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Michael Clark

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Posted (edited)

 

 

Dehmorenshildt, frequent trips to houston:

 

C. Osmet Moody. A subject and angle I have not seen before. Also a good thread with forum members demonstrating collegiate teamwork.

 

Edited by Michael Clark

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Posted (edited)

A bunch of links from Ernie Lazar. Thanks Ernie!

 

A bunch of links from Ernie Lazar, Thanks Ernie

For those who are interested -- here are links to various files which are about subjects discussed in this and other Forum threads

 | FBI file Dean Adams Andrews
 | FBI file David William Ferrie
 | FBI file Silvia Duran
 | House Select Committee on Assassinations Martin Luther King Jr. Report | 
 | House Select Committee on Assassinations Report 

 | CounterSpy Spring 1976, Volume 3 Issue 1
 | Church Committee Reports
 | Warren Commission Report and 26 Appendix Volumes
 | House Select Committee on Assassinations Report and 12 Appendix Volumes
 | Final Report Of The Assassinations Records Review Board

 | Jim Garrison file Miguel S. Torres

 | Jim Garrison file Clay L. Shaw
 | Jim Garrison file Secret Service N. O. Investigations
 | Jim Garrison file Albert Osborne; AKA Bowen, John Howard
 | Jim Garrison file Harry Olsen
 | Jim Garrison file Mobile, Alabama

 | Jim Garrison file Edward Julius Girnus
 | Jim Garrison file Research Materials
 | Jim Garrison file Ferrie, David William (Deceased)
 | Jim Garrison file Vernon Bundy
 | Jim Garrison file Misc (7 folders)

 | Jim Garrison file Bill Williams Wilfred Jr.
 | Jim Garrison file Edward James Whalen
 | Jim Garrison file Ward, Johnson, Jr.
 | Jim Garrison file Miguel Torres
 | Jim Garrison file Photographs

 | Jim Garrison file Photographs-Persons Appearing with Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas Police Department Identification "Line-Up"
 | Jim Garrison file Photographs Trade Mart Aerial View: Trade Mart Floor Plans
 | Jim Garrison file Mrs. Marguerite C. Oswald v. Liberty Insurance Company of Texas
 | Jim Garrison file Texas Attorney General's Report
 | Jim Garrison file Clay Shaw Notebooks

 | Jim Garrison file Shaw
 | Jim Garrison file Shaw & Canada
 | Jim Garrison file Shaw-Bernedez-Weiss Lead
 | Jim Garrison file Shaw III World Trade Center (Italy)
 | Jim Garrison file Shaw & Cuba

 | Jim Garrison file Shaw Leads
 | Jim Garrison file Clay Shaw - Associations
 | Jim Garrison file Death of Ferrie
 | Jim Garrison file Salandria "Model"
 | Jim Garrison file Perry Russo

 | Jim Garrison file Jack Ruby
 | Jim Garrison file George Lincoln Rockwell
 | Jim Garrison file Leonard Reissman
 | Jim Garrison file Marina Oswald Porter
 | Jim Garrison file James Phelan

 | Jim Garrison file Robert Perrin
 | Jim Garrison file Ruth Paine
 | FBI file Lee Harvey Oswald 
 | Jim Garrison file Photographs of Oswald Shooting in Basement 3 of 3

 | Jim Garrison file Lee Harvey Oswald 2 of 3
 | Jim Garrison file Investigation of the Operation Security Involving the Transfer of Lee Harvey Oswald November 24, 1963 1 of 3
 | Jim Garrison file Oswald - Lakefront
 | Jim Garrison file LHO/ONI File
 | Jim Garrison file Oswald's Property

 | Jim Garrison file Oswald's Notebook
 | Jim Garrison file Lee Harvey Oswald
 | Jim Garrison file Odd Sects
 | Jim Garrison file Richard Case Nagell
 | Jim Garrison file Griscom Morgan

 | Jim Garrison file Mexico
 | Jim Garrison file J. A. Mercer
 | Jim Garrison file Layton Martens
 | Jim Garrison file Betty Mooney MacDonald
 | Jim Garrison file Lead Files (misc.)

 | Jim Garrison file Dave Kroman
 | Jim Garrison file Individuals engaged in obstruction of D.A.'s Investigation of JFK Assassination
 | Jim Garrison file Giesbrecht, Richard E.
 | Jim Garrison file Philip Geraci
 | Jim Garrison file Robert Kennedy Grand Jury Transcript, Medicolegal Investigation (Coroner) & FBI Reports

 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Investigative Reports and Memorandum 2
 | Jim Garrison file Charts "Activity Correlations" and "Departures From Reilly Coffee Company"
 | Jim Garrison file Material re: Clay Shaw
 | Jim Garrison file Suggested Beckham Questions
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Investigative Reports and Memorandum

 | Jim Garrison file Materials pertaining to prosecution of Garrison in 1971
 | Jim Garrison file Kerry Thornley 
 | Jim Garrison file Smith - Tertiary
 | Jim Garrison file Smith - Secondary
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Investigative Reports and Memorandum (3 folders)

 | Jim Garrison file Interview of William A. Morris, 7/12/67 17 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Folder Entitled "End of Garrison Miscellaneous Files" 16 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material 15 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Material on Secret Societies 14 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Deposition of Richard McGarrah Helms, E. Howard Hunt v. Liberty Lobby, Inc. 13 of 17

 | Jim Garrison file New Orleans Conference 9/21/1968 12 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Investigative Reports and Memorandum 11 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Fan Mail 10 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Marguerite C. Oswald v. King Candy Company 9 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Investigative Reports and Memorandum re Clay Shaw, David Ferrie, Layton Martens 8 of 17

