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US/NATO/EU and the desperate subversion of Ukraine


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Sorry but I can't be much clearer. You said a post was not visible. I pointed out that not only did you get the post number wrong but the post was visible.

You then said "... can't you see the map..." and I said the map was visible.

I can't be held accountable if your comprehension skills are not up to the task.

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Sorry but I can't be much clearer. You said a post was not visible. I pointed out that not only did you get the post number wrong but the post was visible.

You then said "... can't you see the map..." and I said the map was visible.

I can't be held accountable if your comprehension skills are not up to the task.

OK Ok but I cant be held accountable if your comprehension skills are not up to the task to understand NATO is on the march against Russia and that Russia not the aggressor. ,gaal

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That is debatable but as always, you are entitled to your opinion.

Yes everything can be debated. gaal

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Russia or America: Who Is the Real Aggressor? | Global ...

www.globalresearch.ca/russia-or-america-who-is...aggressor/5372882
Mar 11, 2014 - The country and its leader have been branded as aggressors, .... Putin rightly feels worried that NATO is on a mission to encircle Russia and ...
NATO Trips on Own Lies with U-Turn on 'Russian Aggressor ...
www.strategic-culture.org/.../nato-trips-on-own-lies-with-u-turn-on-russi...
Jan 10, 2015 - NATO's civilian figurehead Jens Stoltenberg this week urged Russia to be a partner against terrorism. He was speaking the day after the deadly ...
Petition · Disband NATO because it is a world's aggressor ...
We, members and followers of All-Russian people political party the VOLYA think the world is facing an emergency situation. USA and NATO have reached a ...
blogdog: Russia is not the Aggressor
blogdogcicle.blogspot.com/p/stone-anonymous-blogdog-contributor.html
Russia has warned over the years that NATO anti missile encirclement is a direct ... on Global Research.ca - Russia or America: Who Is the Real Aggressor?
Austrian politician sees "NATO, not Russia" as aggressor ...
www.b92.net/eng/news/world.php?yyyy=2015&mm=03...
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Mar 25, 2015 - Russia is not the aggressor that has been expanding its military influence toward the EU during the past decades, says Heinz-Christian Strache ...

US-NATO Is the Aggressor | Politics - Before It's News
beforeitsnews.com/politics/2015/.../us-nato-is-the-aggressor-2693036.ht...
Feb 28, 2015 - http://blogdogcicle.blogspot.ca/search?q=NATO+Trips+on+Own+Lies+with+U-Turn+on+'Russian+Aggressor'.
Illegal NATO and EU, not Russia, the Aggressors in Ukraine ...
freenations.net › Germany

Sep 13, 2014 - ILLEGAL NATO AND AGGRESSIVE EU, NOT RUSSIA, THE AGGRESSORS IN UKRAINE. We reproduce below an article by James Bissett the ...

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The real aggressors: NATO conducting large war games in ...
www.sott.net/.../297269-The-real-aggressors-NATO-conducting-large-w...
Jun 2, 2015 - Comment: It's pretty hypocritical for the U.S./EU to accuse Russia of being an aggressor when they are the ones building up their armies practically right on the ...

Edited by Steven Gaal
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Donbass residents rally as Ukraine regime prepares new military assault

By Greg Butterfield, Workers World

Despite overnight shelling in the city, and faced with the imminent threat of a new military offensive by Ukrainian troops, thousands of people in Donetsk city rallied August 24 to demand that the Kiev regime headed by President Peter Poroshenko stop the war against the independent Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics of the Donbass region.

The antiwar protest, titled “Ukraine’s Dependence Day,” was a rejoinder to the jingoist Independence Day celebrations organized in Ukraine by the junta of oligarchs, neoliberal politicians and fascists that took power with U.S.-European Union backing in February 2014. The far-right regime has been dependent on Western economic and military support ever since.

August 24, 1991, was the day pro-capitalist and nationalist forces in Ukraine declared “independence” from the Soviet Union. The breakup of the first socialist state took place under Washington stooges Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev.

This year, a social media call for a flashmob in central Donetsk brought young and old into the streets. They marched from the statue of Taras Shevchenko, an 18th century Ukrainian nationalist figure, to the statue of V.I. Lenin, leader of the revolution that established the first modern, multinational Ukrainian state as part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

They carried flags of the Donetsk republic and signs reading, “Poroshenko – puppet in the U.S. show,” “You’ve already perished, Ukraine” (a reference to Kiev’s national anthem), and “Stop the war, bloody President Poroshenko.” (Online reports by Denis Grigoryuk and Novorossia Today)

G9HSN7H1kDo.jpg 'Poroshenko -- puppet in the U.S. show'

Photo: Thinking Out Loud

Death toll grows as offensive loomsThe Human Rights Ombudsman of the Donetsk People’s Republic reported that 23 civilians were killed and 32 injured in shelling by Ukrainian troops from August 15-21. Some 17 were killed and 45 wounded in the prior week. (Novorossia Today, Aug. 24)

The death toll has grown steadily over the summer. Sporadic Ukrainian shelling that claimed a few lives each week has intensified. There has also been an increase in attacks in the Lugansk People’s Republic, especially near villages under the protection of the Ghost Brigade anti-fascist militia.

According to the United Nations, nearly 7,000 people have been killed since the start of Kiev’s “Anti-Terrorist Operation” in the spring of 2014.

There is no doubt now that Kiev’s army and volunteer neo-fascist battalions are preparing a new offensive. Along with Poroshenko’s boasts of sending more troops and weaponry to the front – obtained (directly or indirectly) through the U.S. and other NATO powers – the anti-fascist militias that defend the Donbass republics have reported a steady buildup of Ukrainian troops for months.

On August 20, Donetsk Deputy Defense Minister Eduard Basurin reported on intelligence received from a high-ranking member of the Ukrainian military who opposes the junta’s latest moves. (Dontesk News Agency)

According to this information – which confirms what the militias have observed on the ground – Ukraine now has more than 90,000 troops on or near the front line; 450 tanks; more than 2,500 armored personnel carriers; 5 mobile rocket launcher complexes; 230 Multiple Launch Rocket Systems; over 1,000 artillery guns and mortars; and more than 3,500 anti-tank weapons. (Colonel Cassad blog, Aug. 21)

The planned Ukrainian offensive is said to be modeled on the Croatian assault that defeated Serbian forces in Krajina during the Yugoslavian civil war, also masterminded and manipulated by Washington and Berlin.

Attacking from several directions simultaneously, Kiev’s forces hope to reach Donetsk’s eastern border with Russia, preventing any military or humanitarian support from reaching the resistance, and blocking Lugansk militia forces from coming to their aid. (For maps and in-depth information in English, see RedStarOverDonbass.blogspot.com.)

However, military analyst Colonel Cassad points out that, unlike Krajina, where Croatian forces outnumbered Serbian troops by a factor of 10, Ukraine has not even twice the number of troops as the Donbass republics, who have resoundingly defeated previous Ukrainian offensives.

COM-Surrogate000%2B%25281%2529.jpg Map of planned Ukrainian offensive in Donbass.

Source: Colonel Cassad Washington wants war, not peaceThe buildup by Ukraine is a direct violation of the Minsk 2 ceasefire agreement it signed in February with Russia, Germany and France. Even after the Donbass republics unilaterally withdrew heavy weaponry from the contact line, Kiev refused to budge.

An intervention by U.S. officials to force Kiev to pass legislation required by the Minsk accords in June led to speculation that Washington might try to tamp down the war. But in fact, it appears to have been another fig leaf to cover Pentagon and NATO training and arming of the Ukrainian military, while giving the regime more time to build up its offensive forces.

As Workers World reported previously, the war in Donbass is a step in a long-term U.S. effort to undermine the existence of an independent capitalist Russian Federation. This bipartisan policy, more than 20 years in the making, may take tactical twists and turns, but there are no signs that Washington and Wall Street plan to fundamentally change course. (See “Ukraine, Donbass and the New Cold War against Russia," July 31, 2015)

What the Obama administration, Congressional leaders and the Pentagon have done is to further U.S. control over the disparate, competing factions of the Kiev regime, united mainly by their hatred of Russia and the people of Donbass.

In late August, leaders of the Right Sector fascist group, which repeatedly threatened to overthrow Poroshenko, suddenly announced on social media that some of their squads would be integrated into the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), the Ukrainian political police similar to the FBI.

Right Sector members will be put on the government payroll, issued “official” weapons and have the legal cover of the SBU.

The integration of Right Sector into the state apparatus came shortly after statements by the U.S. ambassador and other officials defending Poroshenko from the most recent flare up between the rival factions. (Col. Cassad blog, Aug. 22) It fits a pattern that has seen neo-Nazis like the Azov Battalion integrated into the Ukrainian military structure and trained by U.S. troops.

