “almost perfect condition” and this “made it virtually impossible that it could have caused such damage.” (R.P. 49) “The slides, the brain, and possibly some other items were not included” when “autopsy materials were placed in the National Archives in 1966 by Burke Marshall.” Mr. Marshall “said that Nicholas Katzenbach, as Attorney General, had ruled that certain X-rays, color transparencies and photographs taken at the autopsy were evidence relevant to the assassination, and that he, Mr. Marshall, obtained these from the Kennedy family and lodged them with the Archives in 1966.” “Mr. Marshall said that other items had not been requested by the Justice Department because ‘they have no bearing on who killed the President.’” (R.P. 50) (Withholding the microscopic slides that would prove Kennedy was not shot from behind was neither the first nor the last favor that Nicholas Katzenbach would do for the CIA. He was also the man who, as Undersecretary of State in 1967, headed the three-man committee that glossed over the CIA’s first large scale domestic operation when it was exposed. Their official statement was that the CIA has “national policies established by the National Security Council from 1952 through 1954.” This text also cites the other favors that Katzenbach did for the CIA during his career in government.) The wound in President Kennedy’s temple wasn’t referred to after initial reports from Dallas said that an assassin “sent a rifle bullet crashing into his temple.” Those reports also said that as the car sped to Parkland Hospital, “President Kennedy was on his back and Mrs. Kennedy had his head in her arms. Blood was pouring from the President’s temple.” (R.P.51) He wasn’t shot from behind. His skull didn’t crack like an eggshell, and the back of it didn’t fall off either. It was blown off by the bullet sent crashing into his temple.
  10. Chris, I know who killed Kennedy and why. Please see my post, which I mistakenly said refers to Kennedy's wounds. Tony
  11. Sorry, but I put down the wrong topic title. The section on Kennedy's wounds will come later. This is about the corruption in the United States Government and the CIA, which made the assassination of President Kennedy possible. This even says who did it and why. THIS IS THE INTRODUCTION TO A BOOK THAT I'VE WRITTEN BUT NOT YET PUBLISHED. The deep-rooted corruption detailed herein reaches into the upper echelons of the Government and the CIA. It has eaten away at the fiber of American democracy for more than fifty years and caused bipartisan corruption to permeate both the Executive and the Legislative Branches of the United States Government. Closed-door Congressional hearings were held in 1984 following the exposure of 497 KGB officers that had infiltrated the CIA, and over 800 double agents that were in the CIA. Even though the exposure of the KGB and the double agents was never made public, every member of the 98th Congress was aware of it, as they were all present at the closed-door Congressional hearings. That includes Richard Cheney, George W. Bush’s Vice President, and Tom Ridge, George W. Bush’s Director of Homeland Security. Renegade CIA officers were entrenched in the CIA by the time the KGB infiltration was exposed in 1984. The renegade CIA officers took control of terrorists that had been handled by the KGB officers, and they took control of criminal activities that had been initiated by the KGB officers. The often talked about CIA drug trafficking had been a KGB run operation until 1984. Renegade CIA officers knew that secrecy and corruption in Congress, the CIA, and the Executive Branch, had given them free reign to do everything that their KGB progenitors had done. The KGB officers admitted that they had killed thirteen of the fourteen Members of Congress who died from unnatural causes from 1957 to 1983. Among the factors in those deaths and four more deaths perpetrated by renegade CIA officers are: >Four vehicles became instruments of death for Members of Congress who were not on board the vehicles on four separate occasions. >The pilot of a Congressman’s plane “appeared nervous and even ran the aircraft off the taxiway shortly before take off.” >Two “mechanical failures” caused planes with Members of Congress on board to crash. >A helicopter crashed into a Senator’s plane when it was allegedly making a “second attempt” to “inspect the landing gear,” even though communications between the plane and the tower showed “no problem with the landing gear” and the plane was “cleared to land.” >A Congressman named Mills allegedly left “at least seven” suicide notes in 1973 when it was reported that prior to his special election in 1971, his campaign had received “an unreported cash transfer of $25,000” from President Nixon’s campaign. “One