Jump to content
The Education Forum
  • Announcements

    • Evan Burton


      We have 5 requirements for registration: 1.Sign up with your real name. (This will be your Username) 2.A valid email address 3.Your agreement to the Terms of Use, seen here: http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21403. 4. Your photo for use as an avatar  5.. A brief biography. We will post these for you, and send you your password. We cannot approve membership until we receive these. If you are interested, please send an email to: edforumbusiness@outlook.com We look forward to having you as a part of the Forum! Sincerely, The Education Forum Team
Sign in to follow this  
David Von Pein

New Kennedy Books (An Ongoing List)

Recommended Posts

Greg, I didn't detect any ungratitude (or anything narky) at all, so no worries.

A friend of mine, David Richardson, had two books published locally, one through ABC books and the other through Harper Collins, and he's fairly scathing about the extended period of time local publishing houses can take to release your book, the tiny percentage they typically give the author from any book sold, and the lack of support they frequently give books once printed. (The Harper Collins volume received next to no publicity). I have a couple of books coming together (slowly) on Italian films and he strongly recommended I e-publish them directly. Createspace/Kindle offers around 70% royalty on the cover price. They also recently expanded the distribution channel so you get covered with Amazon.uk as well as the main US branch.


You also get to solicit both a printed version and the e-book so customers can take their pick. I could be talking out of my arse but I think the advertising for the book you could do alone would match what a local publishing house would likely offer more closely than you might think, simply as many local authors now push their books more online than through printed advertisements. A website, podcast interviews with as many sympathetic blogs and forums that will have you, and free printed copies sent out to some high profile bloggers would do quite a bit to get the ball rolling. James Corbett at CorbettReport.com gets substantial traffic worldwide and frequently talks to authors, and some quality interviews concluding with a link to the e-book version which people could grab at the push of a button would give the book some solid attention.

Anyway, the details you gave about your volume all sound intruiging and make me want to read it. I've heard little about the Jorge Gaitan hit but am now going to go off and find out what I can about it with your observation in mind.

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites
Guest Robert Morrow

I think Greg was being humorous about the Baker book. The shame is that Kris Millegan is a good guy.

Good pick up, Jim. And yeah... Kris does seem like a nice guy. I don't think he necessarily believes JVB, I think he just believes people have a right to make up their own minds about it.

I spoke with Kris Millegan on the phone last year and he told me that he believed Judyth Vary Baker was the real deal and in fact Lee Harvey Oswald's girlfriend and he believes her story.

So maybe you ought to ask Kris Millegan before you put words in his mouth.

As me - I believe Judyth Vary Baker, but I do not believe everything she says especially about Oswald being innocent. I do know Ed Tatro, a very well seasoned and credible JFK researcher, believes her story and is a good friend of Baker's.

I believe 90% of her story.

If you want to talk about people putting words in the mouths of others, let's talk about Dalek's efforts with Gamarekian.

If you want to talk about what I said, then do try and get it right. I said he doesn't "necessarily" believe JVB and that he believes everyone has a right to make up their own minds about it.

In other words, I don't know whether he believes her or not, but that as a general rule of thumb, he gives people the opportunity to put their case and let readers decide.

I based this opinion on what what Milligan said in his Publisher's Weekly interview:

Millegan also remarks that “there’s a lot of history out there we haven’t been told. As one of my authors says, ‘Sometimes you aren’t in a position to tell history and all you can do is take notes.’ We’ve been presenting the notes of a lot of people. These stories have to be discussed, even if it’s only to say ‘this is crazy and completely wrong.’” [emphasis added]

As for what you believe, I could care less except you spread it all over the internet giving us a ll a bad rep. I urge you once again to put an axe through your computer.

Here I will spell it out for you again. Kris Millegan told me that Judyth Vary Baker is the real deal, was Oswald's New Orleans mistress, was a secret cancer bioweapons researcher prodigy, and he believes Baker's story.

Millegan published Baker's book and thinks it is credible.

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites

interesting and surprising to see a Clay Shaw bio; the intro doesn't fill me with hope, as, unless his point of view changes, he cites the usual anti-Garrison-isms. And I wonder if he's read the Probe articles on the government's active intervention in the case.