Add these developments to the International Monetary Fund’s declaration that it will continue to bail out Kiev even if the bankrupt regime defaults on its loans, while it pours money into the war and imposes ever greater austerity measures and repression on the working people of Ukraine.

The message is clear: U.S. imperialism wants the war in Donbass to continue at all costs. Washington is determined to use Ukraine to wear down the People’s Republics and Russia, and doesn’t care how many people on both sides are killed in the process.

But, as Donetsk residents showed with their protest August 24, the people of Donbass are prepared and determined to resist.

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The fascism became the habitual and everyday phenomenon in life of Ukraine long ago. However till today officially nobody recognized this phenomenon.
Poroshenko properly pondered this situation, and made the decision that it is time to place all points over і. The fascism is, but isn't legalized.
Therefore the Ministry of Justice registered the Ukrainian national assembly – the Ukrainian nationalist self-defense (UNA-UNSO) as political party.


Cheerfully, isn't that so?

Business won't be limited to one registration. Now UNA-UNSO intends to take part in local elections in October. Fascists in power, not bad.
Nationalists declared that begin qualitatively new stage of political struggle for Ukraine. They are ready to prove not words, and actions that ranks of the Ukrainian nationalists are worthy. I put much. - it isn't less enemies.

Earlier, at the beginning of July, 2015, the Ministry of Justice refused to register nationalists because of "complicity in fascism". UNA-UNSO is claimed that tried to register party since 2014.

However, now the party registration passed easily and easy as the chief Fuhrer Poroshenko gave a green light.
Long live lawful fascism in Ukraine! Zig Hayl!




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News of day: Events of Novorossiya
The review of military operations on Donbass for the morning 27.08.2015g.
Viewings: 3224

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Donbass, on August 27.

Strong explosions sounded near Mariupol Donetsk region the night before. The head of a health service of PS of Gospitalyera Jan Zinkevich reported that from Grads the southern part of Sartana was fired.

Information on the victims aren't present so far, Ukrinform writes. According to locals, explosions are audible in different parts of the city. According to preliminary data, light regarding the settlement of Sartana was gone.
Kiev accuses rebels of all cases of attacks.

The night before Armed forces of Ukraine started firing at the settlement Dokuchayevsk of the Donetsk People's Republic from Nikolaevka and Novotroitsk. Self-propelled artillery installations were put to use.

In a course of action the direct hit on east pit of Dokuchayevsk was recorded, the power substation lit up. Security officers also don't leave Gorlovka. A battle is conducted in northern part of the city, around Zaytsevo. AFU large-caliber shells fired at Golma.


Reports of military operations for August 27.

The last days passed in the Republics under sounds of cannonades. Practically on all line of contact periodic battles of average and high intensity are conducted. The situation with attacks in LPR is much more silent, except for the area adjoining Debaltseve (DPR). Hyperactivity of the UAV in a front zone, and activity of DRG in the territory of LPR.

For the last days settlements Donetsk, Gorlovka, Debaltseve, Krasnogorovka, Staroignatovka, Starobeshevsky and Telmanovsky areas, Dokuchayevsk, Logvinovo underwent artillery and mortar attacks. Still the most hot spot there is White Kamenka of the Volnovakhsky region of DPR.

Consolidation of forces of the opponent near Marinka with probability of break to Donetsk is observed. The serious group of chasteners is located opposite by Béla Kamenki and aimed at Telmanovo with a probable problem of a capture under control as it is possible a bigger site of border with the Russian Federation.

In the afternoon on August 26 occupational troops made Logvinovo's attack. The artillery of the opponent worked from Svetlodarsk. Also under fire there was Uglegorsk, Golma, Kalinovka, Debaltseve (some falling in various districts of the city).

Half an hour I underwent attack the area of mine of Abakumov in Donetsk later. At 16:00 attack amplified to a limit.

Around 17:00 around Krasnogorovki shooting fight is recorded. In Borisovki's regions and пгт the Beacon hits are also recorded.

In the same time under attack there was a district of the village Ran cold. Inhabitants got over in basements, eyewitnesses recorded some hits in the private sector and around local school. Also from chasteners the farm Petrovsky underwent attack.

About 18 hours the Ukrainian chasteners fired at Aleksandrovka (The Petrovsky district of Donetsk) from artillery. Ignition of a house is recorded. Explosions sounded also around Briquette and Beams. Smoke in the Twelfth settlement is visible.

Firefights in the Telmanovsky area are at the same time recorded: on Béla Kamenke and Staroignatovke from Granite the Ukrainian chasteners fire from all types of arms, including caliber of 152 mm.

In suburbs Béla Kamenki VS DPR positions are exposed to attack (crew "Vikings"). AFU uses howitzer artillery, the IFV.

Around the 8th evening landings around a waste heap of mine Trudovskaya (Donetsk), ignition of a house in Aleksandrovka are recorded. To attack подверся Petrovsky area and Kremennaya. Later according to the specified information ignition of 6 houses in Aleksandrovka (Chelyuskintsev St.) is established.

Around 20:30 Michurino's shelling (the Telmanovsky area) is recorded. Several minutes later chasteners once again fired at the village Ran cold. Arrivals to the area of mine are recorded, the houses located nearby suffered.

Closer by 21 o'clock Kuibyshevsky district of Donetsk underwent attack by nazis. Hit to the inhabited five-floor house is recorded, the woman (slight injury) suffered.

At 21:00 rebels reported about shooting fight near Aleksandrovka.

Around 21:30 over Gorlovka activity of the Ukrainian UAVs considerably increased. Shooting fight around Zaytsevo is audible. By 20 o'clock eyewitnesses recorded sounds of explosions in the next suburbs.

The area I Had a reputation — according to the specified information two persons got wounds. One in a serious condition.

About the 10th evening chasteners fired at Dokuchayevsk. It is reported about explosions around a pit East.

Result of operation of UAVs: Gorlovka under attack. At 21:50 explosions of shells are recorded on Golm. Approximately in the same time eyewitnesses noted shooting fight in the area

Staromikhaylovki - Krasnogorovki. Around 22:30 on the Mariupol direction art duel and shooting fight around Sartana proceeds.

According to data from a source on positions of chasteners near Mariupol — losses of nazis made at least six units of manpower and a little wounded.

About 23:30 area of mine of Abakumov and Trudovskiye (Donetsk) underwent attacks again. Attack of the Petrovsky area, to the area of the 14th hospital is also recorded. Chasteners fire from Krasnogorovki.

In the same time near the village I Ran cold mass hits in houses are recorded, there are victims, the quantity is specified.

At midnight (LPR) knew of massive art duel near the Village Lugansk.

After midnight from positions of chasteners in Marinka the region of the Resident of Smolensk (Donetsk) underwent attacks. Arrivals in Petrovsky the area proceed.


At night under Volnovakhoy six Ukrainian soldiers, 17 wounded — "activists of anti-terrorist operation" were lost

As a result of night fight near Volnovakhoy 9 servicemen of AFU (the 19th baht were lost., 40th crew, 41 OMPB). Helpers of invaders from Mariupol report about it on social networks, and they claim that information is completely confirmed.

The official statement from headquarters of so-called "anti-terrorist operation" didn't arrive yet, however judging by geography of night fights and the divisions participating in them, these data true.








27.08.15. The message from the resident of Gorlovka.

"I was in Donetsk today, the beauty, life beats a key everything healthy but all somehow differently, I don't know as it will explain, but Gorlovka and Donetsk now two different poles, in Donetsk people "almost" don't feel war, well shoot! get away!

But it where that there … the airport, Oktyabrsky … on on another at us "beat across Gorlovka" there are no areas here where won't fall, at all at us when that but nearby fell, thus when Donetsk citizens "are evacuated" by Gorlovchache go to work …

In total somehow on another when bakhnut on the center people from distant areas at which so … we others helped every day … Donetsk citizens friends don't take offense but it is life, our city Hera we slightly differently feel war …

Yes I forgot the most important, is more main than all post, each of Gorlovchan buried the friend, the brother, mother, и.т.д., in any case almost the relative or the friend remained with someone from us in 2014 or 2015, they stood during life, but all of them is equal with us." The message from the war correspondent Yury Yurchenko.

"Now, in "News": "In DONETSK, the SHOT of the SNIPER KILLED the WOMAN …". "Sniper's shot"!. It — not the artillery "reached", this is the ordinary person with the gun. It means that residents of Donetsk live on a front line. And a year to rebels FORBID to move forward.

As after that, you want that people looked at DPR army if it, this army, in one and a half years "has to" — to win and finally to break the Ukrainian army, no! — at least to remove it on such distance that their artillery didn't reach houses of civilians?!.

Yes they will damn it (as it be called — "militia" or "republican guard"), eventually, if she doesn't go to approach and will continue to play at giveaway with the enemy, let and under someone else's order.!"








