"Hunter of Fascists"

[Pat Speer]

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts? It occurred to me today that Michael Paine later admitted he'd seen the photo. Many years later, he claimed Oswald had showed it to him. Michael Paine was also in the chain of possession of the record albums in which the De Mohrenschildts found the photo. He returned them to a friend, who put them in the De Mohrenschildts' storage space. Well, this makes me suspect that Paine found the photo in a record album, thought how ludicrous it was for Oswald to be playing the tough guy, and wrote this disparaging comment for De Mohrenschildt's benefit, as BOTH of them knew damn well that Oswald did not kill Kennedy to fulfill a communist agenda.

Has Paine ever been asked about this? Do we have samples of his writing to compare to the writing on the photo? I know the consensus is that Marina wrote this, but has it really been established? And why wouldn't she remember it if she did?

Edited November 8, 2007 by Pat Speer

[Jack White]

Xa Xa Xa!

I was at the HSCA offices the day the photo was discovered. Groden and I

had the opportunity to handle and examine it carefully for about twenty

minutes. Groden later made photocopies. At lunch he and I talked about

how much BETTER QUALITY it was than the 133 pix. We did not pay much

attention to the writing on the back. But we DID use a magnifying glass,

and the type on the newspapers was very legible...could not have been

shot by an Imperial Reflex. And it included extra material around the

edges, which is impossible according to the official story.

As I recall, HSCA "experts" decided the handwriting had been penciled

lightly, traced over in INK, and the penciling erased...therefore unlikely

to have been written spontaneously by Marina or anyone else.

Jack

[Jack White]

Maybe Bernice or James will post the image of the writing on back of the

photo. If not, I will look up or scan a copy.

Jack

[Greg Parker]

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts? It occurred to me today that Michael Paine later admitted he'd seen the photo. Many years later, he claimed Oswald had showed it to him. Michael Paine was also in the chain of possession of the record albums in which the De Mohrenschildts found the photo. He returned them to a friend, who put them in the De Mohrenschildts' storage space. Well, this makes me suspect that Paine found the photo in a record album, thought how ludicrous it was for Oswald to be playing the tough guy, and wrote this disparaging comment for De Mohrenschildt's benefit, as BOTH of them knew damn well that Oswald did not kill Kennedy to fulfill a communist agenda.

Has Paine ever been asked about this? Do we have samples of his writing to compare to the writing on the photo? I know the consensus is that Marina wrote this, but has it really been established? And why wouldn't she remember it if she did?

FWIW,

Mr. SAWYER - Do you know whose writing it is in Russian up at the top, where it says "Hunter for fascists. Ha, ha, ha"?

Mrs. PORTER - Well, some letters would be, look like I would write, but some not, so I am confused about that inscription in the back.

Mr. SAWYER - You don't know whether that is your writing or not, or do you know it is not? You are not clear on it?

Mrs. PORTER - Well, like if I look at first, you know, I think yes, it is my handwriting, until I start to analyze it, and it is not. Those letters "Ha, ha, ha," you know, the letter "Ha," that is not my way of writing this certain letter.

She later agreed it sounded like something she might say, and was more or less led into correcting the translation to "Hunter of Fascists".

[James Richards]

Maybe Bernice or James will post the image of the writing on back of the

photo. If not, I will look up or scan a copy.

Jack

Sorry, Jack.

I don't have a copy of it.

James

[Bernice Moore]

Maybe Bernice or James will post the image of the writing on back of the

photo. If not, I will look up or scan a copy.

Jack

*************

For you, I will post it........

B......

[John Bevilaqua]

Hunters of Fascists - Oswald and Stashinsky

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts? It occurred to me today that Michael Paine later admitted he'd seen the photo. Many years later, he claimed Oswald had showed it to him. Michael Paine was also in the chain of possession of the record albums in which the De Mohrenschildts found the photo. He returned them to a friend, who put them in the De Mohrenschildts' storage space. Well, this makes me suspect that Paine found the photo in a record album, thought how ludicrous it was for Oswald to be playing the tough guy, and wrote this disparaging comment for De Mohrenschildt's benefit, as BOTH of them knew damn well that Oswald did not kill Kennedy to fulfill a communist agenda.