official said that in one of the notes, Mr. Mills said ‘he had done nothing wrong but said he couldn’t prove it, and so there was no other way out.’” >Two Congressmen have been “presumed dead” since October 1972 when a plane that they weren’t supposed to be on disappeared in the Alaska wilderness. >No one in Congress has died in a traffic “accident” since 1965, but three Members of Congress died in traffic “accidents” in 1957, 1959, and 1965. >In the final traffic “accident” in 1965, a truck driver ran down a Congressman with his tractor-trailer, allegedly because he had cataracts on both of his eyes, suffered from high blood pressure and asthma, and had exceeded the ICC limit on maximum hours of service. >The traffic “accidents” of 1957 and 1959 marked the beginning of the KGB’s twenty-six year killing spree, and each of these two “accidents” took place in the Congressman’s own Congressional district, but no one in Congress has died while driving in their Congressional district since 1959. >In 1957, a train engine (just an engine; not a train) smashed into a Congressman’s car. >In 1959, a Congressman crashed into an elevated train pillar “early” one day and the New York Times reported that he “had apparently fallen asleep at the wheel or had been cut off by another car.” >In each of the three traffic “accidents,” the Member of Congress was the only one killed. A train engine in 1957, an elevated train pillar in 1959, and a tractor-trailer in 1965 apparently weren’t the only ways to kill Members of Congress. Beginning in October 1972, the aforementioned airplane “accidents” became an easy and acceptable alternative to traffic “accidents.” Details of all of the aforementioned Congressional deaths are in the section on Congressman Hale Boggs, who is one of the two Congressmen who have been “presumed dead” since their plane disappeared in the Alaska wilderness in October 1972. These two deaths marked the beginning of the KGB’s “airplane slaughters,” and renegade CIA officers have continued on in the same tradition. I detected the KGB infiltration during my initial contact with the CIA as a private citizen in 1977. I became aware of its extent over the next several years as I tried to expose it, and I also became aware of profound corruption within the CIA. Some of the CIA field agents that I interacted with filed intelligence reports about the KGB infiltration, but it did not yield any results as the KGB officers had seniority over the field agents that filed the reports. The KGB and renegade CIA officers implemented CIA operations targeting me to prevent me from exposing the infiltration and the corruption. In 1984, Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, former CIA Director William Colby, and former Deputy Director Frank Carlucci all cooperated with me in exposing the KGB infiltration. The operations targeting me were supposed to come to an end after that, but renegade CIA officers were intent on thriving on the corruption and it was of vital importance for them to make sure that the KGB infiltration and the corruption were never made public. As such, the operations targeting me have continued unabated, other than a few brief periods in 1984 when I got cooperation from the Reagan Administration and certain elements of the CIA. After the KGB officers went to prison, they personally told me that they had killed the thirteen Members of Congress, including Senator Robert F. Kennedy. They had manipulated an Islamic extremist named Sirhan Sirhan to assassinate Senator Kennedy on June 5, 1968, and he made no secret of why he had to kill Senator Kennedy on that day. Senator Kennedy had spoken out in favor of Israel and Sirhan Sirhan was vehemently anti-Israeli. The Jordanian-born Sirhan Sirhan had at one time lived in Jerusalem, and June 5, 1968, was the anniversary of the 1967 six-day war in which Israel defeated Jordan and took over the rest of Jerusalem and the West Bank. A book about this assassination, “RFK Must Die!” has as its cover a photocopy of Sirhan’s diary writings, in which he repeatedly writes over and over, “RFK Must Die! June 5, 1968!” This was not the only manipulation of an Islamic extremist in an assassination. “Tony Chavez,” a KGB officer who had been the CIA’s head of domestic operations from the late 1960s until 1984, said that they had used Islamic extremists to assassinate Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981. Renegade CIA officers took over handling the Islamic extremists in 1984, and eventually linked them up with Osama bin Laden. On September 24, 2001, the New York Times reported that Ayman al-Zawahiri led the Islamic extremists that killed Anwar Sadat. It said that Zawahiri had “assumed the helm of the Jihad group by the late 1970s.” Ayman al-Zawahiri, the