Edited by Allen Lowe

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites


John F Kennedy: 'We all breathe the same air'

In June 1963, JFK made a speech that changed the outcome of the cold war. Fifty years on, modern politicians should follow his example of leading, not following, public opinion

By Jeffrey Sachs

The Guardian, Saturday Review, 1 June 2013, 19-20


President Obama's address to young people in Jerusalem in March was meant to be an uplifting call for peace. Yet there was one remarkably dispiriting line. "Speaking as a politician," said Obama, "I can promise you this: political leaders will not take risks if the people do not demand that they do. You must create the change that you want to see."

Obama was appealing to Israel's young people to rally for peace. That's fine. But he was also expressing the sad truth of our time – political leaders are followers. Politicians are governed by focus groups and opinion surveys. They will "lead" only when the outcry becomes loud enough, and sometimes not even then. And when the public is confused and divided, the politicians cower in their platitudes.

It is fitting, therefore, to remember other times in history, when democratic politicians led, by cajoling, inspiring, and enlightening the public to follow a necessary yet courageous course. At those moments of history, grand rhetoric spurred action, even dazzling and inspiring action. We are at an anniversary of one such moment of democratic leadership, an act of leadership and statesmanship so large that it helped to save humanity.

Fifty years ago, on 10 June 1963, President John F Kennedy changed the course of the cold war. Like Obama, he spoke of peace. Yet, unlike Obama, JFK took risks in the cause of peace. His British counterpart of the day, Harold Macmillan, and the UK ambassador to Washington, David Ormsby-Gore, deserve significant credit for bolstering his resolve at critical moments.

But JFK had a towering role model for his political bravery. No 20th-century democratic politician did more to harness words to courageous action than Winston Churchill. His determination, soaring rhetoric, and decisive action in 1939 and 1940 saved Britain in the war with Nazi Germany.

As a young college student, JFK watched Churchill's rise to wartime leader while visiting his father Joseph Kennedy, America's ambassador to the Court of St. James. Churchill's courage no doubt made a powerful impression on JFK in contrast with his own father's notorious pessimism about Britain's wartime prospects.

From this time onward, JFK's yardstick of leadership was political courage, the readiness to lead public opinion rather than to follow it. As a US senator, he and Ted Sorensen, his trusted adviser and speechwriter, crafted Profiles in Courage, a selection of historical examples from the Senate where a politician risked career and reputation to stand for higher principles. Soon enough, Kennedy would face the test of political courage at another hinge of history.

He arrived at the presidency with little experience – the youngest elected president in US history. His first two years were bumpy, far from the ideals of leadership to which he aspired and held himself accountable. Yet it was in his third year, a true annus mirabilis of presidential leadership, that JFK joined the pantheon of greatness.

Kennedy became president after 15 years of cold war, and at a moment when the prospects of a US-Soviet thaw were rapidly fading. Stalin's death in 1953 had raised widespread hopes that solutions to the cold war could be found. Nikita Khrushchev, Stalin's successor, championed the cause of "peaceful coexistence" of the superpowers. Yet years of US-Soviet negotiations on arms control had failed to make headway: the distrust on both sides was too great.

Worse still, tensions intensified in the months between JFK's election victory in November 1960 and his assumption of office on 20 January 1961. A long-awaited Khrushchev-Eisenhower summit failed when a CIA spyplane was shot down in Soviet airspace just weeks before the scheduled meeting. This was par for the course: no agency did more damage more consistently to the cause of peace than the malign and bungling CIA. But Eisenhower compounded the CIA's damage by brazenly denying the spy mission, only to have the Soviets produce both the plane's wreckage and the captured US pilot for a global audience.

Kennedy came into office in 1961 hoping to reach a series of arms-control treaties with the Soviet Union, specifically a ban on nuclear arms testing to be followed by a nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Yet as an initially inexperienced leader, JFK drifted with events instead of leading them. The CIA reprised its spy plane bungling in a far larger and more dangerous debacle, by staging an invasion of Cuba by Cuban exiles. When the attempt immediately collapsed on the beach of the Bay of Pigs, Kennedy repeated Eisenhower's blunder by brazenly (and ridiculously) lying to Khrushchev about the US role in the attempted invasion.