Has Paine ever been asked about this? Do we have samples of his writing to compare to the writing on the photo? I know the consensus is that Marina wrote this, but has it really been established? And why wouldn't she remember it if she did?

FWIW,

Mr. SAWYER - Do you know whose writing it is in Russian up at the top, where it says "Hunter for fascists. Ha, ha, ha"?

Mrs. PORTER - Well, some letters would be, look like I would write, but some not, so I am confused about that inscription in the back.

Mr. SAWYER - You don't know whether that is your writing or not, or do you know it is not? You are not clear on it?

Mrs. PORTER - Well, like if I look at first, you know, I think yes, it is my handwriting, until I start to analyze it, and it is not. Those letters "Ha, ha, ha," you know, the letter "Ha," that is not my way of writing this certain letter.

She later agreed it sounded like something she might say, and was more or less led into correcting the translation to "Hunter of Fascists".

Where was Lee Harvey Oswald in October of 1959 about 10/15 - 10/16 timeframe? On the way to Helsinki and Russia? At one time someone had tried to place him in the West Berlin area when this event occurred... Were they accurate? This Stashinsky guy was also trained in Minsk Belorussia like Oswald and was featured in Murder to Order by Karl Anders. Senator Thomas Dodd even went to West Berlin to interview Stashinsky in jail for this murder but only AFTER Oswald was DEAD. This trip essentially cost Dodd his career because he was accused of wasting taxpayers dollars on this and other junkets. I think Dodd KNEW that Oswald was tied into this Stashinsky character via Minsk Belorussia later on and even H. L. Hunt was FASCINATED and OBSESSED with this Stashinsky Gun which exploded a Potassium Cyanide capsule in the face of the victim causing a Coronary Thrombosis and making death look like a heart attack.

Noel Twyman put in both a picture and a blurb about The Statshinsky Gun at my suggestion. Whaddya think?

From TIME Magazine at the time...

The 1959 death of Ukrainian Nationalist Leader Stefan Bandera in Munich was officially listed as a suicide. Bandera, apparently, had a sudden seizure, fell and broke his neck. An autopsy revealed traces of cyanide, which Munich police surmised had been self-administered, causing the fall. But last week the case was reopened by the confession of the man responsible for Bandera's "suicide"—a former Russian secret-police agent named Bogdan Nikolaevich Stachinsky.

Fanatically devoted to the cause of Ukrainian independence from Russia, Bandera had fought alongside the Nazis against the Russians during World War II. After the war, his partisans continued to harass the Soviets until they were crushed in 1950 in an all-out Soviet effort. Bandera escaped to Munich, evaded at least four attempts on his life. Then the Soviet secret police assigned Agent Stachinsky to the job.

Trained in a Moscow spy school for five years, Stachinsky showed up in Munich with a West German passport and an ingeniously designed murder weapon. Though his primary target was Bandera, the Soviets ordered him to perform a trial run on another Ukrainian Nationalist, Writer Lev Rebel. The weapon worked perfectly; the verdict was that Rebel's death was caused by a heart attack. Thus the stage was set for Bandera. As the Ukrainian leader hurried up the stairs of his apartment building one afternoon, Stachinsky stepped out of the shadows to meet him. The agent was wearing a gas mask, and in his hand he carried a double-barreled air pistol. Aiming carefully, he fired two pellets into Bandera's face. The capsules exploded on impact, releasing a cloud of cyanide gas. Bandera gasped the fumes and fell unconscious. He died, without gaining consciousness, on the way to a hospital.

After the murder. Agent Stachinsky was reassigned to East Berlin. There, he says, he incurred the wrath of his superiors by making a local girl pregnant and secretly marrying her. Last August, shortly before the Wall was built, Stachinsky and his wife escaped to the West. Now a confessed double murderer, he faces life imprisonment in a West German jail.

The OUN/B was for Bandera while the OUN/M was for Andrij Melnyk...