Islamic terrorist that renegade CIA officers took over handling in 1984, is Osama bin Laden’s second in command. Renegade CIA officers were amused by the fact that I was futilely trying to put an end to the CIA operations targeting me by publicizing my knowledge of the KGB infiltration that had been exposed, and my knowledge of the massive corruption in the CIA. At one point in 1984, they taunted me by bringing Zawahiri to see me in Chicago. On October 4, 2001, the New York Times reported that Mohammed Atef, another top lieutenant to Osama bin Laden, led “the Egyptian Islamic Jihad” along with Zawahiri, that the movement was reorganized in 1992, and that he and Zawahiri brought their “loyal followers” to Al Qaeda. MSNBC reports that, “according to US intelligence officials and allied intelligence,” Thirwat Salah Shihata is one of the “most wanted members of Al Qaeda,” and that he had been “second-in-command, after Ayman al-Zawahiri, of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad.” The New York Times also stated on October 4, 2001, that “the leadership of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad . . . now forms the backbone for Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.” On November 21st, it stated that Al Qaeda merged with the Egyptian Islamic Jihad in 1998, and it described them as “the terror group whose members became foot soldiers for Osama bin Laden.” The Al Qaeda hierarchy was built with terrorists that renegade CIA officers began handling in 1984. The renegade CIA officers linked up Zawahiri, Atef, Shihata, and their “loyal followers” with Osama bin Laden, and eventually used them to facilitate the September 11th terrorist attacks. Even though Zawahiri and his “Jihad group” were not identified in news reports as the Egyptian Islamic Jihad in the 1980s, the exact phrase that Tony Chavez used to identify who had killed Egyptian President Anwar Sadat on behalf of the KGB officers was “the Egyptian Islamic Jihad.” The hijacked plane that crashed in Pennsylvania while en route to Washington DC was meant to kill a multitude of Congressmen and Senators. (President Bush was in Florida at the time.) The terrorist attacks on the Pentagon and in New York would have easily provided cover for what may have been the main purpose of the terrorist attacks, killing Members of Congress. The KGB officers and renegade CIA officers had been responsible for a total of eleven Members of Congress perishing in airplane “accidents.” Using airplanes to slaughter Members of Congress was a tried and proven method on September 11, 2001. Just how many Members of Congress would have died when a vehicle that they were not on board became the instrument for their death is not known, but what is known and as will be seen in this text, is that, ten years before the September 11th attacks, renegade CIA officers killed a United States Senator by crashing a helicopter crashed into his plane. There had also been three other incidents when Members of Congress were killed by vehicles that they were not on board. The anthrax sent to Senators Tom Daschle and Patrick Leahy shortly after the September 11th terrorist attacks was from a domestic source, and the person who sent the anthrax had masqueraded as an Islamic extremist to make it look like it was connected to the terrorist attacks. Renegade CIA officers, whose plans were upset when the hijacked plane crashed in Pennsylvania before reaching its destination in Washington DC, were behind the anthrax mailings, too. Original plans may have been to send the anthrax mailings as a follow-up to killing a multitude of Congressmen and Senators with the hijacked plane. With emotions at a fever pitch, few would have doubted that Islamic extremists were behind the anthrax mailings. Many of the current Members of Congress had been in the 98th Congress when the KGB was exposed in 1984. They are well aware of this exposure, as all Members of the 98th Congress had been at the closed-door Congressional hearings, and they knew very well that renegade CIA officers were entrenched in the CIA in 1984, but egregious corruption in Congress itself prevented them from doing anything about it. Before 1984, the closest any of the KGB agents had ever come to being exposed was during the 1950s when Senator Joseph McCarthy said he had a list of a few dozen people who were secretly Communists, but McCarthy then began accusing thousands of people of being Communists. Some of these people were simply vouching for the credibility of what they thought were loyal Americans, and others were just antithetical to McCarthy’s heavy-handed tactics. McCarthy’s effort itself would have been easy to infiltrate and sabotage by anyone who masked their intentions with a zeal to expose