 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material 7 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Bank of New Orleans 6 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Time, Place and Number Correlations (Ruby, Ferrie, Oswald and Shaw) 5 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material 4 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material 3 of 17

 | Jim Garrison file Old Wine In New Bottles 2 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material 1 of 17
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Material
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous Material re: Assassination. Includes Newspaper Clippings, Photographs, Reports, and Memoranda
 | Jim Garrison file Notes And Fragments For Manuscript, "The Warrior Chieftans"
 | Jim Garrison file Smith Case - Loose Matter
 | Jim Garrison file Early Script For Movie JFK
 | Jim Garrison file Duncan Patterson
 | Jim Garrison file Donald P. Norton
 | Jim Garrison file Marlene Mancuso
 | Jim Garrison file Kerry Thornley
 | Jim Garrison file Shaw 3
 | Jim Garrison file Richard E. Giesbrecht
 | Jim Garrison file New KT Leads
 | Jim Garrison file Newcomb/Adams Manuscript
 | Jim Garrison file George Senator
 | Jim Garrison file Commission Documents (Fensterwald Collation)
 | Jim Garrison file Amos Heacock
 | Jim Garrison file Gordon Novel
 | Jim Garrison file J. G.
 | Jim Garrison file G-2001 Jim Garrison Assassination File
 | Jim Garrison file G-1465 1975 I. R. S.
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous Reports and Memoranda re: Assassination Investigation
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison Miscellaneous
 | Jim Garrison file Garrison and Alcock
 | Jim Garrison file Jack Frazier - Rider Coffee House
 | Jim Garrison file David Ferrie
 | Jim Garrison file Earl Wallas Edwards
 | Jim Garrison file Dr. Stanley L. Drennan
 | Jim Garrison file Dealey Plaza
 | Jim Garrison file Current Material
 | Jim Garrison file Miscellaneous News Clips
 | Jim Garrison file Raymond Cummings
 | Jim Garrison file Crusade to Free Cuba
 | Jim Garrison file Fred Lee Crisman
 | Jim Garrison file Court Papers
 | Jim Garrison file Conspiracy To Kill JFK -- Its Meaning
 | Jim Garrison file Committee To Investigate Assassinations, Inc.
 | Jim Garrison file Clinton Witnesses
 | Jim Garrison file Rose Cheramie
 | Jim Garrison file David Chandler
 | Jim Garrison file New Dalzell File
 | Jim Garrison file Central Intelligence Agency
 | Jim Garrison file Employees Of Guy Bannister
 | Jim Garrison file Unknown/Misfiled
 | Jim Garrison file General Charles P. Cabell
 | Jim Garrison file Julien Buznedo
 | Jim Garrison file Broshears# 1234
 | Jim Garrison file Reverend Raymond Broshears
 | Jim Garrison file Eugene Hall Brading
 | Jim Garrison file Philip Boatright
 | Jim Garrison file T. E. Beckham
 | Jim Garrison file Guy Bannister
 | Jim Garrison file Sergio Arcacha
 | Jim Garrison file Dean Andrews

Edited by Michael Clark

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Posted (edited)

More from Ernie Lazar.

Some additional JFK-related files:

 | FBI file JFK Assassination | 32,000 pages added
 | FBI file Lee Harvey Oswald | Mexico City
 | FBI file Warren Commission  (8379pp)
 | FBI file George DeMohrenschildt

Weisberg Collection on the JFK Assassination:   https://archive.org/details/nationalsecurityarchive-weisberg?sort=titleSorter

Dallas PD Documents on JFK Assassination:       https://archive.org/details/dallas-pd-jfk-documents?sort=titleSorter

Edwin A. Walker Collection:                                     https://archive.org/details/edwinwalkercollection?sort=titleSorter 

 
 

For those interested in JFK-assassination-related books, Hamilton Books now shows the following titles available at very significant discounts:

https://www.hamiltonbook.com/products/search?q=jfk+assassination&cat_id=

Title  Author Binding Item # Price  Info
HIT LIST: An In-Depth Investigation into the Mysterious Deaths of Witnesses to the JFK Assassination R. Belzer & D. Wayne Paperbound 5895596 $5.95$16.99 View »
POST MORTEM: The Classic Investigation of the JFK Assassination Medical and Ballistics Evidence and Cover-Up Harold Weisberg Paperbound 5813689 $5.95$14.95 View »
THE MISSING JFK ASSASSINATION FILM: The Mystery Surrounding the Orville Nix Home Movie of November 22, 1963 Gayle Nix Jackson Hardbound 5770548 $17.95$24.99 View »
THE POISON PATRIARCH: How the Betrayals of Joseph P. Kennedy Caused the Assassination of JFK Mark Shaw Hardbound 7660448 $6.95$24.95 View »
ACCESSORIES AFTER THE FACT: The Warren Commission, the Authorities & the Report on the JFK Assassination Sylvia Meagher Paperbound 3605566 $4.95$14.95 View »
NEVER AGAIN! The Government Conspiracy in the JFK Assassination Harold Weisberg Paperbound 269865X $5.95$14.95 View »
DAVID FERRIE: Mafia Pilot, Participant in Anti-Castro Bioweapon Plot, Friend of Lee Harvey Oswald and Key to the JFK Assassination Judyth Vary Baker Paperbound 3604551 $17.95$24.95 View »
WHITEWASH IV: The Top Secret Warren Commission Transcript of the JFK Assassination Harold Weisberg Paperbound 7660626 $4.95$14.95 View »
IN THE EYE OF HISTORY, SECOND EDITION: Disclosures in the JFK Assassination Medical Evidence William Matson Law Paperbound 4530551 $19.95$29.95 View »
OSWALD, MEXICO, AND DEEP POLITICS: Revelations from CIA Records on the Assassination of JFK Peter Dale Scott Paperbound 3678334 $4.95$14.95 View »
BULLETINS FROM DALLAS: Reporting the JFK Assassination Bill Sanderson Hardbound 5882524 $17.95$24.99 View »
THE REPORTER WHO KNEW TOO MUCH Mark Shaw Hardbound 5874874 $18.95$26.00 View »
THEY KILLED OUR PRESIDENT: 63 Reasons to Believe There Was a Conspiracy to Assassinate JFK Jesse Ventura et al Hardbound 7582668 $5.95$24.95 View »
AMERICAN LEGACY: The Story of John & Caroline Kennedy C. David Heymann Paperbound 3610004 $2.95$16.00 View »
THE ACCIDENTAL VICTIM: JFK, Lee Harvey Oswald, and the Real Target in Dallas James Reston, Jr Hardbound 2660776 $3.95 View »
JFK: A New World Order   DVD 2666219 $3.95 View »
LEE HARVEY OSWALD--48 HOURS TO LIVE: Oswald, Kennedy, and the Conspiracy That Will Not Die Steven M. Gillon Paperbound 5899869 $3.95$16.95 View »
KENNEDY: The Man, the President and the Tragedy   DVD 5999863 $9.95$29.98 View »
THE KENNEDY DETAIL: JFK's Secret Service Agents Break Their Silence Gerald Blaine with L. McCubbin Paperbound 4503384 $5.95$16.00 View »
LAST WORD: My Indictment of the CIA in the Murder of JFK Mark Lane Paperbound 6526500 $4.95$14.95 View »
THE KENNEDY ASSASSINATION: The Truth Behind the Conspiracy That Killed the President David Southwell Hardbound 4575881 $4.95$29.95 View »
AUTOPSY: Postmortem with Michael Baden   DVD 5708966 $4.95 View »
AFTER CAMELOT J. Randy Taraborrelli Hardbound 760954X $2.95 View »
JFK'S LAST HUNDRED DAYS: The Transformation of a Man and the Emergence of a Great President Thurston Clarke Hardbound 2747790 $2.95 View »
THE BONE TREE Greg Iles Paperbound 5838509 $7.95$9.99 View »
THE WAR CONSPIRACY: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War Peter Dale Scott Paperbound 5813743 $5.95$16.95 View »
PARKLAND   DVD 2695863 $3.95 View »
THE THIRD BULLET Stephen Hunter Hardbound 5528755 $7.95$26.99 View »
AMERICA'S QUEEN: The Life of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis Sarah Bradford Paperbound 5778115 $7.95 View »
DR. FEELGOOD R.A. Lertzman & W.J. Birnes Paperbound 577036X $4.95$14.95 View »
THEY KILLED OUR PRESIDENT: 63 Reasons to Believe There Was a Conspiracy to Assassinate JFK Jesse Ventura et al Paperbound 3639533 $5.95$14.95 View »
THE UNWITTING Ellen Feldman Hardbound 4588568 $2.95$26.00 View »
TRUMPOCALYPSE NOW! The Triumph of the Conspiracy Spectacle Kenn Thomas Paperbound 6599133 $13.95$16.95 View »
THE GREAT PARADE Peter Filichia Hardbound 6576397 $5.95$29.99
 
 
 
Edited by Michael Clark

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Posted (edited)

Mr. BALL - What did you notice in the railroad yards?
Mr. WEITZMAN - We noticed numerous kinds of footprints that did not make sense because they were going different directions.
Mr. BALL - Were there other people there besides you?
Mr. WEITZMAN - Yes, sir; other officers, Secret Service as well, and somebody started, there was something red in the street and I went back over the wall and somebody brought me a piece of what he thought to be a firecracker and it turned out to be, I believe, I wouldn't quote this, but I turned it over to one of the Secret Service men and I told them it should go to the lab because it looked to me like human bone. I later found out it was supposedly a portion of the President's skull.

Edited by Michael Clark

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Posted (edited)

"The Whole Bay of Pigs thing" by the late Tim Carroll

 

   Len Colby said: 
... is there any way you could repost it?