To say that matters quickly spiralled out of control is an understatement. Kennedy increased defence spending; completed the placement of intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Turkey, practically on Russia's doorstep; and generally stepped up the cold war rhetoric. Khrushchev, too, dramatically raised the stakes, declaring that the Soviet Union would soon take unilateral action in divided Berlin to deny western access to the western portion of the city. And then came the coup de grace, Khrushchev's impetuous decision in early 1962 to place intermediate-range nuclear weapons in Cuba to give the US a taste of its own medicine, a tit-for-tat response to the Bay of Pigs and the missiles in Turkey.

JFK's greatness began in the famous 13 days of the Cuban missile crisis. While demanding the removal of the Soviet missiles, he bought time through a naval quarantine of Soviet ships to Cuba, and kept open communication channels with Khrushchev. He repeatedly imagined himself in Khrushchev's position, in order to assess his motivations and to induce him to withdraw the missiles without humiliating the Soviet Union. One crucial part of that strategy was Kennedy's secret commitment to Khrushchev, that the US would remove its Jupiter missiles from Turkey.

As Kennedy would say eight months later in the "Peace" speech: "And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy – or of a collective death-wish for the world."

Many historians have misjudged the importance of Kennedy's secret quid pro quo on the missiles in Turkey. When it was revealed, 25 years after the event, it was first assumed that this trade must have played a decisive role in Khrushchev's own decision to withdraw the Cuban missiles. But once the timing of JFK's commitment was re-examined, in light of new evidence from Soviet archives, it was clear that Khrushchev had decided to remove the Soviet missiles from Cuba even before learning of Kennedy's pledge on the Jupiter missiles. Some historians then swung the other way, deciding that Kennedy's pledge had played no role in the ultimate outcome of the crisis.

Yet Kennedy's decision, an act of statesmanship and wisdom, played a powerful role. Khrushchev appreciated Kennedy's gesture. It established a bond of mutual trust and common understanding that would serve them well in the test ban negotiations.

The Cuban missile crisis changed Kennedy and Khrushchev, and thereby changed the world. Despite JFK's long-standing fear that nuclear war could occur through miscalculation or accident, he himself had almost presided over the ultimate Armageddon. Had he listened to his generals, advocating a surprise military strike, this surely would have been the outcome. Khrushchev was no less shocked. His ill-considered plan for a quick political advantage had brought the world to the brink of annihilation. As he recounted later: "Any man who could stare at the reality of nuclear war without sober thoughts was an irresponsible fool … Of course I was scared. It would have been insane not to have been scared. I was frightened about what could happen to my country – or your country and all the other countries that would be devastated by a nuclear war."

The crisis was therefore a catharsis for the leaders of the two superpowers, a break of the fever of the self-feeding escalation of arms and conflict of the preceding two years. Most importantly, for JFK it was a wake-up call. If the world was to be saved, if nuclear war was to be avoided, the president would have to lead. War and peace could not be left to the generals, the CIA, or a confused and fearful public. Obama told the Israeli young people to "create the change you want to see". JFK instead decided that as president he must lead that change.

What followed, between October 1962 and September 1963, was one of the greatest sustained acts of leadership and statesmanship in modern times. Kennedy's eloquence was key; but it was just one weapon in his political arsenal. JFK built his campaign for peace on a combination of vision and pragmatic actions, focusing first on a treaty to end nuclear tests.

The notion of a test-ban treaty might seem rather obvious today, yet at the time it was as likely as a substantive US-Iran or Israel-Palestine treaty would be today. Making peace with the Soviet Union was hardly high on the political to-do list in the spring of 1963, and very few were even arguing it should be tried. Soviet perfidy, or so it seemed to many Americans, had brought the world to the brink of destruction. The US public was deeply sceptical that any peace could be possible. Hardliners on both sides firmly believed that any treaty would be tantamount to unilateral surrender, as it would be followed by secret aggression – even a nuclear first strike – by the other side. But after staring into the nuclear abyss in the missile crisis, Kennedy was determined to pull back from the brink. There could be no better start for his peace campaign than the American University on commencement day.