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Central news agency of Novorossiya
Novorus.info
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By Victor Shapinov
Union Borotba (Struggle)


Borotba is often criticized for supporting the Donbass people's republics, for the fact that our comrades fight in the militia and assist the peaceful nation-building in Lugansk (LC) and Donetsk (DNR). This criticism is heard not only from those former leftists who succumbed to nationalist fervor and supported first Maidan, then Kiev’s war of conquest in the Donbass. Others criticize us and from the standpoint of "Marxist pacifism,” calling themselves “the new Zimmerwald."


1914 = 2014?

The "Zimmerwaldists" seriously compare the war in the Donbass with the First World War. Historical parallels are always risky. This parallel is altogether meaningless. In the First World War of 1914-1918, blocs of imperialist countries of roughly equal strength fought over markets, sources of raw materials, and colonies. The victory of the Anglo-French bloc, easy to see in hindsight, was not so obvious to contemporaries of the war, even to Marxists. For example, Lev Kamenev, a leader of the Bolsheviks, predicted a German victory in the war.

In 1914, a deadly battle confronted two centers of capital accumulation, two systems of capitalist division of labor, with their centers in London and Berlin. These systems had reached the limits of their geographic expansion in the 1870s, bumping into one another's frontiers. The last act of this expansion was the rapid division of the African continent between the great powers.

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The clash of these divisions of labor (the German-Central European, Anglo-French, American and Japanese) was the economic cause of the First and Second World Wars. After World War II, there was only one such system – headed by the United States. In the late 1940s, it incorporated the European and Japanese systems, in the 1970s it absorbed the former colonies, in the 1980s China and the Eastern European people's democracies, and in the 1990s the Soviet Union.

The rightist, neoliberal reaction of Reagan-Thatcher gave this system its finished, current form. At the heart of this system is the Federal Reserve, as the body producing the world's reserve currency, the IMF, WTO, and World Bank.

After 2008, the system entered a period of systemic crisis, the causes of which I have examined elsewhere, and gradual decay. As a result of the collapse, the capitalist elites of some countries began to challenge the "rules of the game" set by Washington, because the existing system was no longer as attractive as it was before the crisis.

Thus, we do not have two blocs gripped in a deadly showdown (as in 1914), but a brand new situation, with no historical analogues, where the system breaks down and starts to fall to pieces, and some capitalist groups (organized in nation-states and transnational formations) try to revise the existing framework of the system, while other groups (Washington’s “Regional Committees"), on the contrary, hold on to the status quo and seek to punish those who encroach on the holy principles of the system.

Conflicts within the system are related to its internal contradictions, rather than a clash between individual centers of capital accumulation and their systems of division of labor, as it was in 1914 and 1939.
Modern imperialism is a world systemThose who present the conflict in Ukraine as a fight between Russian and U.S. imperialism à la 1914 have analytical skills at the level of the propagandist Dmitry Kiselyov, who threatens to turn America into "nuclear ash." Russia and the United States are not comparable in their economic power; they fight in different weight categories. Moreover, there is no "Russian imperialism,” and even "American imperialism" in the sense of 1914 does not exist. There is a hierarchically-organized imperialist world system with the United States at the head. There is a Russian capitalist class, which in this structure resides not on the first or even the second "floor,” which tried to raise its "status" in this hierarchy and is now frightened by its own audacity, after meeting resistance from a united West.

Imagine for a moment that Russia really is an imperialist country à la 1914, that is, like Italy with its "imperialism of beggars." This Russia really had imperialist interests in Ukraine, related primarily to the transportation of hydrocarbons, and to a much lesser extent in industrial assets. However, these are not interests for which it would deliberately risk the deterioration of relations with the West.

In the Ukrainian crisis, the Russian capitalist elite have not conducted any deliberate imperialist strategy, they have only responded to the challenges of a rapidly developing situation. This reaction has been halfhearted, contradictory, inconsistent -- demonstrating to the careful observer the absence of strategy.

As the situation developed following the coup in Ukraine and the beginning of the uprising in Crimea and the South-East, the Russian leadership faced a difficult dilemma. To not step in and not support the population of Crimea and the South-East meant losing legitimacy in the eyes of its own population, amidst a deteriorating economic situation fraught with political crisis, much stronger than in 2011. To intervene meant to break with the West, with unpredictable results. In the end, they chose the middle option -- intervention in Crimea but not in the South-East.

However, when the uprising in Donbass moved from peaceful to armed, Russia had to offer assistance. It had to, because the military suppression of the rebels with the tacit consent of Russia would be a catastrophic blow to the image of the Russian authorities within the country. But this support was given reluctantly. Putin publicly called on the people not to hold a referendum on the independence of the DNR and the LC, and the meaningful flow of military aid only began after the abandonment of Slavyansk, when the capital of Donetsk was under threat of falling to the Ukrainian army.

Such support has aroused dissatisfaction and resistance among most of the Russian oligarchy, which dreams not of restoring the Russian Empire, but of a mutually beneficial partnership with the West.
Historical parallels: Spain 1936, Ireland 1916, Rojava 2015Is it possible to support the republics if the Russian bourgeois regime is trying to instrumentalize the revolt and use it in its own geopolitical interests?

Let’s conduct an historical analogy. It seems to me that it is much more appropriate than the analogy with the situation of the First World War.

1936. There is a civil war in Spain. Let us imagine that the Soviet Union, for one reason or another, could not or would not assist the Spanish Republic, and bourgeois Britain and France, on the contrary, provided support, sent military supplies and humanitarian aid, gave loans and even sent military experts to help the Republican Army and police. Naturally, the capitalist elite of Britain and France would pursue their own goals at the same time -- the retention of Spain in its own system of investment and trade in the context of an emerging confrontation with the German bloc.

Would the left, on this basis, have refused to support the anti-fascist struggle of the Spanish Republicans? Of course not.
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Another example: The Easter Rising of the Irish Republicans against the British Empire in 1916. All those who call themselves leftists honor this heroic episode of the anti-imperialist struggle of the Irish people.

Meanwhile, one of the major factions of the uprising -- the Irish Republican Brotherhood -- in 1914, at the beginning of the war, decided to revolt and take any German assistance offered. A representative of the Brotherhood traveled to Germany and obtained approval for such assistance. It wasn’t provided only because the German ship carrying weapons was intercepted at sea by a British submarine.

Lenin unconditionally supported the Irish rebellion, despite the fact that it was much less "proletarian" than the revolt in the Donbass. And in those days there were leftists who called the Irish Rebellion a "putsch,” a “purely urban, petty-bourgeois movement, which, notwithstanding the sensation it caused, had not much social backing.” Lenin answered them, “Whoever calls such a rebellion a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary, or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon.” (1)

Despite the apparent support of the Germans, not to mention the fact that the uprising in the rear of the British Empire "played into the hands" of German imperialism, real leftists supported the Irish Republicans. Supported them, despite the fact that bourgeois and petty-bourgeois Irish nationalists fought together with socialist James Connolly and his supporters. Of course, Connolly said that a declaration of independence without the formation of a socialist republic would be in vain. But the left in Donbass says this too.

Why doesn’t the Irish example apply to the Donbass, an example from the era of the First World War, which the self-styled "Zimmerwaldists" are so fond of?

Or take a modern example. It's no secret that the Kurdish militia in Syria fighting against Islamic fascists receives support from the United States. On this basis, should the left refuse to support the Kurds of Rojava? Of course not.
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Over the years, Palestinian resistance to the Israeli occupation has also relied on the support of bourgeois and undemocratic regimes in the Middle East, and the ratio of advanced and progressive elements in the Palestinian leadership was usually far less beneficial to the forces of progress than in the Donbass. However, the left has always supported the Palestinian liberation movement.

But with Donbass, some leftists apply a double standard, diligently looking for excuses to condemn the DNR and the LC, allowing them to take a position of indifferent pacifism. Genuine leftists never held such a position. "Indifference to the struggle is not, therefore, exclusion from the struggle, abstinence or neutrality. Indifference is tacit support of the powerful, the oppressors," Lenin wrote. (2) Standing aside in a detached posture, the self-styled "Zimmerwaldists" actually side with the Kiev authorities, who are leading a punitive operation against the rebels.
War -- continuation of policy by other means"War is nothing more than the continuation of policy by other means," wrote the military theorist Carl von Clausewitz. This statement is recognized approvingly by the classics of Marxism. (3)

What are the policies continued by Kiev and Donbass? To justify a "neutral" position, the imaginary "Zimmerwaldists" try to prove that these policies are the same. "All cats are gray” -- that's the apex of their “Marxist” wisdom.

The World War of 1914-1918 was really a continuation of the same policies by Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia -- policies of colonial plunder, the struggle for colonies and markets, the fight for the destruction of imperialist competitors. The Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905 was a continuation of the same policies.