When I called Andrij Melnyk's neice she pronounced his name... "Ahhhnd Row Men Yek" in heavily

accented Ukrainian, just like the name heard by Giesbrecht in Winnipeg using perhaps the phrase

"...and Romeniuk" would, to me, be PRONOUNCED EXACTLY like what was reported by Giebrecht and Whitmey.

Dang, he said. Tell me more.

Anastase Vonsiatsky and Yaroslaw Stetsko were both friends with Stefan Bandera and AFABN the

American Friends of the Anti Bolshevik Nations which Spas T. Raikin belonged to in fact and Willoughby too.

When was OUN chartered and begun? 11/22/1943 in fact. Wow!, he said What were Anastase

Andreivitch Vonsiatsky initials when converted to their numeric position in the alphabet? 1-1-22 or...

11/22

Damn, he said and then continued...

The slaughter of Jews in Lvov, Ukraine was done by Yaroslaw Stetsko whom Raikin admitted introducing

at an AFABN event in the USA but only after DENYING that he even knew Stetsko. Oh, just enough to

introduce him at the podium at the ABN conference. Why did they pick you? Oh, well it was because...

it was because I was the one picked or somesing like zhat... you know. Something like that? You were

the one who formed the conference and invited him weren't you? Well maybe but no one else had zee

time to do it, you see. So I said that I would.

I also have a copy of Murder to Order inscribed by Austin App to a rightist which App gave as a gift to

him. I think it was a Professor... maybe James Martin. I will check it out later.

From Searchlight Magazine in 2000...

Dangerous Liaisons

In the name of fighting communism, British intelligence made deals with many unsavoury Nazi collaborators. One of the worst deals was the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, an extreme right-wing group which participated in some of the worst wartime atrocities. Nick Lowles reports on a deal made in hell.

Mykola Yaremko began his journey East in May 1950. It was a journey that was to take him six weeks, crossing from West Germany into Czechoslovakia, before heading north into Poland and then east into the Ukraine. As an émigré in the British-controlled sector of Germany, he felt it was an honour to continue his nation's fight for freedom. Armed with an automatic Sten gun, two pistols, a cyanide capsule, two Minox miniature cameras and a quantity of money in Czech, Polish and American denominations, he was heading home to take pictures of Ukraine's industrial capabilities for his political masters. Yaremko was operating under the instructions of Kpayoviy 3v Yazok, (K3), the Secret Service of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). It, in turn, was working for British Intelligence.

Yaremko was a committed anti-communist who had volunteered for this job in the summer of 1949. Having fled to the West at the end of the war, he immediately became active with the OUN, an extreme nationalist organisation that in the course of opposing Soviet Communism collaborated extensively with the Germans. During his time in various displaced persons' camps, Yaremko worked for the OUN as a forger of some distinction. He created new identities for fellow members and other documentation that would give them passage in the west devoid of any link to their wartime roles. He was to join seven other potential OUN recruits in a forest in Bavaria, where he trained for several months under the direction of the OUN chief technical instructor Volodimir Kerod. He ran across hills with a 30 kilo pack, learnt the art of map reading and codes, and was taught photography and unarmed combat.

Having passed his initial training, Yaremko was sent to a forest near Regensburg, where he joined 30 other OUN activists trained at other secret locations across Germany. He was now under the direction of Wolodymyr Kossak, a key member of the OUN secret service and a former officer in the Galician SS Division, which had surrendered to the British in Austria in 1944. From there, Yaremko was transferred to a farmhouse in the German town of Legar, where he received his final training in memory, military recognition and intelligence gathering, conducted by the British secret service (SIS).

The deal between the Ukrainians and the British was simple. In return for positive intelligence, the SIS provided financial assistance for the OUN in the West. While the Ukrainians' aim was to support its units still waging a guerrilla war against the Soviets, the British took a longer-term view, wishing to establish lasting informants' networks in the Ukraine. The SIS instructed the OUN volunteers to focus on factory output, military installations, industrial buildings and the air defences around the major cities of Kiev, Odessa and Krakow. Later they were told to acquire information about the civil and political infrastructure of society.