Any speech, of course, has many listeners and audiences, but this one was more complicated than most. It had to satisfy three tough audiences: the American public, who would in turn influence the Senate debate over treaty ratification; Soviet leaders; and key European allies. Strong and vocal opposition by West Germany, for example, could undermine the negotiations. And such vocal opposition was quite possible. West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer repeatedly ridiculed the possibility of a cold war thaw, arguing instead for a US-backed German nuclear arsenal as the key to the west's defence.

Kennedy's rhetorical strategy was brilliant. Instead of using the speech to list a set of demands on the Soviet Union, as earlier presidents had done, JFK called on Americans to "reexamine our own attitudes, for ours are as important as theirs". Kennedy's basic point was simple, powerful, direct, and shocking: both sides of the cold war are human, and both sides want peace.

Kennedy did not speak of Russian perfidy. Instead he spoke of Russian valour. "No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage." He noted that America and the Soviet Union shared a mutual abhorrence of war, and that "[a]lmost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other".

The humanisation of the foe, the emphasis that both sides are rational and desirous of peace, not only formed the bulwark of JFK's core vision, but also greatest lyricism of the speech, in soaring phrases with the capacity to inspire across generations:

"So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal." Towards the end of the speech, Kennedy made the important announcement that he, Prime Minister Macmillan, and Chairman Khrushchev would resume talks on a test ban treaty.

We may read the speech for inspiration, but should judge it in history as a political act. Kennedy above all warned against fantasies and fanatics. He was a politician, and had his eye firmly on the outcome. Could a treaty be signed and ratified? And would the treaty help to create the conditions for peace?

The answers are of course now clear. Khrushchev regarded Kennedy's speech as the greatest by an American president since Franklin D Roosevelt. It spurred him to clear away many long-standing obstacles to the test ban treaty, which was signed in Moscow just seven weeks after the Peace speech. Only one major compromise was made – to limit the test ban to air, space, and underwater, excluding tests underground – so as to sidestep the vexing scientific and political question of how to differentiate between secret underground nuclear tests and earthquakes. Kennedy also reassured Khrushchev that the US would not arm West Germany with nuclear weapons, a policy that Eisenhower had begun to explore, to the great alarm of the Soviet Union.

The American public rallied as well. They did reconsider their own attitudes, and agreed with Kennedy that peace was possible. Yet Kennedy also made a series of shrewd agreements with the military top brass and with key Senators, to ensure that no sticking points would hinder ratification. Kennedy had all the reason to keep his feet on the ground, even as he let his rhetoric soar. Any agreement with the Soviet Union would have to pass the Senate by a two-thirds majority. There was no use signing an agreement that the Senate would not ratify. Through arduous and detailed work over many weeks, Kennedy produced a landslide victory in the Senate, with ratification won by a margin of 81 to 17.

The test ban treaty certainly did not end the cold war, but it did end atmospheric nuclear testing. Just as important, it provided the proof that negotiation and agreement was possible, and thus laid the groundwork for future treaties, most importantly the nuclear non-proliferation treaty of 1968. The myth of implacable hostility between the superpowers was disproved, decisively and irreversibly. It is also notable that the most recent careful epidemiological research has also found that nuclear fallout from the atmospheric testing until 1963 was even more dangerous than supposed at the time.

Yet the impact of JFK's courageous leadership in the final year of his life extends even beyond his role in putting the cold war on to a safer path, for his lessons in leadership extend beyond nuclear diplomacy and great power politics. I would draw several lessons for our own time, indeed for any time.

First, our foes are human, and our common human bonds can overcome seemingly unbridgeable divides. One of Kennedy's most important messages that summer was that "history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbours." This lesson remains largely unlearned by many in the US and Europe today.

Second, empathetic steps can beget empathetic steps in return. Kennedy removed the missiles from Turkey, and respected legitimate Soviet concerns over potential West German nuclear arms. He and the US were repaid with the trust to clear away a decade's worth of hurdles to a durable test ban treaty.

Third, Kennedy was guided by a soaring vision of peace, but kept both feet on the ground. "World peace," he declared, "like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbour, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement." The test ban treaty, he said, was but the first step on a journey of a thousand miles. He did not oversell the treaty, and won the public's trust in his honest appraisal of what it could and could not do.