However, it would be foolish to argue that there could be a civil war where the parties are continuing the same policy. The essence of civil war is to impose one’s policies on the enemy, to break the political force and suppress the social classes or layers that conduct this policy. North and South Vietnam carried out different policies, resulting in a civil war. Different policies are also carried out, for example, by the regime of Bashar al-Assad and the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda and other Islamists in Syria. Different policies guided the Spanish Republic and Franco in the years 1936-1939. Different policies were pursued by Muammar Gaddafi and his opponents in the civil war in Libya in 2011.

So the civil war in Ukraine is not a continuation of the same policy. What are the different policies of Kiev and Donbass?
Policies in KievThe policies of Kiev in the civil war are a logical continuation of the policies of the Maidan. This has several components:

1. "European integration" and subordination to imperialism. The first slogan of the Maidan was so-called "European integration", which in economic terms means the surrender of Ukrainian markets to European corporations, the transformation of Ukraine into a colony of the European Union as a source of raw materials and disenfranchised migrant worker-slaves. Today, more than a year after the victory of Maidan, the economic results are already being felt so deeply that they cannot be ignored by even the most hard-nosed "Euro-optimists.” (4)

The new regime in Kiev also finally abandoned sovereignty and become a puppet state. The solution of the internal conflict within the Kiev regime, between President-oligarch Petro Poroshenko and Governor-oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, came through an appeal to the U.S. Embassy. The handing over of the militarily and logistically strategic Odessa region to the direct control of a U.S protégé, former Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili, clearly testifies to this.

2. Neoliberalism. The post-Maidan government has consistently pursued policies dictated by the IMF. And this is not "cheating" Maidan expectations. All this was openly declared from the rostrum of the Maidan, and the political forces that led the movement have long and consistently favored economic neoliberalism. Movement toward all-out privatization and the systematic destruction of the remnants of the welfare state -- that is the essence of the economic policies of the Poroshenko-Yatsenyuk regime. Leftist readers probably do not need me to explain the harmfulness of such policies to the working class and other popular sectors.

3. Nationalism and fascism. Nationalists and outright fascists managed to impose their agenda through the Maidan. Our organization wrote in winter 2014: “The undoubted success of the nationalists is due to the fact that, because of their high level of activity, they have managed to impose ideological leadership on the Euromaidan movement. This is evidenced by the slogans which have become a kind of ‘password’ for mass gatherings and activists on Maidan Square. Such as: ‘Glory to Ukraine – glory to heroes!’, which, together with raising the right hand with straightened palm, became the official greeting of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in April 1941. And: ‘Glory to the nation, death of the enemy!’ And: ‘Ukraine above all’ (copying the infamous German slogan, ‘Deutschland über alles’), and ‘Who does not jump is a Muscovite.’ The rest of the opposition parties did not have a clear-cut ideological line or set of slogans, leaving the neoliberal opposition to adopt the nationalist slogans and nationalist agenda." (5)

Thus, the neoliberal-Nazi alliance was formed. The neoliberals adopted the political program of Ukrainian fascists, and the Nazis agreed with carrying out the neoliberal line in the economy. This alliance was "consecrated" by representatives of imperialism, such as Catherine Ashton, Victoria Nuland, and John McCain.
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Another important point in the fascistization of society after Maidan was the legalization of paramilitary Nazi groups and the integration of the Nazis into the law enforcement agencies of the state.

4. The violent suppression of political opponents, repression, censorship of the media, banning of communist ideology. It is not necessary to give examples, as this is common knowledge.

5. Contempt for the working class, "class racism.” Established on Maidan under the leadership of the oligarchy, the ideology of the social bloc of nationalist intelligentsia and "middle class" petty proprietors has infected the Western Ukrainian “man in the street,” who clearly defines his class enemy: the "cattle" in Donbass. With this "class racism" against the working-class majority of the South-East, the oligarchy rallies broad social strata around itself, leading even a poor person in the streets of Kiev to support policies in the interests of billionaires Kolomoisky and Poroshenko.
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These are the main elements of the policy of the new regime in Kiev. This is the class politics of transnational imperialist capital and the Ukrainian capitalist oligarchy, which tries to escape its crisis at the expense of the working class. This policy is based on using the petty bourgeoisie, the so-called "middle class," as its strike force. In the 1930s, this design of political dictatorship in the interests of big business was called fascism.

Policies in Donbass

Since the statehood of the territories liberated by the rebels of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions is just being established, it is probably too early to draw final conclusions about the policies of the DNR and LC. However, we can highlight some trends.

1. Anti-fascism. The rebels of all political persuasions definitely characterize the regime established in Kiev after Maidan as fascist. Often without a clear scientific understanding of fascism, they nonetheless reject the following features of the Kiev regime: extreme nationalism, chauvinistic language policy, anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, repression of political opponents, exoneration of Nazi war criminals and collaborators.

2. Anti-oligarchism. The role of the Ukrainian oligarchy, as the main sponsor and beneficiary of Maidan and the right-nationalist coup, became an essential element of the consciousness of the resistance movement in the South-East. Also, during the winter and spring of 2014, the complete dependence and subordination of the Ukrainian oligarchy to imperialism, headed by the United States, became apparent. A good example is the behavior of the "master of Donbass" and one of the main sponsors of the Party of Regions, Rinat Akhmetov. This "friendly" Donetsk oligarch, after a conversation with U.S. State Department representative Victoria Nuland, openly supported the Maidan, making a special statement on behalf of the SCM Corporation. Then his countrymen could see Rinat Akhmetov at the inauguration of "Maidan President" Petro Poroshenko.

In this regard, it can be argued: for the rebels of Donbass and the masses involved in the resistance movement in the South-East, anti-oligarchic slogans are not mere "populism." These masses, from their own political experience, understand the role of the apex of the ruling class -- the Ukrainian political oligarchy.

This distinguishes the mass progressive movement in the South-East from the mass reactionary movement of Maidan. Some mild anti-oligarchic slogans were also heard on the Maidan, but they did not go beyond the limits inherent in far-right social demagogy and populism -- direct proof of this is the election by the pro-Maidan masses of oligarch Poroshenko to the presidency, as well as approval of the appointment of oligarchs such as Igor Kolomoisky and Sergei Taruta to key posts.

3. Anti-neoliberal policies. An important feature of the internal life of the Donbass republics is the trend towards social-democratic, Keynesian models of economic development, socially-oriented state capitalism. While this is only a trend, though an important one, it is the opposite of the economic policy of the Kiev authorities. Tentative steps to nationalize strategic assets (such as retail chains, mines, etc.) are met with delight by the population. Alexander Borodai, who distinguished himself by stating that “we will not carry out nationalizations, because we are not communists,” left the leadership of the DNR. On the contrary, the leadership of the republics not only takes steps to return some industry, trade and infrastructure to state ownership, but also actively promotes these measures among the population.

4. Friendship of peoples, internationalism and Russian nationalism. Everyone who has been in the Donbass notes the international character of the region. Dangerous trends of Russian nationalism in response to the Ukrainian chauvinism of the new Kiev authorities have not developed in a serious way (although that danger has been actively exploited by opponents of the people's republics for propaganda purposes). On the contrary, the formalization of the Ukrainian language as the second official language in the almost entirely Russian-speaking region demonstrates the intention to carry out a democratic policy on nationalities and language. It was also an important signal that the birthday of Ukrainian national poet Taras Shevchenko was officially celebrated in Donetsk and Lugansk. This shows that the republic's leadership understands the importance of presenting an alternative to the chauvinistic and repressive language and cultural policy in Kiev.

Also, there has been no serious development of another danger -- clericalization of the resistance movement. Despite the fact that the Orthodox Church is mentioned in several documents of the people's republics, clerical forces do not play a decisive or significant role in the social life of Donbass. The resistance movement is predominantly secular in nature, and the influence of religion and the church does not go beyond what it was in the pre-war period in Ukraine. This distinguishes the resistance forces from the Maidan, wherein the Greek Catholic Church played a significant role (with daily prayers read from the official Maidan rostrum, church hymns sung, etc.).

These are the main elements of the policy of the people's republics of Donbass. Of course, this policy is not socialist. But it leaves room for the left, the communists, to participate in such a movement under their own banner, with their own ideas and slogans, without abandoning their own views and program. The Maidan movement and post-Maidan regime, focused from the beginning on militant anti-communism, does not provide such opportunities.

Having considered in detail what kind of policies the civil war continues for both sides, we can conclude that this policy is not the same from the point of view of left-wing, anti-capitalist forces. The self-styled Zimmerwaldists, stating that “both sides are the same,” show that they are either unable to carry out an analysis of the policies of Kiev and Donbass, or (more likely) are hypocrites.

Just and unjust wars

The attitude of Marxists to war cannot be reduced to the single example of the First World War. Marxists have always supported wars of the oppressed against the oppressors, considering the retreat into pacifism and indifference in the case of a just war to be bourgeois hypocrisy and hidden support for the masters.