It was a relationship that was to prove disastrous - militarily, strategically and morally. As part of the anti-communist crusade, the British secret service not only shielded OUN members from justice for their wartime involvement with the Nazis, but gave a virulently racist group the oxygen, to say nothing of the money, with which to survive and continue its political campaign to this day.

An anti-communist crusade

British interest in Ukrainian affairs dated back to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, when its extensive banking and economic interests in the region were threatened. Seeking anti-Bolshevik allies, the British initially supported the short-lived regimes of Hetman Skorodapsky and Simon Petliura, but were left unimpressed. "The Ukrainian leaders were men of no real standing in their own country and Petliura was little better than a brigand," the Political Intelligence Department later reported to the Foreign Office.

Until the late 1930s the British chose to use Poland as a buffer against the Soviet Union and, because of Poland's long-standing territorial claim over Eastern Galicia, the eastern region of Poland seen as part of the Ukraine by most Ukrainians, they largely ignored Ukrainian politicians. While there was some British support for independence of the Soviet Ukraine, this did not manifest itself in any real backing.

While the Foreign Office kept the Ukrainian extremists at arm's length, the SIS was less concerned with Polish sensitivities. Wanting to make use of the Ukrainians' virulent anti-Russian activities and contacts in the Soviet Union, the SIS made contact with Stefan Bandera, a young leader of the OUN, through its Helsinki station.

The relationship was to be short-lived as Bandera was arrested for the murder of the Polish Foreign Minister in 1938. When he was released from prison the following year, it was to Nazi Germany that he turned.

British attitudes towards Ukrainian nationalism cooled during the war. The Ukrainians' extensive links with the Nazis and the peace pact with the Soviet Union saw anti-Bolshevik prejudices put aside, albeit temporarily.

By 1944 the SIS was already planning for the postwar situation. Perhaps unsurprisingly for an outfit that had been formed to combat the Soviet Union, it saw communism as Britain's principle opponent. In 1944 the SIS established Section IX, the Soviet desk, the departmental head of which was Kim Philby. While this anti-Soviet view won support within the higher echelons of the Ministry of Defence, it was at odds with the more cautious Foreign Office approach, which balked at any suggestion of actions that could jeopardise its relationship with the Soviet Union.

With the war not yet at an end and the Foreign Office dominant, it was no surprise that the British gave a cool response to the first approaches by the Ukrainians in 1944. Six couriers dispatched by Lebed in 1944, a leading OUN activist and suspected war criminal who later found refuge in New York with the help of the CIA, made contact with a Special Operations Executive (SOE) officer in Yugoslavia. Their pleas for Western support for the OUN's guerrilla war against the Soviets fell on deaf ears. The British were keen to see the Soviets advance against the Germans and Ukrainian resistance, which included fighting Czech and Yugoslav partisans, was deemed unhelpful.

The anti-communist warmongers in British intelligence found friends from an unlikely source after the election of the Atlee government in 1944. With the anti-Nazi coalition victorious, some politicians, including Churchill, were urging the deployment of Anglo-US troops to contain the Soviet advance. Having spent much of the 1930s fighting communism within the Labour movement, the new administration was only too willing to take the fight abroad.

Beginning in 1946, a stream of Foreign Office documents emerged warning of the Soviet threat. In his report, The Soviet Campaign Against This Country and Our Response to It, Christopher Warner reported that the Soviets were conducting an ideological, economic and propaganda war against Britain. He concluded that the challenge should be confronted head on.

This was quickly followed by the another Foreign Office report, Strategic Aspect of British Foreign Policy, which claimed that Europe was at risk of Soviet power, particularly by communist supporters in the West. In response, the report concluded, the British should instigate trouble in the East. This view was echoed a year later by the Joint Planning Staff, which supported the exploitation and use of the people of the satellite countries against the Communist regime in Moscow in any future conflict.

With a possible future conflict in mind, the British government saw sense in bringing an entire SS division made up of 8,000 Ukrainians to England in the late spring of 1947. While many were eagerly put to work with the European Volunteer Worker scheme, the Labour government preferring white Eastern Europeans to black Commonwealth workers, some sections of the government saw a possible military usage.

The use of anti-communist forces within the Soviet Union was now enshrined in British foreign policy.