Communists. “McCarthyism” was born and McCarthy’s effort failed miserably. The KGB continued to bring agents into this country, agents who would assume the identities of deceased Americans and join the CIA throughout the 1950s. McCarthy was ultimately beneficial to them because they were much better off when McCarthy and his effort lost all credibility. As cited earlier, there were a total of 497 KGB agents in the CIA and over 800 double agents when they were exposed in 1984. The KGB officers began handling American intelligence officers targeted for political office starting in the early 1950s. Some of the most powerful Senators and Congressmen over the years have been in the CIA while they were in Congress. They’ve ranged across the political spectrum from the far left to the far right, as both groups were easy to exploit while the CIA established itself in the government, supporting liberal and conservative causes. All statements in this book, specifically about what the KGB’s intentions were and what they did, came directly from the KGB officers in 1984. Having CIA officers in Congress is clearly in violation of the Constitution. Article I, section 6, states: “No Person holding any Office under the United States shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.” George W. Bush’s father, former President George H. W. Bush, had been elected to the House of Representatives in 1966 and he was one of the CIA officers that the KGB was handling. His meteoric rise is detailed in this text, which includes being touted as man that Richard Nixon should choose for his Vice-Presidential running-mate in 1968, even though Bush had been in Congress less than eighteen months and had lost his 1964 Senate Race in Texas. Two years later, as Bush was finishing up his second term in the House and making what would be his second unsuccessful Senate bid, he was touted as the man who should replace Vice President Agnew as Nixon’s running-mate in the 1972 election, and as the man who should be elected President in 1976. He was touted for the Vice Presidency a number of times after that as he was maneuvered into various positions, including Director of the CIA, and then Ronald Reagan’s advisers “heavily pressured him” to choose Bush for his running-mate in 1980. President Reagan was shot sixty-nine days after he and Bush took the oath of office. In addition to George W. Bush’s father, a partial list of CIA officers targeted for political office includes current Senators Edward Kennedy, Chris Dodd, and Barbara Mikulski, and former Senators Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Claiborne Pell, Barry Goldwater, Thomas Eagleton, and Walter Mondale, and Congressmen Lawrence McDonald and Edwin Forsythe. There were other CIA officers in Congress in 1984 and some of them, besides Senators Kennedy, Dodd, and Mikulski, may still be in Congress. Besides being in the CIA, Barry Goldwater was Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Oversight Committee in 1984 and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, as the ranking Democrat, was Vice Chairman. There were several other intelligence officers on both the House and Senate Intelligence Oversight Committees in 1984, and they also held positions on other key committees, such as the Foreign Relations Committee. Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s CIA code name was John McMahon, and he, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, was Deputy Director of the CIA in 1984. The United States Senate had officially confirmed Daniel Patrick Moynihan as Deputy Director of the CIA and then used his code name for public records so that the American people would not know about the Constitutional violation. The CIA even used a picture of someone else that they claimed was John McMahon. Daniel Patrick Moynihan and CIA Director William J. Casey were both renegade CIA officers and they were the vanguard of renegade CIA officers in 1984. James Carter, Governor of Georgia before he was elected to the Oval Office in 1976, was also an intelligence officer. He was the first intelligence officer that KGB officers managed to get into the nation’s highest office, and he had another intelligence officer, Walter Mondale, as his Vice President. The United States Congress and the Central Intelligence Agency confirmed that these individuals were in the CIA in 1984. The KGB officers had an intelligence officer targeted for the Oval Office in every Presidential race from 1964 through 1980, and renegade CIA officers have continued on in this same tradition. The main obstacle to exposing the KGB during the first three and a half years of my seven year effort was the fact that President Carter was one of the CIA officers being handled by the KGB. After that, Vice President