Yes, even in the First World War, those socialists who did not disgrace themselves by betrayal, who did not shift into the service of the imperialist governments, were not just for ending the fratricidal war, where workers of one country kill workers of another country for the alien interests of the capitalist elite; these socialists advocated turning the imperialist war into civil war. They said that the oppressed should turn their weapons against their own oppressors, using the mass arming of the people as a tool for social revolution.

“History has known in the past (and very likely will know, must know, in the future) wars (democratic and revolutionary wars) which, while replacing every kind of ‘right,’ every kind of democracy, by violence during the war, nevertheless, in their social content and implications, served the cause of democracy, and consequently socialism,” Lenin wrote. (6) It is this kind of war we have now in the Donbass.

Such was the position of genuine left-wing Zimmerwaldists. The imaginary "Zimmerwaldists" from Kiev, calling for disarmament of both sides of the conflict, place an equal sign between the rebels, on the one hand, and the regular troops forced to the front and neo-Nazi volunteer battalions, on the other.

The demand for disarmament of the rebel militias is a demand for their surrender, and it is unlikely that the self-styled Zimmerwaldists do not understand this.

Of course, any war means blood and suffering of people, but to stop this war by a complete renunciation of the uprising means that the blood has been spilled in vain. Moreover, it means revenge and repression by the nationalist forces against the population of Donbass.

-------------------------

Notes:

(1) Lenin further wrote: “To imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without revolutionary outbursts by a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices, without a movement of the politically non-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses against oppression by the landowners, the church, and the monarchy, against national oppression, etc.-to imagine all this is to repudiate social revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, ‘We are for socialism,’ and another, somewhere else and says, ‘We are for imperialism,’ and that will be a social revolution! Only those who hold such a ridiculously pedantic view could vilify the Irish rebellion by calling it a ‘putsch.’

“Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.

“The Russian Revolution of 1905 was a bourgeois-democratic revolution. It consisted of a series of battles in which all the discontented classes, groups and elements of the population participated. Among these there were masses imbued with the crudest prejudices, with the vaguest and most fantastic aims of struggle; there were small groups which accepted Japanese money, there were speculators and adventurers, etc. But objectively, the mass movement was breaking the back of tsarism and paving the way for democracy; for this reason the class-conscious workers led it.

“The socialist revolution in Europe cannot be anything other than an outburst of mass struggle on the part of all and sundry oppressed and discontented elements. Inevitably, sections of the petty bourgeoisie and of the backward workers will participate in it—without such participation, mass struggle is impossible, without it no revolution is possible—and just as inevitably will they bring into the movement their prejudices, their reactionary fantasies, their weaknesses and errors. But objectively they will attack capital, and the class-conscious vanguard of the revolution, the advanced proletariat, expressing this objective truth of a variegated and discordant, motley and outwardly fragmented, mass struggle, will be able to unite and direct it, capture power, seize the banks, expropriate the trusts which all hate (though for different reasons!), and introduce other dictatorial measures which in their totality will amount to the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the victory of socialism, which, however, will by no means immediately ‘purge’ itself of petty-bourgeois slag.”

From “The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up,” July 1916

(2) V.I. Lenin, “The Socialist Party and the Non-Party Revolutionary,” Nov.-Dec. 1905

(3) For example: "In the case of wars, the basic position of dialectics … is that ‘war is merely a continuation of policy by other (violent) means.’ This is the wording of Clausewitz. … And it was always the standpoint of Marx and Engels, who viewed every war as a continuation of the policies of the interested power – and the various classes within them – at that time.” V.I. Lenin, Collected Workers (Russian edition), 5 ed., vol. 26, p. 224

(4) It should be remembered that those leftists, who today are trying to pass themselves off as “Zimmerwaldists,” fully supported the same policy which was continued as the war against Donbass. Here is what the imaginary Liebknechts from Kiev wrote: "We demand the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union and are confident that it will enhance democracy, increase transparency in government, lead to development of a fair legal system and limit corruption." (http://gaslo.info/?p=4541)

Even then, we wrote: "Euro-hysteria has swept the political movement" of the left outside the Communist Party. “An anarchist group published a leaflet, which doesn’t mention that European anarchists actively oppose the EU — only the usual mantras of ‘self-organization.’ A small Trotskyist group was photographed on the edge of the Maidan crowd, singing ‘Glory to the nation! Death to enemies!’ and released a statement which could grace the website of any liberal NGO: "’We demand the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union and are confident that it will contribute to greater democracy…’ blah blah blah.

“Comrades of the left, it's time to remember what opportunism is. It's not necessarily participation in elections (the parliamentary system can be used in a revolutionary way). Opportunism is – among other things -- adapting one’s politics to the mood of the crowd, to the mainstream, and ultimately, to alien class interests.

“Those Ukrainian leftists who removed from their statements slogans against the EU, common to all the European left, are on this path. Removed so they would be allowed to stand on the sidelines of ‘Euromaidan’ … the victory of which not only will not help the dissemination of the notorious European values but, on the contrary, is guaranteed to put in power those nationalists who attack us today. ....

“Are these real leftist politics — or just playing along with the right-liberal bloc? Can they seriously persuade someone in the Euromaidan crowd? No, on the contrary, they have adapted their line to the hysteria for European integration that swept the petty-bourgeois masses in Kiev, where 20 years of right-wing propaganda always makes the ‘democratic’ crowd dance to the ‘democratic’ chant, ‘Whoever does not jump is a Muscovite.’ They remove all slogans against the imperialist EU, to appear that they ‘belong’ in a liberal-nationalist crowd — although only the left can convey to Ukrainians the arguments against the EU, which their fellow European leftists and trade unionists share. They succumbed to the mood of their non-leftist friends. And then they will feel ashamed for their actions, as it was embarrassing to the supporters of the ‘people's president’ Yushchenko a few years after the previous ‘Maidan’ — where a few leftists also campaigned, and with the same success.

“The hysteria will subside, but the memory remains, comrades.”

(5) Сергей Киричук: «Активное участие националистов – ключевой фактор падения популярности Майдана»

(6) V.I. Lenin, “Reply to P. Kievsky (Y. Pyatakov),” Aug.-Sept. 1916.

Translated by Greg Butterfield
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http://www.rense.com/general96/phonycasu.html see below

================================================

Phony Reports of Russian
Casualties in Ukraine Resurface

By Stephen Lendman
8-28-15

============================

Throughout 17 months of Kiev aggression on Donbass, reports of alleged “Russian aggression” have been a complete fabrication - including fake numbers of nonexistent military casualties.

No matter. Phony anti-Russian accusations persist - the latest from Forbes magazine (its motto: “The Capitalist Tool”). Its source: a dubious Delovaya Zhizn (Business Life) Russian web site.

Its March 2015 article headlined “Increases in Pay for Military in 2015” claimed “official figures (reveal) the number of Russian soldiers killed or made invalids in eastern Ukraine” - the story a complete hoax, falsified information later removed, picked up in its original form by Forbes, then reported by NBC News, the London Independent, The Times Europe, the International Business Times, Daily Beast, other publications and Washington’s Radio Free Europe/Radio Europe propaganda - all repeating the same Big Lie without checking sources for verification. None exist.

Two former US ambassadors to Russia, a former one to Ukraine and Washington’s ambassador to the OSCE tweeted comments about Business Life’s report, suggesting its legitimacy.

In contrast, Bloomberg’s Leonid Bershidsky tweeted: “That ‘Business Life’ report of Russia’s Ukraine casualties is a fake. Bs-life.ru - come on, are you serious? (Plus the ‘B Ykpanhe (Ukraine) slip).” BS indeed!

AP’s Nataliya Vasilyeva called “(t)he ease of spreading rumors in the digital world…astonishing.”

“Two days of Western officials retweeting a Forbes report quoting a Ukrainian web-site quoting a non-existent Russia new web-site re Ukraine.”

“The main problem here is, of course, where was the Forbes online editor when the story was published, why nobody bothered to check sources?”

Russian media watchdog Roscomnadzor found four so-called Business Life-named publications - newspapers and magazines, not web sites.

The Delovaya Zhizn (bs-life.ru) site mentions no reference to print or mail subscriptions, its publisher, editor, other staff or contact information, except for an online reply form.

RT International made contact with someone called Anatoly Kravchenko - “introducing himself as ‘representing’ Delovaya Zhizn (Business Life).” Via email, he said:

“On August 23, the editorial staff received emails requesting clarification of the information contained in the article, in its last part. This is how we discovered that the site had been hacked… and an editor removed the part of the text added by the perpetrators to the story.”

He indicated Business Life’s site was hacked on August 22, “allegedly from a Kiev-registered IP address,” RT reported.

Kravchenko claimed the publication has no “political orientation and does not support any political power in the RF (Russian Federation).”

RT explained it can’t confirm Kravchenko’s identity, adding: “something which apparently did not stop Western news outlets from citing (unsubstantiated) claims.” They’re pervasive in propaganda reports - the way crabgrass infests lawns.