Working with Hitler

In dealing with the OUN, British intelligence was in league with the devil. Formed in 1929, the OUN campaigned for Ukrainian nationhood, although with its homeland divided between the Soviet Union and Poland, independence was a distant dream. In the 1930s a young leadership emerged that was more militant and politically extreme than its predecessors. Its main principals were Bandera, Yaroslav Stetsko and Mykola Lebed.

Reverting to a terrorist campaign against both Poland and the Soviet Union, the OUN suffered in the prewar years, and many of its key figures were exiled in Western Europe. When Soviet agents assassinated the OUN chief in 1938, on a Dutch pavement, the OUN split, with Bandera leading one faction and Andej Melnik the other. The Bandera wing, the OUN/B, drew ever closer to Germany.

Bandera took up residence in Nazi Germany and other OUN/B activists began training with the German army, in units such as the Nationalist Military Detachments, the Schuma and Werkschutz, whose jobs included guarding Jewish labour gangs.

In April 1941, two months before the invasion of the Soviet Union, the German army established two Ukrainian reconnaissance and sabotage units, called Roland and Nachtigall, to accompany it into the Ukraine. Politically under the control of the two OUN factions, both units were involved in some of the worst anti-Jewish outrages on the Eastern Front. Even the Einsatztruppen, the Germans' mobile killing squads, were shocked at the severity of the Ukrainians' actions. On 2 July 1941 it was reported that 1,160 Jews were murdered by the Ukrainians with the aid of one police and army platoon. Two months later the Ukrainian militia rounded up the Jews of the town of Zhitomir, killing 3,145.

The close cooperation between the OUN/B and the Germans was not to last. Despite their common antisemitism, the Ukrainian dream of independence was at odds with the Nazis' plans. Though the OUN/B leaders were placed under arrest, many of its supporters remained in the service of the Germans. Some joined the Ukrainian police and militia who maintained the Nazis' grip on the country and continued the rounding up of Jews and anti-fascists.

Even after the fallout with the Germans, the OUN/B did not drop its racist and antisemitic programme. A leaflet recovered by the Germans read: "Long live greater independent Ukraine without Jews, Poles and Germans. Poles behind the San, Germans to Berlin, Jews to the gallows."

Hundreds of Ukrainians were sent to the Trawniki training camp in Poland, where they became part of Operation Reinhard, the cover name for the Final Solution in the East. Determined to dispose of the 2.2 million Jews, the Nazis established three concentration camps at Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. The Ukrainian contingent at Trawnika drew heavily from the Roland and Nachtigall units. So confident were the Nazis in the killing ability of their Eastern European recruits, each camp only had 35 SS officers attached to it. In 1943, almost 400 Ukrainian recruits from Trawniki were used in the final assault on the Warsaw Ghetto in Poland.

As the war turned against Germany, the need for men to fight the Soviets led to the formation of the 14th Galician SS Division. The OUN/B called on its supporters to join up, giving the lie to postwar protestations of its anti-Nazi stance. Many of its leading activists were among those who answered the call.

The SS Division was worse than useless. In its first battle at Brody, in 1944, all but 3,000 of its men were killed. The Division was reformed, and this time many of its personnel were drawn from the Ukrainian police, militia and camp guard units. The very people who later found safety in the welcoming arms of the British were those who had collaborated in some of the worst atrocities in Eastern Europe during the war.

After the war, the OUN/B continued its hardline political stance. Under the banner of anti-communism, it brought together other Eastern European émigré groups in the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, many of whom had also collaborated with the Nazis during the war. The OUN/B was a founder member of the World Anti-Communist League, an organisation that brought together Second World War collaborators, South American death squads, right wing US senators and right-wing regimes around the world, including Taiwan, South Korea and Saudi Arabia. A regular contributor to OUN/B publications was the leading antisemite Austin App, and a leading member of the OUN/B in Britain acted as treasurer for the British League of Rights, an antisemitic organisation led by Don Martin and Lady Jane Birdwood.

In 1954 a US State Department report on Ukrainian émigrés gave its view of the OUN/B. "…the form of Ukrainian nationalism which approaches fascism is still alive and given the opportunity will exercise itself again."