George H. W. Bush and a corrupt hierarchy in the CIA were the main obstacles, but everything fell into place in 1984 and the KGB was exposed. Separate renegade CIA factions picked up where the KGB officers left off in 1984 in trying to control the United States Government. One faction wanted to make sure that their former CIA Director, George H. W. Bush, succeeded Ronald Reagan as President, and they knew that they could count on President Reagan in this endeavor. They could also count on Reagan not to expose the corruption during his Administration. But George H. W. Bush wasn’t a product of renegade CIA officers. He had come up through the political ranks as a result of KGB efforts. Renegade CIA officers sought for the same far-sighted vision that the KGB officers had of handling someone that they, themselves, had personally chosen for the Oval Office. In 1984, a faction of renegade CIA officers chose George W. Bush, the son of George H. W. Bush, as the man they would put into the Oval Office. I knew the Bush family in 1984 as a result of my exposing the KGB infiltration of the CIA, and I was present at a gathering with George W. Bush, his brothers, and his sister. George W. Bush’s brothers and his sister told me that he had committed a felony involving drugs as part of a secret agreement with renegade CIA officers who would facilitate his political career. George W. Bush did not deny committing the felony and was disturbed by the fact that I was being told about it. This felony is cited later in this text. President George W. Bush retained George Tenet, a Clinton Administration appointee, as CIA Director. Renegade CIA officers needed a CIA Director that would not do anything about their nefarious deeds, especially since they didn’t control the Presidency during the Clinton Administration. There is no doubt that George Tenet had thrown in with renegade CIA officers and was thus retained by the Administration of George W. Bush. Senator John Kerry, the Democratic nominee for President in 2004, was also one of the intelligence officers targeted for political office by the KGB officers. He first ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 1972, was elected Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts in 1982, and then elected to the United States Senate in 1984, the year that the KGB officers were exposed and the year that another intelligence officer, former Senator and Vice President Walter Mondale, was the Democratic nominee for President. Over the years, I often saw John Kerry at news conferences and the State of the Union address as he stood in a clique with the five CIA officers who were in the Senate; Edward Kennedy, Chris Dodd, Barbara Mikulski, Claiborne Pell, and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the last two of whom are now retired. Not surprisingly, when Kerry testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1971, Senator Claiborne Pell, a CIA officer who went on to become the Foreign Relations Committee Chairman, said that Kerry “might one day be a colleague of ours in this body.” The KGB officers had sought to have two CIA officers they were handling running against each other in a Presidential race. They never accomplished this, but renegade CIA officers accomplished the next best thing in 2004. They have John Kerry, a renegade CIA officer, running against George W. Bush, who is being handled by renegade CIA officers. John Kerry is married to Teresa Heinz, the widow of Senator John Heinz, who was the Senator killed by renegade CIA officers when a helicopter crashed into his plane in 1991. As the heir to the Heinz family fortune, Senator Heinz was worth $500 million when they killed him. Senator Kerry “coincidentally” ran into Teresa Heinz at the Earth Summit in Brazil in 1992, the year after they killed her husband. She was there because President George H. W. Bush appointed her to be a delegate to the summit, and Senator Kerry married her three years later. Renegade CIA officers killed Senator Heinz in an effort to get access to the Heinz family fortune. Besides the KGB officers’ admission that they had killed thirteen Members of Congress, Senator Thomas Eagleton of Missouri, one of the CIA officers in the Senate, told me that he knew that the CIA had killed Congressman Jerry Litton of Missouri in 1976, one of two Congressmen to die in airplane “accidents” as a result of “mechanical failure.” Ample information gleaned from researching thousands of newspaper articles dating from the 1940s to 1991 is annotated throughout this text. It corroborates the underlying truth of massive corruption in the CIA and the United States Government. The voluminous details in the articles, when made known separately over the years, meant little, but when pieced