THE "WHOLE BAY OF PIGS THING": FROM DALLAS TO WATERGATE

In the year following the Cuban Missile Crisis, President Kennedy took measures that led some to conclude that he had experienced an epiphany as a result of his joust at the abyss. A hot-line was installed between Washington and Moscow to provide for better communication in the event of some future crisis. The superpowers entered into a limited test ban treaty, ending their testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere, oceans, and space. During the last year of his presidency, Kennedy had also taken measures to shut down CIA-sponsored operations involving the exile community. This resulted in a schism between the FBI and the CIA, and generated new antipathy toward the Kennedy administration. The President's public assurance about what was "understood by the anti-Castro exiles" was more wish than fact.[1]

Following incidents in March of 1963 when powerboats manned by anti-Castro exiles roared into Cuban harbors shooting up two Soviet freighters, President Kennedy began to take official steps to terminate U.S. support for groups like Alpha 66 that had become out of control. When Bobby Kennedy wrote his brother a memo promoting new efforts to "cultivate" an "internal breakup in Cuba," the President uncharacteristically did not respond, at least in writing. 

Apparently the brothers held a private discussion which led to an immediate turn-around, reflected in a presentation to the National Security Council in which Bobby dutifully played his prescribed role of informing the President that "a decision had been made to formulate a plan to shut down the hit-and-run attacks from Florida locales." The following day, the President publicly declared that he would "take every step necessary" to terminate the exile raids against Cuba.

Shortly thereafter, mirroring the Kennedys' earlier turn against the Mafia, the Justice Department began prosecuting exile leaders for "violating U.S. neutrality laws."[2] At the same time, the CIA was ordered to cut off funding for the groups, leaving them to fend for themselves or draw on other sources. The President's public statement regarding the exiles' activities was unequivocal:

"There will not be, under any circumstances, an intervention in Cuba by the United States armed forces. The government will do everything it possibly can; I think it can meet its responsibilities, to make sure that there are no Americans involved in any actions inside Cuba.... The basic issue in Cuba is not one between the United States and Cuba. It is between the Cubans themselves. I intend to see that we adhere to that principle and as I understand it this administration's attitude is so understood by the anti-Castro exiles from Cuba in this country."[3]

Bobby Kennedy held a meeting to formulate plans to implement the new policy. It included two FBI agents, "officials of the CIA, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Navy, Coast Guard, Customs Service, the Internal Security Division of the Justice Department, and the State Department." He explained that the President "wanted to put a halt to the exile raids" and that "sixteen of the officials present" were to leave immediately for Miami "to decide what measures could be taken." Among the steps later taken were:

"... serving restriction notices on certain exile leaders to prevent them from leaving the United States, refusing reentry to the United States to any exile who went beyond the 3-mile limit offshore, increased surveillance by the Coast Guard of the Florida coastline, and intensified FBI intelligence coverage of Cuban exile groups to ascertain and abort plans for future raids."[4]

Following the Miami conference, the combined forces of the federal government clamped down on the same anti-Castro groups and activities that had previously been given such encouragement and support. Numerous raids were conducted in which agents of the FBI closed down exile training camps, seizing large amounts of weapons, ammunition, and explosives. While it is clear that the President was serious about doing nothing to disturb the fragile peace following the Missile Crisis, and had great reason to fear provoking disclosure of his Secret Deal with Khrushchev, it is not so clear that his brother was going along fully. Having little choice but to support the President's policy publicly, there is ample evidence that in private he continued to support the proscribed activities.

The no-invasion pledge and withdrawal of support for exile activities ushered in a particularly bitter season of discontent within the anti-Castro Cuban community. A flyer dated April 18, 1963, and decorated with a profile of the Alamo, was distributed to Cubans in Miami's Little Havana. It stated: "Only through one development will you Cuban patriots ever live again in your homeland as freemen, responsible as must be the most capable for the guidance and welfare of the Cuban people." This blessing could only come to pass:

"If an inspired Act of God should place in the White House within weeks a Texan known to be a friend of all Latin Americans...though he must under present conditions bow to the Zionists who since 1905 came into control of the United States, and for whom Jack Kennedy and Nelson Rockefeller and other members of the Council of Foreign Relations and allied agencies are only stooges and pawns. Though Johnson must now bow to these crafty and cunning Communist-hatching Jews, yet, did an Act of God suddenly elevate him into the top position [he] would revert to what his beloved father and grandfather were, and to their values and principles and loyalties." Obviously encouraging support for the forcible removal of the President among the anti-Castro exiles, the broadside was signed, "A Texan who resents the Oriental influence that has come to control, to degrade, to pollute and enslave his own people."[5]

The least known of the measures taken by President Kennedy was a peace overture made toward Castro. To many, including top officials at the CIA and the State Department, the very idea of any sort of dialogue with Castro was heresy. Nevertheless, Kennedy authorized William Attwood, Special Adviser to the United States delegation at the United Nations, to begin informal talks with the Cuban Ambassador aimed at eventual normalization of relations between the U.S. and Cuba. He also set up a back channel communication with Castro through journalist Lisa Howard, who was flown to Cuba a number of times in 1963 using a covert operative pilot. A message had been received through U.N. personnel that Castro was displeased about the degree to which Cuba was becoming tied to the Soviet Union and was seeking to redress the balance by finding an accommodation with the United States. There was evidence that a rift had developed between Castro and some of his Communist colleagues, including Che Guevara. The Cuban leader had given an interview in which he expressed satisfaction over Kennedy's crackdown on exile raiding parties.