K3 - a private intelligence operation

K3 was already in existence when the British decided to use it in early 1947. It had begun as an arm of the OUN/B's internal police, more commonly known as the SB, but after the war was reorganised as a separate intelligence gathering entity. It was run by Bohdan Pidhany, a member of the OUN/B executive and a founder member of the OUN. In 1938 he, together with Bandera, was sentenced to death for the murder of the Polish Foreign Minister. The sentence was later reduced to life imprisonment. The German invasion of Poland meant a chance for Pidhany to escape, and he rejoined the Ukrainian underground, before linking up with the Germans. When the Germans marched east, Pidhany accompanied the first units in, the very units that were responsible for many of the worst atrocities. By 1943 he was an officer in the Galician SS Division.

"K3 was a secret cell," remembers Svyatoslav Wasylko, a former K3 activist. "Even Bandera was told only what was necessary for him. Mr Pidhany was running the show where K3 were concerned. But before any decision was made regarding the British, it always had to be approved by Bandera. That's how it was, it was very hush hush."

Other than Pidhany, the principle staff of K3 were Anatol Kaminsky, Wolodymyr Kerod, Roman Iinyttzy and Bohdan Maciw. They operated under the cover of the Ukranisky Samostijnyk, a Banderite newspaper, which had its base in Munich. Small networks of organisers and recruiters in the countries where large Ukrainian émigré communities existed supplemented the Munich base.

When the British first discussed cooperation with the Banderites in 1946, they were initially sceptical about the OUN/B claims. Talk of 140,000 men still fighting the Soviets was dismissed as exaggeration and propaganda. "Ukrainian nationalism has little prospect of being anything more than nuisance to the Soviet Union," concluded one Foreign Office report.

However, the two sides were edging towards a deal. Initially this was being conducted without the knowledge of the US, at least of its Army Intelligence, the CIC. In one CIC report, dated 1946, a Special Agent noted that the Banderites were receiving 100,000 marks a month for propaganda from an unknown source. Bandera himself was a wanted war criminal but despite the CIC's best endeavours, the Ukrainian leader proved elusive.

The British attitude towards the OUN/B was to change in 1947, when several hundred OUN fighters arrived in the west. Great interest was shown in their tales of continued fighting. Their stories were nowhere near the claims of the OUN/B, but did at least indicate existing opposition to communism, albeit rapidly diminishing.

Within weeks of their arrival, intelligence teams from Britain and the US were falling over themselves to debrief and use the Ukrainians. The main beneficiary was the OUN/B. In return for funding and protection from war crime investigators, K3 was put at the disposal of the British, while other OUN factions went off with the Americans, Germans and the French.

As part of the deal, Bandera was given a free reign to operate across Europe. For security reasons he stayed out of the US zone, but seemed to have no problem entering Britain. "He came many times," says a former OUN/B activist who worked in its headquarters in London. "Initially it was curiosity on the British side, they wanted to know just who he was.

"He was travelling to Britain secretly with the help of British intelligence. He was given a false name and passport, and they made all the arrangements at the airport so he would be let past customs officers. He would then be taken to the OUN headquarters in London where he received visitors."

K3 recruits were selected from the displaced persons' camps in the British zone in Germany and from the Galician SS Division, which was being transferred to England at about this time. Hand-picked by the Bandera leadership, they included the fittest and most fanatical nationalists among the Ukrainian community.

The bulk of their training was conducted in Germany, at a number of houses provided by the British. Some were disguised as workshops; others were remote farms with the recruits posing as labourers. The Ukrainians were split into small groups, each operating without the knowledge of the others. The training itself often took two years to complete and was conducted by Pidhany himself, under the pseudonym Stephen Kordiuk, and by British officers, who gave radio, code and photographic training. Some Ukrainians were secretly flown to Britain for parachute training run by the British Army.

To reach the Ukraine, K3 used several routes. Overland bridges were established across Poland and Czechoslovakia, but although they were the most direct, they were often the most dangerous. By the late 1940s, SIS preferred a longer southern route, either overland from Turkey or by plane from Cyprus and Malta. On at least one other occasion the British used a captured German U-boat, parked off the Polish coast, to launch a hot air balloon.