Fourth, while a great speech is a powerful tool of leadership, it must be combined with pragmatic follow-through, something evidently lacking in Obama's diplomacy. The essence of leadership, said JFK, is to make the vision seem achievable by laying out the pragmatic steps to implement it. "By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it."

Finally, leadership counts. Courage does not arise by committee. And vision is not the common denominator of a focus group. Kennedy made peace not because he was advised to do so. He made peace because he chose his own counsel, tuning down – if not out – the cacophony of advice from the generals, politicians and pundits.

These are lessons for our time, whether to end the roiling wars in the Middle East or finally to face the challenges of human-induced environmental destruction. We live in an age where the media rules and the politicians follow. That age is becoming dangerous indeed, an echochamber of sound bites and politics as the art of the trivial. We need better politics than that, and can draw hope from a moment of history 50 years ago, when courage, leadership and vision moved the world.

• To Move the World: JFK's Quest for Peace by Jeffrey Sachs is published by Bodley Head

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites


The year 2013 is the 50th anniversary year of the assassination of John F. Kennedy, who still ranks as one of the top five presidents in every major annual survey. To commemorate the man and his time in office, the New York Times has authorized a book, edited by Richard Reeves, based on its unsurpassed coverage of the tumultuous Kennedy era. The Civil Rights Movement, the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban Missile Crisis, Vietnam, the space program, the Berlin Wall—all are covered in articles by the era’s top reporters, among them David Halberstam, Russell Baker, and James Reston. Also included are new essays by leading historians such as Robert Dallek and Terry Golway, and by Times journalists, including Sam Tanenhaus, Scott Shane, Alessandra Stanley, and Roger Cohen. With more than 125 color and black-and-white photos, this is the ultimate volume on one of history’s most fascinating figures.


400 pages

Publisher: Abrams

Release date: October 22, 2013

Edited by David Von Pein

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites
Guest Robert Morrow

Not only was James Tague an eyewitness to the JFK assassination and he was also almost directly hit by a bullet on 11/22/63 (he was injured when concrete spray from a bullet broke open a small wound on his right cheek), James Tague is also a credible JFK assassination researcher.

James Tague knew Billie Sol Estes personally and he was acquainted with Madeleine Brown and James Tague vouches for the credibility of both of these people. That means Tague, a man who has lived in the Dallas area for over the past 50 years, believes their stories regarding Lyndon Johnson.

Many folks don't know that James Tague was also a close personal friend of JFK researcher Harold Weisberg for many years. Tague is well versed in the JFK assassination.

Here is the press release for his new book:


the brylski company


3418 coliseum street

new orleans, louisiana 70115

Phone: Cheron Brylski (504) 897-6110

Jonathan Barnes 504-715-4437

E-mail: Cheron Brylski <cbrylski@aol.com>

Jonathan Barnes bcobarnes@aol.com

A New Book by Assassination Eyewitness and Kennedy Assassination Researcher Sets the Record Straight Dallas Texas: James T. Tague, the man who was slightly wounded during the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and whose Warren Commission testimony rewrote history, has cleared Lee Harvey Oswald and documented Lyndon Johnson and his cronies as being behind the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. James Tague is the only Kennedy assassination eyewitness who is also recognized as one of America’s top researchers on the assassination. His new book, LBJ AND THE KENNEDY KILLING, is his eyewitness account of the assassination of JFK and 50 years of living in and around Dallas collecting and documenting the facts. It is a simple story of greed, corruption and collusion that went deep into our own government. James Tague’s new book should answer the questions you have been asking for years and confirm your suspicions as to what really happened.


Tague was a friend of Harold Weisberg, the man who sued the government under the Freedom of Information Act, to get the F.B.I. assassination documents released. Weisberg supplied Tague with many supporting F.B.I. documents for his book. Tague reveals and documents proof of evidence tampering in the investigation of the assassination of JFK. LBJ AND THE KENNEDY KILLING reads like a textbook on the assassination and Tague answers many questions as to why there has been a long standing controversy over the Warren Report and why we will never know the full truth about the JFK assassination. The first editions of LBJ AND THE KENNEDY KILLING, why we will never know the truth about the JFK assassination, can be ordered from Amazon, most book stores, and www.jamestague.com The price is $ 29.95. Also the book can be ordered direct from the author James T, Tague. 2220 Coit Road, Suite 480-130, Plano, TX 75075. Please add $4.50 S&H. On direct orders Mr. Tague will autograph the book for you if you wish.


Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites
Guest Robert Morrow

New Barr McClellan book on the JFK assassination: http://www.smallcapnetwork.com/Definitive-Answers-on-JFK-Assassination-Presented-in-New-Barr-McClellan-Book-from-Hannover-House/s/via/18950/article/view/p/mid/1/id/1396/

Definitive Answers on JFK Assassination Presented in New Barr McClellan Book from Hannover House

Hannover House, Inc., (OTC Pink: HHSE), announced the November 5, 2013 publication date of a highly anticipated expose about the Kennedy assassination. "The Verdict: Justice for John Kennedy, Justice for America" is author Barr McClellan's sequel to his # 1 national best-seller, "Blood, Money & Power: How LBJ Killed JFK" (Hannover House, Sept., 2003). Hardcover copies of the new book will available through bookstores, mass merchants, airport gift shops and on-line sellers, with eBook editions available through all major portals. The hardcover edition carries a $24.95 suggested retail price; eBooks will be offered for $14.95 srp.

Attorney and author Barr McClellan was a partner in the Clark Law Firm in Austin, Texas, which handled a significant portion of the business transactions of former President Lyndon Baines Johnson. McClellan's 2003 book on the subject exposed documents and testimony in support of a Texas conspiracy to kill President Kennedy for a variety of reasons, including the ascendancy of power and the protection of interests in both criminal and business matters. "Blood, Money & Power: How LBJ Killed JFK" stunned the world with its precise, factual support of the high-level conspiracy and players. As a national best-seller, the book ignited a maelstrom of media attention and a windfall of supporting evidence and testimony.

Now, as the nation approaches the 50th anniversary of the tragic Kennedy assassination, McClellan presents compelling new evidence in "The Verdict: Justice for John Kennedy, Justice for America." This powerful book reveals the motives, the methods and the money that made this assassination plot possible and ultimately successful. The conclusions are clear and the evidence is abundant: America wants answers and McClellan provides "The Verdict."

Hannover House will support the book's release with publicity and advertising, including McClellan's appearance on several, national cable-news programs. Prior television appearances for McClellan include all three major networks (ABC, CBS, NBC), as well as CNN, Fox News, MSNBC, The History Channel and C-Span / Book TV. McClellan is also the father of former White House Press Secretary, Scott McClellan, and former Food & Drug Administration Director, Mark McClellan.

The new McClellan book will be coming to hardcover and eBook formats on Tuesday, November 5, 2013. The prior McClellan Kennedy book, "Blood, Money & Power: How LBJ Killed JFK" will also be re-released in hardcover edition at that time, as well as made available for the first time ever onto the various eBook formats. "Blood, Money & Power..." sold more than 100,000 hardcover edition copies, and reached # 1 best-selling status for Amazon.com, and # 11 ranking on the New York Times best-sellers list.

"The Verdict: Justice for John Kennedy, Justice for America" - Nonfiction, History - by Barr McClellan, 306 pages, hardcover edition, $24.95 srp., ISBN: 978-1-62890-065-1

"The Verdict: Justice for John Kennedy, Justice for America" - Nonfiction, History - by Barr McClellan, e-book edition, $14.95 srp., ISBN 978-1-62890-066-8

McClellan also penned a prescient analysis of economics and outsourcing with his 2009 release of "Made in the USA" (Hannover House, $19.95 srp).


This press release may contain certain forward-looking statements within the meaning of Sections 27A & 21E of the amended Securities and Exchange Acts of 1933-34, which are intended to be covered by the safe harbors created thereby. Although the company believes that the assumptions underlying the forward-looking statements contained herein are reasonable, there can be no assurance that these statements included in this press release will prove accurate.

For More Information Contact:

Eric Parkinson

Hannover House



SOURCE: Hannover House

Edited by Robert Morrow

Share this post

Link to post
Share on other sites

Please sign in to comment

You will be able to leave a comment after signing in

Sign In Now
Sign in to follow this