Paul Roderick Gregory wrote the Forbes article. He’s an anti-Russian right-wing Hoover Institute research fellow. Some of his other recent propaganda articles were titled:

“Is a slow Putsch against Putin under way?

“Putin in the dock”

“The dirty bomb - A thwarted Putin false flag operation?

“Russia’s veto of the MH17 UN criminal tribunal is an admission of guilt”

In May 2014, he called “Putin’s Ukrainian executioners worse than Stalin’s.”

Roderick is a propagandist masquerading as a journalist - featuring streams of anti-Russian disinformation and Big Lies.

His August 25 article headlined “Russia Inadvertently Posts Its Casualties In Ukraine: 2,000 Death, 3,200 Disabled,” saying:

Putin “decreed that all Russian casualties in peacetime be a state secret…Dissident Boris Nemtsov was murdered shortly before completing his study of Russian casualties in Ukraine.”

Fake Russian civil rights groups “working against the fog of official resistance, could only confirm several hundred (nonexistent) battlefield deaths.”

Fact: Putin had nothing to do with killing Nemtsov. Claims otherwise were fabricated.

Fact: Longstanding Russian policy classifies military wartime casualties.

Fact: Putin decreed all peacetime special operations military casualties a state secret. State Duma defense committee parliamentarian Franz Klintsevich said disclosing them “means telling everything about the character of (operations) and forces involved in (them).”

“Today, this is hardly justifiable…The international situation is so unstable that a new conflict can take place anywhere and we must prevent such threats and when it is possible we should launch preventive measures, including special operations.”

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Putin’s decree has nothing to do with conflict in Donbass. He has no intention of ordering special operations anywhere in Ukraine.

Russian Institute of Military and Political Analysis deputy head Aleksandr Khramchkhin said Putin’s decree conformed to generally accepted practices in other countries. “(I)n the USA, all actions of their special forces are an absolute secret, both in war and in peace. Nothing is known about them,” he explained.

Roderick implied Russia is concealing information about its (nonexistent) involvement in war on Donbass. He called the dubious Russian Business Life web site “scarcely an outlet for sensational information - reporting fabricated Donbass military casualty figures, erroneously claiming “Russian censors quickly removed the offending material…”

The publication removed the fabricated information added by Ukrainian hackers - webcached by Google in its original form, claiming Moscow paid monetary compensation to families of Russian soldiers killed or disabled “in military actions in Eastern Ukraine.”

Roderick lied claiming the “revelation of more than two thousand combat deaths in east Ukraine not only destroys the Putin myth of a small number of deaths of Russian patriots defending Russians in Ukraine from neo-Nazi extremists but also demolishes Putin’s cover story that no ‘active’ member of the Russian armed forces is or has been in Ukraine.”

Perhaps he inadvertently slipped admitting deployed “neo-Nazi extremists” involved in combat against Ukrainian citizens in Donbass.

He debunked legitimate Kremlin claims about fabricated accusations. He lied claiming “what should be obvious to all: (Nonexistent) Russian troops are in east Ukraine and are being supplied with heavy weapons by Russia. (Its) dead are secretly transported back to Russia for furtive burials.”

He ignored unsourced Business Life claims until removed. No evidence corroborates them. None exists.

His article repeated the long ago discredited claim about so-called “Russian aggression” in Ukraine. None exists - not now or earlier.

Edited by Steven Gaal
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Military Training for Young Children at Ukraine’s “Neo-Nazi Summer Camp”. Recruitment of Ukraine’s “Child Soldiers” Financed by US “Nonlethal” Military Aid?

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The Internet blew up dispute: who threw the grenade into fighters of national guard? Avakov claims that it is nazis; nazis shout that is provocations of the power for the purpose of discredit of nazis; Poroshenko it is transparent hints that a half of the Verkhovna Rada were on sale to Putin who bribed Lyashk, and Lyashko, in turn, bribed Tyagnybok and gave it money for the grenade. So who after all threw the grenade? Yes all of them together also threw. Both Avakov, and Poroshenko, and Lyashko with Tyagnybok. In total those who decided that they are more right right and laws to them not than a pisana. In total those who, having arranged slaughter on the Maidan, blocked the investigation begun by the commission of the Russian today. The investigation which proved that any of protesters wasn't killed with a bullet of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In total those who, shouting about annexation of the Crimea, for some reason, sent troops to Donbass. In total those who produced so-called "voluntary battalions", and I called murders of civilians a civic duty. The death of the fighter of national guard which we saw on the air today, as well as those death which we saw one and a half years ago and all these one and a half years in a row is everything their hands business. Having destroyed the state, having destroyed bases of a law and order, having let out demons of national discord they created the atmosphere in which all evil spirits of Ukraine povylazit from the dirtiest gates and today's ball governs.

Постоянная ссылка: http://www.online-translator.com/url/translation.aspx?autolink=yes&inframe=1&direction=re&template=general&sourceURL=http://news-front.info/2015/08/31/kto-brosil-granatu-vasilij-volga/ Благодарим за материал © http://News-Front.info/#1image918.jpg

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FTR #860 Walkin’ the Snake in Ukraine, Part 7 (All’s Well That’s Orwell, Part 3)

Posted by Dave Emory August 30,

This pro­gram was recorded in one, 60-minute seg­ment. <<<< (audio link)

Swoboda-leader-salute1.jpg

Svo­boda leader Oleh Tiah­ny­bok salutes

Intro­duc­tion: In a recent appear­ance before a Jew­ish audi­ence (while drum­ming up sup­port for the Iran nuclear deal) Pres­i­dent Obama noted that Iran was a coun­try that denied the Holo­caust. (Some years ago, then Iran­ian pres­i­dent Achmadeni­jad hosted a Holocaust-denial con­fer­ence fea­tur­ing, among oth­ers, David Duke.)

Beyond Obama’s rhetor­i­cal embrace, our “allies” in Ukraine, said to “share our val­ues” are engag­ing in pro­found Holo­caust revi­sion­ism with­out so much as a peep from our State Depart­ment or any other sig­nif­i­cant West­ern nation.

Once again we set forth polit­i­cal devel­op­ments in Ukraine against the sce­nario pre­sented in Serpent’s Walk.

In that Nazi tract, the SS go under­ground in the after­math of World War II, build up their eco­nomic mus­cle, buy into the opinion-forming media, infil­trate the Amer­i­can mil­i­tary, and–following a series of ter­ror­ist inci­dents in the U.S. which cause the dec­la­ra­tion of mar­tial law–take over the United States.

Cen­tral to this takeover is the use of the Nazi-controlled opinion-forming media to fun­da­men­tally revise his­tory in a pro-Hitler fash­ion. Just such a revi­sion is under­way in Ukraine.

==========================================================================================================

(It is impos­si­ble within the scope of this post to cover our volu­mi­nous cov­er­age of the Ukraine cri­sis. Pre­vi­ous pro­grams on the sub­ject are: FTR #‘s 777, 778, 779, 780, 781, 782, 783, 784, 794, 800, 803, 804, 808, 811, 817, 818, 824, 826, 829, 832, 833, 837, 849, 850, 853, 857. Listeners/readers are encour­aged to exam­ine these pro­grams and/or their descrip­tions in detail, in order to flesh out their understanding.)

====================================================================

The pro­gram details the con­ti­nu­ity between the OUN/B World War II col­lab­o­ra­tor gov­ern­ment allied with Nazi Ger­many, the Yuschenko gov­ern­ment brought to power by the so-called “Orange Rev­o­lu­tion,” and the Poroshenko gov­ern­ment that devel­oped from the Maidan coup.

With the World War II his­tory of Ukraine being fun­da­men­tally re-written by the Orwellian “Insti­tute for National Mem­ory” and insti­tu­tion­al­ized by a new law that crim­i­nal­izes crit­i­cism of the OUN/B or its mil­i­tary arm the UPA, the polit­i­cal nar­ra­tive of the Third Reich is becom­ing the pre­vail­ing polit­i­cal theme in the West.

Headed up by an OUN/B oper­a­tive named Volodomyr Via­tro­vych, the Insti­tute for National Mem­ory drew heav­ily on the privately-funded Cen­ter for the Study of the Lib­er­a­tion Move­ment. Financed largely by the Ukrain­ian dias­pora, the cen­ter has as its explicit pur­pose the reha­bil­i­ta­tion of the OUN/B.

In addi­tion to the fun­da­men­tal per­ver­sion of Ukraine’s World War II his­tory, the Orwellian process at work in Ukraine is revis­ing the his­tory of some of Stephan Bandera’s pre­de­ces­sors and ide­o­log­i­cal mentors.

Both Vik­tor Yuschenko and the cur­rent pres­i­dent–Petro Poroshenko–have aided in the his­tor­i­cal face-lift being given to Symon Pet­lyura (the man’s name has var­i­ous trans­la­tions from the Cyril­lic alpha­bet.) A blood-drenched pogromist in the worst tra­di­tions of East­ern Euro­pean anti-Semitism, Petlyura’s defend­ers have used his abortive alliance with Vladimir Jabotin­sky to deflect charges of anti-Semitism against Pet­lyura. (Jabotin­sky was head of the Betar, the most impor­tant of the fas­cist ele­ments within the Zion­ist movement.)