together, they clearly delineate the subversion and corruption in the CIA and the government. They give insight into how the KGB officers and the renegade CIA officers who succeeded them have slowly but steadily destroyed our democratic form of government. Details were mostly gleaned from the New York Times and the Washington Post, and a small amount of information was taken from the Dallas Morning News, and the Houston Chronicle. A few details have been taken from two documentary videos. The 313 articles that had the relevant information are listed at the end of this text and are annotated throughout the text by RP (Reference Page) to indicate what page of the “Compilation of Newspaper Articles” that the information was taken from. Copies of the 313 newspaper articles are on file. The first exposure of a large-scale domestic operation of the CIA, which is cited in this text, was in 1967, and the Johnson Administration responded to it by stating that the CIA has “national policies established by the National Security Council from 1952 through 1954.” Executive Orders signed by Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan, each of which increasingly broadened the scope of the CIA’s domestic operations, are also cited in this text. The CIA’s domestic operations were especially rife with renegade CIA officers in 1984. As cited earlier, all statements about what the KGB officers did and why came directly from the KGB officers in 1984. That includes the fact that the KGB officers were responsible for President John F. Kennedy’s assassination in 1963. The assassination was carried out by two of the KGB officers and a double agent (an American intelligence officer who knowingly and willingly worked for the KGB). The KGB officers were also planning on assassinating President Kennedy’s successor, President Lyndon Johnson, right before the election of 1964. Their intention in this two-pronged assassination plan was to have one of the CIA officers that they were handling, Barry Goldwater, a far-right conservative Senator, elected to the Oval Office in 1964. Besides all the obvious reasons for wanting an intelligence officer under their control as President, the main reason for wanting Goldwater as President was that he was a segregationist, and he would be their foremost asset to exasperating a very tense racial situation. The civil rights movement had grown through the 1950s and was reaching its height by 1963, but Goldwater, as a segregationist, opposed it and Goldwater’s support was mainly in the South, where civil rights and integration were vehemently opposed. Exploiting the racial tension was the KGB’s primary focus to incite the masses and cause turmoil in the United States. The fact that 100 years earlier the United States was embroiled in a civil war over the rights of African-Americans was undoubtedly not lost on the KGB. The closed-door testimony in 1984 of several individuals who were instrumental in covering up the assassination of President Kennedy is cited in this text. Along with the detailed evidence contained herein, it shows how the KGB officers killed President Kennedy and covered it up. Barry Goldwater’s shocking testimony in 1984, about his knowledge of President Kennedy’s assassination and plans to assassinate President Johnson, is also cited in this text. A very important factor that provided for sustaining the corruption and criminal activity of the CIA is the fact that the Secret Service is the CIA. This is highly classified information and intelligence officers must have a “need to know” before they are privy to this knowledge. A section of this text is devoted to the Secret Service. Also included is closed-door testimony that the Secret Service is the CIA. This text shows how the “Secret Service” took highly significant action to provide an assassin named John Hinckley with access to President Reagan in 1981 so that they could catapult then Vice President George H. W. Bush into the Presidency. Every Member of the 98th Congress was acutely aware of how corrupted the United States Government and the CIA had become, as they were all present at the closed-door Congressional hearings that were held after the KGB officers were exposed in 1984. They were all aware that there were Members of Congress in the CIA, and they were also made aware that the KGB officers had killed Members of Congress, but the preponderant attitude in Congress, especially in the hierarchy of Congress, was that the American people should not find out about this pernicious corruption. The focus for Republicans and Democrats in 1984 was the upcoming elections, and no one wanted to make waves for their own political party by exposing the massive bipartisan corruption.
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