Compromised

Quite how many Ukrainians made the journey back remains a secret, but it was certainly dozens. Only a few returned, the majority being captured by Soviet forces soon after their arrival. Unbeknown to K3 and its British masters, Ukrainian intelligence was deeply penetrated by the KGB. While much attention has focused on the role of Kim Philby, he was not the major leak in the K3 operation. More damaging were at least four KGB informers within the OUN/B, either at leadership level, or, as was the case with Yaksym Lowczuk, in the organisation of the overland operations. In one instance, Lowczuk betrayed 60 OUN fighters as they tried to return to the Ukraine. A bigger source for the KGB was Andrij Peczara, the organiser of the Munich bridge, the underground network that smuggled K3 operatives through Poland. One key casualty of Peczara's work was General Hrytsaj, the most senior Ukrainian guerrilla officer to head for the west. With his capture so the Ukrainian underground's dreams of survival died.

By the mid-1950s, a combination of failed operations, the rise of the US as a world superpower and internal disputes within the OUN/B forced Britain to reduce its Ukrainian operations. Budgetary constraints forced the transfer of many of Britain's Eastern European operations to the CIA, while a major split in the OUN saw many of those most closely connected to K3 transfer their allegiance to the rival OUNz, led by Mykola Lebed, which maintained links with the CIA and the State Department until Ukrainian independence in 1991.

That is not to say that all British links were halted. In the 1960s British intelligence again used the OUN/B to establish intelligence networks in the Ukraine. This time it was keen to gather scientific and military intelligence, while at the same time spreading nationalist propaganda and dissent within the country.

For over 20 years the OUN/B ran this operation, but in 1988 it was blown open when two of the most important figures in the Ukrainian underground revealed themselves to be KGB agents. More than 20 OUN/B operatives were exposed and rounded up.

In the name of fighting communism, the British overlooked the extremism of the OUN, to say nothing of the individual actions of its members, many of whom had been participants in the Nazi death squads and concentration camps. No Ukrainian was ever prosecuted in Britain, despite several allegations, including some directed against senior personnel within the OUN/B in this country.

Yaremko was never to fulfil his mission. As he crossed the Polish-Soviet border he was arrested and forced to make a highly public confession. He was yet another victim of the unholy alliance of British intelligence and extreme Ukrainian nationalists. The OUN/B leaders were more fortunate, none more so than Stetsko, the man who accompanied the first German units into the Ukraine. In 1984 the diminutive and bespectacled man was warmly welcomed at the White House as an anti-communist freedom fighter by Ronald Reagan. The transformation from antisemitic collaborators to respected political statesmen was complete, with no small thanks to British Intelligence. © Searchlight Magazine 2000

Edited November 9, 2007 by John Bevilaqua

[Antti Hynonen]

Based on the signature and/or name below on the same page, I would say it was no one else but George DeMohrenschildt himself (just an opinion, not fact).

[Tim Gratz]

Good thing Walker was not riding in a car when Oswald shot at him; he might have hit him!

[Antti Hynonen]

Tim Gratz Posted Today, 12:22 PM

Good thing Walker was not riding in a car when Oswald shot at him; he might have hit him!

Ok, what does that have to do with this thread; the question raised by Pat Speer?

[Steve Thomas]

Pat,

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts?

This is from Answers.com in an article about George de Mohrenschildt:

QUOTE

http://www.answers.com/topic/george-de-mohrenschildt

Another backyard photo

Days later, on April 1 1977, Jeanne de Mohrenschildt gave the House Select Committee on Assassinations a photograph taken of Lee Harvey Oswald, by his wife Marina, standing in his Dallas backyard holding two newspapers and a rifle with a pistol on his hip. The existence of this photograph, while similar to others which had been found among Oswald's effects on November 23 1963, was previously unknown. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt said it had been kept privately for almost 14 years.