The pro­gram con­cludes with dis­cus­sion of the appar­ent cover-up by U.S. and other West­ern gov­ern­ments of the shoot-down of MH-17.

Pro­gram High­lights Include:

  • The Nazi Azov Battalion’s youth wing, look­ing very much like a “Ukrain­ian Hitler Youth.”
  • Review of the evo­lu­tion of the OUN/B milieu from World War II, through the Rea­gan admin­is­tra­tion and the Yush­cenko and Poroshenko regimes.
  • The role of the Ukrain­ian dias­pora in the his­tor­i­cal devel­op­ment of the OUN/B forces now hold­ing sway in Ukraine.
  • Review of Poroshenko’s resus­ci­ta­tion of the old Yuschenko team, includ­ing Roman Svarych, Jaroslav Stetsko’s per­sonal secretary.
  • Review of Yuschenko and Poroshenko’s hon­or­ing of the OUN/B exe­cu­tion­ers at the site of the Babi Yar mas­sacre.
  • Review of the Yuschenko’s links to the MAUP uni­ver­sity milieu, the anti-Semitic pri­vate edu­ca­tional insti­tute that employs David Duke as a fac­ulty member.
  • Viatrovych’s appoint­ment to head The Insti­tute of National Mem­ory under Yuschenko and his re-appointment to the same posi­tion under Poroshenko.
  • The grav­i­tas of David Duke in the polit­i­cal milieu embraced by Yuschenko and Poroshenko.
Edited by Steven Gaal
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Urgent appeal: Protest Ukrainian fascist congress in Madrid

Dear comrades!

We appeal to you to organize widespread protests against the neo-fascist Ukrainian World Congress to be held in Madrid, Spain.

According to our information, on September 11-13, 2015, in Madrid, Spain, a neo-fascist, pro-Bandera rally will be organized by the Ukrainian World Congress. Within a few days in the Spanish capital, the international organization of Ukrainian nationalists plans to hold processions, meetings, and conferences aimed at supporting the fascist junta in Ukraine,
...

The history and creation of this international organization is connected with one of the ideologues of Ukrainian fascism, R.Shuhevichem, who laid its foundations during the Great Patriotic War with the assistance of Nazi Germany. In fact, it was officially registered in 1967 with the support of the United States.

The Ukrainian World Congress, the organizer of these activities, is an international organization financed by the United States, which aims at promoting the dissemination of neo-Nazi ideology around the world through the Ukrainian diaspora, to create positive public opinion about the actions of the Ukrainian death squads in eastern Ukraine.

We urge all progressive, anti-fascist and working class forces, communist and socialist organizations, to unite and organize to fight against the international organization of Ukrainian supporters of fascism. To the extent possible, to organize pickets, rallies, and protests to prevent the events in Spain.

Fascism in Europe shall not pass!

Long live international communist solidarity!

With revolutionary greetings,
Maxim Chalenko
Communist Party – Lugansk Regional Committee
Coordinator of Donbass International Forum: “Antifascism, Internationalism, Solidarity” (AISForum)

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Red Star Over Donbass Look to the sky: A visit with the communists of the Ghost Brigade

By Susann Witt-Stahl

Junge Welt

Ukrainian positions are just 500 meters away. "In the first light of dawn, it’s particularly dangerous. The snipers try their luck,” warns a fighter of the communist unit, pointing to a hill. On the adjacent barricade stands a sign that says "Mines." The front at the village of Donetsky, where unit 404 is stationed, lies about 40 kilometers northwest of the city of Alchevsk, which can be reached only by nearly impassable roads, sometimes even through rough terrain.

serveImage.jpg Photo by Susann Witt-Stahl / Junge Welt

“That was the Ukrainian tanks," says a political commissar with the nom de guerre Alexander Krot, explaining why most buildings in the area are destroyed or damaged. "In Soviet times Donetsky still had 8,000 inhabitants, after the collapse [of the USSR], 4,500, and since the war began, there are only 800." One of them, Galina Selimova, invites us to visit her devastated house. "We have worked all our lives, but instead of paying our pensions, Kiev shoots at us.”

"The constant artillery fire against civilians is terrorism," says Krot, presenting military equipment captured by his unit in the Battle of Debaltsevo. The father of two young children came from the neighboring city of Stakhanov. "When the new government began to arrest and kill opponents of Maidan, we had no choice but to take up arms."

"Hitler kaput!" shouts a fighter, who smiles when she hears that a journalist has come from Germany. In unit 404 there are some women. Among them is a young Israeli woman who also wants to provide her fellow citizens with reliable information: “The Russian-language press in Israel is very one-sided, pro-Kiev." Nika, a 29-year-old saleswoman from Lugansk, has a son in primary school. Why does she risk that he may grow up an orphan? "I want him to have a future without fascism"—she stresses that she is fighting for her son, not in spite of him.

In 404’s camp there is electricity, but no water. The equipment is beyond poor. The places where personal hygiene is taken care of can hardly be called “sanitary facilities.” Rice porridge with a few scraps of meat for dinner, a bun with compote for dessert, sweetened tea with fresh fruit. The supply is spartan. The only entertainment at the front: kittens romping through the small canteen barrack. “The unit’s love for animals is huge. Tanks have stopped firing to save dogs from death,” reports Nemo, an Italian anti-imperialist. It’s evident that he and his comrades take no joy in killing when they explain why they are here. "I am a communist, so it’s my duty to prevent the return of a fascist bloc in the heart of Europe.” Lucky, an anarchist skinhead from Madrid, wanted to do something against the “rampant anti-Russian racism.”

The international left is making sacrifices here -- Western war correspondents, however, make themselves scarce. "They are far too scared,” laughs a partisan who does PR work for the unit. There may be another reason: there is scarcely any recyclable material here for demonization of the insurgents. There is no presence of Russian nationalists or other right-wing forces so willingly used by the NATO-patriotic media establishment as arguments to support the campaign of the Ukrainian army and paramilitaries in Donbass. Alexey Markov, a political commissar whose unit calls him "Dobriy," the Good, because of his kindness and infinite patience, offers a humanist vision of the world based on Marxism-Leninism. He finds the signals from Kiev disturbing: "After the battle in Debaltsevo, we found fallen from the other side wearing badges with the inscription "slave owner" on their uniforms," says Markov. "There is no doubt that in the Ukrainian volunteer battalions, the prevailing view is that those living in the Donbass are ‘subhuman.’”

Nothing remains in Markov and his comrades of machismo or the romance of war. Standing at attention and other military rituals are largely dispensed with in the headquarters on Lenin Street in Alchevsk. Some everyday scenes are not without humor: at Dobriy’s desk, the little daughter of a soldier eats chocolate ice cream with gusto, fighters surf the Internet on his PC or gossip over coffee. In the office of the political commander, there is a similar buzz.

But Markov knows this is no idyll – and refuses to spread illusions. “The United States will continue with President Petro Poroshenko on the proven motto, ‘He’s a bastard, but he’s our bastard,’” he says, and the German government, although opposing neo-Nazi marches in their own country, generously overlooks commemorations of Nazi criminals in Ukraine. Markov describes the situation since Minsk-2 as a war of attrition. Currently there are no big fights, but every month there are dead and wounded in his unit. He does not mention figures.

"Of course, we are not doves, but soldiers," says Pyotr Biryukov, the military commander of 404. Never forget what happened after the Reichstag fire, says the engineer from Siberia. Biryukov is convinced that war will only end when the "fascist plague" is defeated. The events in Odessa of May 2, 2014, in which a mob manipulated by Ukrainian fascists set fire to the House of Trade Unions and killed dozens of people, finally convinced him that he had to take up the armed struggle. "For future generations to look to the sky, not into the abyss."

Source

Translated by Greg Butterfield

Spanish translation by Nahia Sanzo

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This article is from the Workers World Party at workers.org .
(imo it helps a lot to understand what is going on in Ukraine today by studying the history of the Nazi Party in Germany in the first half of the 19'th century. There are many parallels in the formation of and use of the SA (Sturmabteilung), later Ernst Röhm's Brownshirts, and the formation and use of the Hitler Youth ( Jugendbund der NSDAP, Jungsturm Adolf Hitler, Hitlerjugend, Deutsches Jungvolk, Bund Deutscher Mädel ) and their role in the Wehrmacht. The Ukrainian Storm troops, their Youth groups and their actions in steering events in Ukraine as well as the series of events in their history mirrors well with the SA and HJ.)