It was at this same time that the CIA made its first contacts in nearly a year with Rolando Cubela, a high-ranking traitor in Castro's inner circle. Without the knowledge of the President or CIA Director John McCone, a small group of CIA officers, led by Desmond FitzGerald, an intimate associate of Bobby Kennedy's, prepared to use Cubela to assassinate Castro. Cubela requested a meeting with Bobby so that he could be sure that the scheme had the approval of the President. What he got was a meeting with FitzGerald, who claimed to be a U.S. Senator and Bobby Kennedy's personal representative. Government reports reveal that Cubela was in Paris being handed a poison pen and a gun at precisely the moment that President Kennedy was assassinated. In 1978, Arthur Schlesinger noted:

"The whole Cubela thing raises even deeper questions. The CIA was reviving the assassination plots at the very time President Kennedy was considering the possibility of normalization of relations with Cuba-an extraordinary action. If it was not total incompetence-which in the case of the CIA cannot be excluded-it was a studied attempt to subvert national policy."[6]

Although the President had specifically ordered that the U.N. discussions be kept secret, "it seems inconceivable that the CIA knew nothing about it. American intelligence had Cuban U.N. diplomats under incessant surveillance."[7] It tapped their phones, intercepted their mail, and followed their every movement. Schlesinger has noted that "if word leaked of President Kennedy's efforts, that might have been exactly the kind of thing to trigger some explosion of fanatical violence."[8] Ambassador Attwood, who subsequently realized that his telephone conversations and private meetings were insecure, agreed. He has said,

"If the CIA did find out what we were doing this would have trickled down to the lower echelon of activists, and Cuban exiles and the more gung-ho CIA people who had been involved since the Bay of Pigs. If word of a possible normalization of relations with Cuba leaked to these people, I can understand why they would have reacted violently. This was the end of their dreams of returning to Cuba, and they might have been impelled to take violent action. Such as assassinating the President."[9]

In an historical irony, one of the President's personal messengers, French journalist Jean Daniel, and Castro were together at the moment they learned of the President's assassination. This initiative was later described by the Cuban leader "as a gesture, as an indication of a desire to establish contact, to explore what our thinking was on all of this-and, furthermore, to establish a certain kind of communication." Castro continued,

"We needed a kind of bridge, some sort of communication. Since Kennedy had such great authority in his own country after the crisis, he could have done things that he had not done before. In my view, he had the courage to do them. You had to have courage to defy the state of opinion on all these questions."[10] 

Castro's view of Kennedy's performances, as well as the Cuban historical view as a whole, is very interesting given the realities of the Bay of Pigs, the Secret War, and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Listening to Castro's remarks at an oral history conference in Cuba, James Blight concluded: "Kennedy is by far the most respected-even loved-U.S. president since the triumph of the revolution in 1959." He recorded the statement of one Cuban official:

"You see, by not attacking Cuba in April 1961 and October 1962, we believe Kennedy's anti-Cuban machinery turned against him, like Frankenstein's monster. Those forces-the Mafia, the radical Cuban exiles, and the CIA-afterwards conspired successfully to assassinate him, because he prevented them from assassinating Fidel and destroying the Cuban Revolution. In a strange way, we believe, Kennedy had to die so that the Cuban Revolution could live."[11] 

Blight's impression is that when Castro discusses Khrushchev and Kennedy, "one senses that the respect is highly qualified with respect to his old friend Khrushchev, but uncomplicated and sincere regarding his old enemy, Kennedy." Castro feels that because of the "boost in the authority he got after the October crisis, when his leadership was consolidated in the United States," Kennedy was "one of the presidents-or perhaps the president best able-to rectify American policy toward Cuba"[12]

At the moment of his death President Kennedy was on his way to deliver a speech in which he would address the kinds of dangerously false constructions so popular at that time in Dallas, a city which had become the epicenter of right-wing jingoistic criticism. The speech presented an almost transcendental world view which is particularly relevant to the "What would Kennedy have done?" debate over Vietnam. While recognizing that dissent is inevitable, the speech was to go on to say:

"But today other voices are heard in the land-voices preaching doctrines wholly unrelated to reality...doctrines which apparently assume that words will suffice without weapons, that vituperation is as good as victory and that peace is a sign of weakness.... I realize that this Nation often tends to identify turning-points in world affairs with the major addresses which preceded them. But it was not the Monroe Doctrine that kept all Europe away from this hemisphere-it was the strength of the British fleet and the width of the Atlantic Ocean."[13]

Political constructions gain a life of their own, making it difficult to harness the released energies. Like the proverbial genie out of the bottle, these manufactured realities are resistant to subsequent containment. Constructions require a special kind of devotion and loyalty; it may be hazardous to one's health to try to change course. President Kennedy knew that by reversing himself on his support of efforts to eliminate Castro, by arousing and then easing tensions against the Soviet Union, and by accepting the assistance of organized crime figures and then allowing his brother, the Attorney General, to vigorously pursue and prosecute them, he was making himself vulnerable to serious physical danger by those most disposed to lash out violently upon feelings of hatred and betrayal.

During those same months of 1963 when the Cubela operation was implemented, a strange scenario was being acted out in the southwestern U.S. An ex-Marine who had previously posed as a defector to Russia was being constructed as a pro-Castro Communist. Records reveal that all of his associations were actually of the anti-Castro persuasion. He was intimately involved with the anti-Communist "White Russian" community, shared an office with the coordinator of anti-Castro activities in New Orleans, and was known to have been present at one of the exile training camps that was closed down by the FBI that summer. His name was Lee Harvey Oswald.