On the back was written, "To my friend George from Lee Oswald, and the date “5/IV/63” [this is in Russian/European convention with day in front and month in Roman numerals, and means 5 April, 63]

UNQUOTE

I remember reading in the past about the date as it was written was supposed to have some significance, because it was written in the Cryllic fashion.

Imagine my surprise when I ran across this little note in the CIA microfilm collection:

http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/...amp;relPageId=1

Steve Thomas

[Gene Kelly]

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts? It occurred to me today that Michael Paine later admitted he'd seen the photo. Many years later, he claimed Oswald had showed it to him. Michael Paine was also in the chain of possession of the record albums in which the De Mohrenschildts found the photo. He returned them to a friend, who put them in the De Mohrenschildts' storage space. Well, this makes me suspect that Paine found the photo in a record album, thought how ludicrous it was for Oswald to be playing the tough guy, and wrote this disparaging comment for De Mohrenschildt's benefit, as BOTH of them knew damn well that Oswald did not kill Kennedy to fulfill a communist agenda.

Has Paine ever been asked about this? Do we have samples of his writing to compare to the writing on the photo? I know the consensus is that Marina wrote this, but has it really been established? And why wouldn't she remember it if she did?

Pat: How did the Paines ever escape being investigated, researched and deposed? They're truly accessories to a murder, and suspicious as any characters in this labyrinth plot. - gene

[John Dolva]

Pat,

I hope this isn't a stupid question, but has it ever been established who wrote "Hunter of Fascists" on the back of the photo found by the De Mohrenschildts?

This is from Answers.com in an article about George de Mohrenschildt:

QUOTE

http://www.answers.com/topic/george-de-mohrenschildt

Another backyard photo

Days later, on April 1 1977, Jeanne de Mohrenschildt gave the House Select Committee on Assassinations a photograph taken of Lee Harvey Oswald, by his wife Marina, standing in his Dallas backyard holding two newspapers and a rifle with a pistol on his hip. The existence of this photograph, while similar to others which had been found among Oswald's effects on November 23 1963, was previously unknown. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt said it had been kept privately for almost 14 years.

On the back was written, "To my friend George from Lee Oswald, and the date “5/IV/63” [this is in Russian/European convention with day in front and month in Roman numerals, and means 5 April, 63]

UNQUOTE

I remember reading in the past about the date as it was written was supposed to have some significance, because it was written in the Cryllic(sic) fashion.

Imagine my surprise when I ran across this little note in the CIA microfilm collection:

http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/...amp;relPageId=1

Steve Thomas

11 XI

Ha can mean:

# Ha, a letter of Cyrillic alphabet representing the voiceless velar fricative /x/ in Russian, Belarusian and Ukrainian (except when followed by a palatalizing vowel, when it represents [x j]). (Xj Xj Xj)? (Ha! Ha! Ha!) (bang..bang,bang)

# 'if' in Hungarian

# Hunter’s Creek Homeowners Association (HA), located in Mullica Hill, New Jersey.

# Heil Adolph HA HA HA

# Haha, Moroccan/Algerian ethnic group

# laughter

Edited November 27, 2007 by John Dolva

[Pat Speer]

Steve, who wrote that handwritten memo? Do we know?

[John Dolva]

Peter : ..."Ukrainian affairs..."

SS Obersturmführer Ewald Peters, Kommando C, Squad Six, one of about 1000 murderers in the Einsatzkommando, (extermination squad), responsible for the extermination of perhaps a million Nazi Victims as the Wermacht penetrated into Ukraine and Southern USSR (in this instance Minsk.)

Friend of US Presidential Security detail, visited at President Johnson at LBJ Ranch Dec 1963.

In mid January, 1964 during Munich trial of a SS Officer, the name Peters is mentioned in testimony(uncovered by east german nazi hunters)...and within a week this Peters is identified as the 49 year old Ewald.

He is arrested on the return to Germany from a trip to Rome with Chancellor Erhard. "commits suicide" in jail Feb 1964. This affair appears hushed up as there is very little info or a photo of Ewald in any papers (European) to be found at this time.

Large (if not most) sections of the Ukranian Death Squads were 'imported' to the US and settled in NJ. (Interestingly one of the members of the EG death squads was an Oswald)