Ukraine junta in crisis: Behind the fascist riots in Kiev

By Greg Butterfield posted on September 26, 2015

At the end of August, long-simmering tensions within the motley coalition of wealthy oligarchs, pro-Western neoliberal politicians and outright fascists that make up the pro-Western Ukrainian regime based in Kiev boiled over in an unprecedented wave of violence.

ukraine_1001-640x935.jpg

New Yorkers protest Kiev ultra-rightists here and plan to condemn Petro Poroshenko at U.N. on Sept. 29.
WW photo: Greg Butterfield

In Kiev, Ukraine, thousands of neo-Nazis staged a violent riot outside the Verkhovna Rada, or parliament, on Aug. 31. Two National Guard troops and one police officer were killed. Over 100 people were injured, including Deputy Interior Minister Vasyl Paskal. Thirty people were arrested. (The Telegraph, Aug. 31)

Ihor Humeniuk, himself a National Guard soldier, was arrested for throwing a grenade that killed a fellow National Guardsman. Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov claims that Humeniuk confessed “and introduced himself as an [openly pro-fascist] Svoboda party member and a Sich battalion fighter, on leave from Aug. 3 to Sept. 3.” (UNIAN News, Aug. 31)

Photos quickly surfaced on social media of the suspect posing with fascist paraphernalia, including the racist Confederate flag of the U.S.

Ironically, Avakov established the National Guard in spring 2014 to incorporate neo-Nazi paramilitary gangs into Ukraine’s state apparatus. The alleged goal at that time was to use the fascists as shock troops against the left and against the people in the Russian-speaking regions. But they were supposed to remain under the discipline of the neoliberal regime.

In the days that followed the Aug. 31 riot, ultraright protests spread to Odessa, Kharkov and other cities. Avakov was allegedly targeted for assassination by the commander of the Svoboda volunteer battalion, Andrey Yangolenko. The Security Service of Ukraine claims to have foiled the plot. (Fort Russ, Sept. 11)

The trigger was a face-saving move by Ukrainian oligarch and President Petro Poroshenko. Under pressure from his patrons in Washington and the European Union, Poroshenko aimed to preserve the Minsk 2 ceasefire process with Russia by adopting constitutional changes that give the illusion of autonomy to the rebellious Donbass mining region. In exchange for autonomy, the Donbass was to remain within the national framework of Ukraine.

But below the surface, Ukraine’s deepening economic crisis, painful austerity measures, and subservience to Western banks and U.S.-NATO military power are fueling the junta’s internal contradictions.

As the fascist riot erupted, Kiev, the U.S. and NATO began their provocative “Operation Sea Breeze” war games in the Black Sea, targeting the Russian Federation. “Sea Breeze,” incorporating Ukrainian military forces from the Odessa and Nikolayev regions, is being called the largest exercise in NATO history. (Novorossia Today, Aug. 31)

Siege of the Rada

The current Ukrainian regime came to power in the wake of protests dominated by the same fascists, and backed by the U.S. government, which toppled the lawfully elected government of President Viktor Yanukovych in early 2014.

People in the primarily Russian-speaking Donbass region, formerly part of eastern Ukraine, broke away after the coup and established the independent Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics. Anti-fascist militias there have repeatedly defeated Kiev’s military incursions.

Since signing a ceasefire agreement in Minsk last winter, Poroshenko’s government has failed to meet any of its Minsk 2 requirements, while continually violating the truce and targeting civilians in Donbass.

Nearly 7,000 people have died since the start of Kiev’s “Anti-Terrorist Operation,” according to the United Nations.

Fascist groups and volunteer battalions form the backbone of Kiev’s war machine. These ultraright forces are infuriated by the current diplomatic maneuvering. Instead, they demand an immediate resumption of full-scale genocidal war against the rebellious Donetsk and Lugansk republics — and against Russia too.

The Aug. 31 protest was led by the head of Svoboda, Oleh Tyahnybok, a major figure in the 2013-2014 “Euromaidan” movement that unseated Yanukovych. The Right Sector, Oleh Lyashko’s Radical Party and Ukrop also took part. Many protesters were active duty members of volunteer battalions.

Inside the Rada, the ultraright Lyashko and other Radical Party deputies shouted “Shame!” in an attempt to drown out the speaker of parliament as he introduced Poroshenko’s draft amendments.

In the end, Poroshenko’s proposal was adopted by 265 deputies (out of 450). It must be approved twice more before going into effect. (112.international, Sept. 2)

Emphasizing that the measures were for show only, “Parliament speaker Volodymyr Hroysman was adamant that the [draft constitutional changes] would not mean special status for Donetsk and Lugansk.”

And two days before the vote, Poroshenko himself was quoted as saying, “No matter how you look for it there, there is no special status.” (Russia Beyond the Headlines, Aug. 29)

Representatives of Donbass harbored no illusions.

“As of today, no point of the Minsk agreements has been fully implemented by Kiev,” declared Alexander Zakharchenko, head of the Donetsk People’s Republic. “Military hardware has not been withdrawn from the engagement line; moreover, its number has been increased, while the law on amnesty has not been adopted by the Verkhovna Rada.”

Zakharchenko stressed that according to Minsk 2, Kiev should negotiate with the Donbass republics on changes to the constitution. Instead, “Kiev has made no steps forward and has issued openly provocative statements,” he said. Poroshenko has refused any direct discussions.

“As regards the constitutional reform in the sphere of decentralization — it can’t be called anything but a farce,” said Zakharchenko. “That law, which has already led to the deaths of people in front of the Rada, is not only out of line with the Minsk agreements, but directly contradicts them.” (Novorossia Today, Sept. 2)

Kiev’s infighting led to a rare period of relative peace in the Donbass republics in early September. The capital city of Donetsk, for instance, saw several nights without shelling for the first time in months.

However, attacks by Ukrainian forces continue against frontline towns and villages. On the night of Sept. 13-14, the villages of Spartak and Avdeevka were attacked, Novorossia Today reports.

And more than 90,000 Ukrainian troops and massive amounts of military hardware supplied by NATO remain poised on the “contact line” with Donetsk and Lugansk, awaiting the signal for a new offensive.

Painful austerity measures

Ukraine’s economy is wracked by crisis, with the gross domestic product expected to fall 9 percent this year. Inflation is projected at 47 percent for 2015, and exports to both the European Union and Russia are in freefall. (NewColdWar.org, Sept. 7)

On Aug. 27, four Western banks agreed to a 20-percent reduction of their portion of Ukraine’s sovereign debt in order to prevent the country’s default (bankruptcy). This “haircut” provided immediate debt relief of $3.6 billion and extended Kiev’s repayment schedule for a new $11.5-billion International Monetary Fund loan by four years.

“The IMF and United States put bondholders under intense pressure during the five-month negotiations to accept short-term losses,” noted an Agence France-Presse report Sept. 6, “in return for preventing Ukraine’s pro-Western leaders from being forced into resuming their reliance on Russia.”

Altogether, the IMF has pledged $40 billion to Ukraine since the coup. Most of this money is being pumped into the war effort, while austerity measures are piled on the working class.

“The government has already raised long-subsidized energy prices, secured a debt-relief deal last month, and is in the final stages of setting up an independent anti-corruption agency with broad powers,” reported the Wall Street Journal on Sept. 7.

“To encourage Ukraine’s efforts, the U.S. has signaled it is prepared to offer another round of billion-dollar loan guarantees if Kiev keeps the bailout program on track,” according to the Journal.

According to a poll conducted in late July by the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation: “Basically every Ukrainian felt the consequences of the current financial-economic crisis: 59 percent very seriously, and another 37 percent to a certain degree. The main economic consequence of the crisis for the majority of the population was the rise in prices (75 percent) and the reduced purchase of clothing and other items (72 percent) associated with this, the decrease in consumption of food products (67 percent) and the limitation of purchase of medications and medical services (55 percent). Every fourth citizen felt a reduction in wages.”

“The overwhelming majority of Ukrainians do not believe in the success of reforms that the government is trying to implement: 32 percent have certain hopes, although they do not believe that this will happen, and 30 percent are totally hopeless. However, only 30 percent on the whole believe that reforms will be successful.” (NewColdWar.org, Sept. 12)

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KIEV, September 30. /TASS/. The Chief Military Prosecutor’s Office of Ukraine has completed the prejudicial investigation of grave crimes in the area of Kiev’s military operation in Donbas that eight Tornado special purpose police patrol company officers are accused of, the Office reported Wednesday.

MOSCOW, September 30. /TASS/. The head of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR), Alexander Zakharchenko, has signed an agreement on withdrawal of armaments with calibers of less than 100 millimeters from the disengagement line in Donbas, whose text was initialed at a meeting of the Contact Group in Minsk on September 29.

MOSCOW, September 30. /TASS/. The head of the self-proclaimed Lugansk People’s Republic (LPR), Igor Plotnitsky, has signed a document on pullback from the disengagement line in Donbass of armaments with calibers of up to 100 millimeters, the LuganskInformCenter news agency reported.

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