The day after his brother's murder, Bobby Kennedy sought answers from Harry Ruiz-Williams, a CIA agent staying at a CIA-operated safe house used by Cuban exiles. Afterward, speaking with journalist Haynes Johnson, Bobby said that he "suspected CIA-backed anti-Castro forces of having been involved in his brother's death." He was later quoted as telling one of the investigators from his Senate committee days: "Those Cuban cunts are all working for the mob. They blame us for the Bay of Pigs, and they're trying to make this look like a Castro-Communist hit. I don't buy it. And I don't trust those guys at the CIA. They're worse than the Mafia."[14] 

Of course, Bobby knew better than anyone what had transpired beneath the surface of the administration's use of the exiles. More personally, he knew the dark side of his own role in the unleashing of elements he now considered responsible for his brother's death. Many of those close to Bobby who saw in him a classic case of survivor's guilt were unaware that a much deeper level of responsibility may have informed his anguish.

Bobby had personally entertained Cuban exiles at his house, Hickory Hill, and kept in touch with them at their apartments at the Ebbitt Hotel in downtown Washington, where they were housed by the CIA. Even Desmond FitzGerald, Bobby's replacement for Wild Bill Harvey, was concerned about the directness of Bobby's involvement with the Cuban exiles. The Attorney General's freelancing with the the Cuban exile community was a formula for disaster. Peter Collier and David Horowitz have written poignantly about Bobby's anguish over what may have been an unintended consequence of his own actions:

"It was Bobby who had led the administration into dangerous places, daring the gods of the underworld and seizing the fire that finally erupted into anti-Kennedy hatred. He had done it in the service of his brother's presidency, yet he had gone past duty or necessity, using his special status as the brother within to justify what had become at times an almost perverse exploration of self. While Jack was alive, everything was justified; now that he was dead, it was all called into question. Had his acts created an environment for assassination? Had his zeal helped create the concatenation of forces that wanted Jack dead?"[15]

Four years after the assassination of the President, the CIA Inspector General conducted an internal investigation which was forwarded to Lyndon Johnson, who told newsman Howard K. Smith: "I'll tell you something that will rock you; Kennedy was trying to get Castro, but Castro got to him first."[16] In March 1967, columnist Drew Pearson wrote, "President Johnson is sitting on a political H-bomb-an unconfirmed report that Senator Robert Kennedy (Dem. N.Y.) may have approved an assassination plot which then possibly backfired against his brother." 

The source for the Pearson article was the original mafioso hired by the CIA to kill Castro, Johnny Roselli. The spin being placed on this new round of stories was, like the Oswald promotion, aimed at leading the public to believe that Castro was behind the conspiracy in Dallas. Roselli had revealed to Pearson, through his attorney, Edward Morgan, that "One of our assassination teams was captured and tortured until they told all they knew about our operation which they said was ordered by the White House." Roselli asserted that "the team was turned around, you know, brainwashed, and sent back into our country to kill Kennedy." 

All good lies contain a good measure of truth, and such may be the case with Roselli's attempt at history-making. Although this colorful rendition is compelling, given the source, it should be recognized that contained in this version is the admission that it was an anti-Castro hit team that had killed Kennedy. But this secret "team" would hardly have required anything so exotic as brainwashing to retarget its skills against the President. By November of 1963, Kennedy was clearly a foe to the extreme anti-Castro elements; they believed he had cancelled the airstrikes and betrayed the Bay of Pigs operation, then compounded the betrayal by giving the no-invasion pledge, and finally sealed the antipathy by shutting down the exile camps and beginning negotiations directed toward the normalization of relations with Cuba.

When Roselli's well-connected lawyer asked him how he had contained such explosive information, Roselli noted that "all phases of this operation were approved by Allen Dulles and President Eisenhower." He questioned why neither Dulles, who was a member of the Warren Commission investigating the Kennedy assassination, nor Eisenhower, who had full knowledge of the plots, ever came forward. "So what was I supposed to think?" He inferred that the President "wanted to keep the lid on." Roselli speculated that perhaps Johnson "thought it'd be bad for the country to know about this operation-you know, the government of the United States involved with the so-called Mafia to kill the leader of a foreign country and then it boomerangs."[17]

A possibility that may never be resolved is Johnson's notion that some action taken by Bobby Kennedy "backfired against his brother." There is ample evidence of Bobby's continued encouragement of anti-Castro efforts during a period of time when his brother, the President of the United States, was pursuing a very contrary policy. 

Because of the closeness of the brothers it is generally assumed that Bobby was fulfilling one aspect of a multi-track approach on the part of the Administration. While it is understandable that some token support for the exiles might be considered prudent as a way of co-opting more radical elements, the extent to which one approach represented the direct undermining of the other presents a historical conundrum regarding the brothers' coordination of authority. The possibility must be considered that Bobby crossed the line of plausible deniability into a realm in which he was acting in his own highly unofficial capacity apart from any directed intention on the part of the President. Had he, like King Henry II's henchmen, acted on his own to eliminate his brother's Becket?

Consistent with Michael Beschloss' observation that "the most likely explanation for the cause of Kennedy's death lies in his policies,"[18] the convergence of CIA-Mafia-Cuban exile operations with the events surrounding the President's assassination provides strong circumstantial evidence of the motive and means for that crime. But there is more direct evidence. In a 1985 libel trial, E. Howard Hunt ("Eduardo") filed suit contesting an assertion in an article written by former CIA officer Victor Marchetti implicating him in the assassination, including an alleged 1966 memo initialed by CIA Director Richard Helms and Deputy Director for Counterintelligence James Angleton, which discussed Hunt's presence in Dallas and the possibility that "a cover story, giving Hunt an alibi for being elsewhere the day of the assassination, 'ought to be considered.'" Speculating on why such an extraordinary cover-up would be put in writing, a high level CIA source said, "The memo is very odd. It was almost as if Angleton was informing Helms, who had just become director, that there was a skeleton in the family closet that had to be taken care of and this was his response."[19] 

Castro's former mistress-turned-CIA agent, Marita Lorenz, testified of her direct knowledge of Hunt's participation, as well as that of other anti-Castro Cubans, in the events in Dallas leading up to November 22, 1963. She claimed to have been in a two car caravan with Frank Sturgis, Orlando Bosch and others traveling from Miami carrying numerous weapons. Upon their arrival in Dallas they were met at their motel on November 21st by their old paymaster, "Eduardo." An hour after Hunt delivered the money and departed, another character out of history arrived: Jack Ruby.

In that trial, an amazing exchange took place after Hunt testified that, "like thousands of other Americans, millions," he, his wife and children had huddled together at home that fateful weekend, "and watched the burial services."[20] Yet, despite providing his own children as alibis, he had also asserted his legal damages to be the doubts in their minds about their own father's activities. The question was asked:

"Mr. Hunt, why did you have to convince your children that you were not in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963, if, in fact, as you say, a fourteen-year-old daughter, a thirteen-year-old daughter, and a ten-year-old son were with you in the Washington, D.C. area on November 22, 1963, and were with you at least for the next forty-eight hours, as you all stayed glued to the T.V. set?" After a long pause, Hunt lamely asserted that. "it was less a question of my convincing them that I was in Washington, D.C. with them-rather, reminding them that I was-than it was to assure them that none of the charges...had any substance to them at all." The magazine's attorney followed up with: "What I want to know is since they knew how outrageous the lies were, why did they have to be convinced by you that you weren't in Texas?" Hunt simply replied: "Reminded, reminded."[21] 

Hunt had failed to anticipate that the two elements of his story-that his children were with him the entire weekend and that his children were unsure of where he had been at the time-were mutually exclusive. Hunt lost his lawsuit. The jury did not even debate the malice issue because the truthfulness of the assertion had been sufficiently proven.

On the tenth anniversary of the invasion fiasco, April 17, 1971, E. Howard Hunt had traveled to the Bay of Pigs Monument in the Little Havana area of Miami to recruit exile veterans for a new operation. Resurrecting the dream of overthrowing Castro, Eduardo had assured them that "the whole thing is not over."[22]

Subsequent events would expose a high level role played by these terrorists when a team of Bay of Pigs veterans was caught burglarizing the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C. Found among the burglars' effects was evidence that they were being coordinated by E. Howard Hunt, who had an office in the White House. In addition to political burglary, Hunt had been given the high-level assignment of manufacturing evidence of President Kennedy's complicity in the assassination of South Vietnam's leader in 1963, Ngo Dinh Diem.

President Nixon subsequently managed to remain in power for more than two years, withstanding remarkable disclosures, until the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that he had to turn over tape recordings of certain Oval Office conversations. Nixon was out of office within two weeks, primarily because of the disclosure of a taped discussion about Hunt that occurred a few days after the break-in. This tape recording has become known in history as the smoking gun conversation.

During that incredible exchange that would topple a presidency, Nixon ordered his Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, to meet with Richard Helms, the Director of the CIA, and tell him to call off the FBI's investigation of the burglary for national security reasons. Nixon suggested that Hunt's involvement be used as a lever to make sure the CIA would cooperate. The transcripts of President Nixon's rantings about Hunt are perhaps the most factually revealing evidence of deep politics in history:

"Hunt...will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there's a hell of a lot of things.... Tell them we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves. When you get the CIA people in say, "Look, the problem is that this will open up the whole Bay of Pigs thing again." So they should call the FBI in and for the good of the country don't go any further into this case. Period. Just say (unintelligible) very bad to have this fellow Hunt, ah, he knows too damned much.... If it gets out that this is all involved, the Cuba thing would be a fiasco. It would make the CIA look bad, it's going to make Hunt look bad, and it's likely to blow the whole Bay of Pigs which we think would be very unfortunate-both for the CIA, and for the country, at this time, and for American foreign policy. Just tell him to lay off....[23]

Haldeman recorded Helms' dramatic reaction to the threat: "Turmoil in the room, Helms gripping the arms of his chair leaning forward and shouting, 'The Bay of Pigs had nothing to do with this'" Despite this, Helms acquiesced and Haldeman was able to report to the President that "his strategy had worked," that Helms would be "very happy to be helpful." But the remarks and Helms' behavior raised the question in Haldeman's mind: "What was such dynamite in the Bay of Pigs story?" The more innocuous explanation is that Nixon, as the chief White House official involved with the Eisenhower administration's Cuba invasion planning, knew of the government's use of Mafia assassination assets in the efforts against Castro. However, following years of study, analysis and reflection, along with his personal knowledge of the players involved, Haldeman asserted a more astonishing answer to that question: "It seems that in all of those Nixon references to the Bay of Pigs, he was actually referring to the Kennedy assassination." Given his reaction, it is apparent that Helms clearly understood Nixon's message.[24] 

Aside from such an interpretation of the dark secret to which Nixon was alluding, he and the CIA director had a more current mutuality of interests. Helms wanted to suppress the CIA-Hunt relationship because it violated the Agency's charter regarding domestic spying. Nixon wanted to suppress the White House-Hunt relationship because it would reveal precisely for whom the chief Watergate burglar was working. E. Howard Hunt clearly represented a problem for more than one major Washington power center. Nine months after the smoking gun conversation, when Hunt was about to be sentenced, Nixon was told that Hunt had issued a blackmail demand in lieu of revealing some of the "seamy things" he had done for the President. Nixon's response was unequivocal: "Well, for Christ's sakes...get it."[25]

Notes

1. Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-1963, (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1991), 687.

2. William B. Breuer, Vendetta: Castro and the Kennedy Brothers, (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1997), 209.

3. James Reston, "Top U.S. Advisers in Dispute on Aid to Castro's Foes," The New York Times, April 11, 1963.

4. Breuer, 210-211.

5. William Manchester, The Death Of A President, (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 46.

6. Anthony Summers, Conspiracy, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1980), 426.

7. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Times, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1978), 557.

8. Summers, 427.

9. Ibid., 426.

10. James G. Blight, Bruce J. Allyn and David A. Welch, Cuba On The Brink. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 237.

11. Ibid., 191.

12. Ibid., 191-193.

13. Gaddis Smith, Gaddis, The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1994), 111-112.

14. David C. Heymann, RFK. New York: Penguin Putnam Inc., 1998), 10.

15. Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Kennedys, (New York: Summit Books, 1984), 317.

16.  New York Times, June 25, 1976.

17. Ovid Demaris, The Last Mafioso. New York: Bantam Books, 1981), 235-241.

18. Jefferson Morley, "November 22, 1963: Why We Need The Real History Of The Kennedy Assassination," Washington Post, (November 24, 1996).

19. Joe Trento and Jacquie Powers, "Was Howard Hunt in Dallas The Day JFK Died?" Wilmington Sunday News Journal, (August 20, 1978).

20. Mark Lane, Plausible Denial, (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1991), 282.

21. Ibid., 283-284.

22. Carl Oglesby, The Yankee and Cowboy War. (Kansas City: Sheed Andrews and McMeel, Inc., 1976), 277.

23. H. R. Haldeman, The Ends of Power, (New York: Times Books, 1978), 33.

24. Ibid., 38-39.

25. Theodore H. White, Breach of Faith, (New York: Reader's Digest Press, 1975), 199-200.

 
Edited by Michael Clark

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The Secret History Of Airplane Sabotage - Pt 1

In November, 1972, Richard M. Nixon was re-elected President. One month later, on behalf of the Nixon White House, America's secret political police, the American Gestapo, the FBI, and the American CIA, arranged to sabotage a commercial airplane headed for Chicago. On board were twelve Watergate figures, including Dorothy Hunt, wife of the Watergate burglar, E.Howard Hunt. They had reportedly blackmailed two million dollars out of Nixon threatening, among other things, to publicize documents they had showing Tricky Dick, along with top officials of the FBI and the CIA, had planned and carried out the political assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
 
 
We received a mysterious phone call. "You should look into the crash near Midway Airport. They murdered Mrs. Hunt and the others." From various circumstances we determined that the call came from an official in Midway Airport Tower, Chicago. We started our own investigation. In 1973, I wrote a book, "The Secret History of Airplane Sabotage". So far as I could find out, there never was an authoritative book on the subject up to that time. And even now, I know of no other such book. A sizeable book publisher undertook to publish my work. The book, however, was stopped in the print cycle and no copies became available. The book was suppressed by the Rockefellers, at the time the major owners of UAL, Inc., the parent firm of United Air Lines, with the United Air Lines crash near Midway Airport being a major section of the book.
 
 
I am posting starting as Part One excerpts from the book. In some instances, it has been updated and slightly revised to show details uncovered after 1973.
 
 
THE WATERGATE PLANE CRASH
 
 
1. THE PEOPLE. Upwards of twelve persons connected in one way or another with Watergate, boarded United Air Lines Flight 553 on the afternoon of December 8, 1972. They had something in common. That week there had been a gas pipeline lobbyists meeting as part of the American Bar Association meeting in Washngton, D.C. It was conducted by Roger Moreau. His secretary was Nancy Parker. Among those attending were Ralph Blodgett and James W. Krueger, both attorneys for the Northern Natural Gas Co., of Omaha, Nebraska. Associated with them were Lon Bayer, attorney for Kansas-Nebraska Natural Gas Co.; Wilbur Erickson, president, Federal Land Bank in Omaha. This was a belligerant group determined to blow the lid off the Watergate case. Reason: Former U.S. Attorney General, John Mitchell, and his friends running the Justice Department were putting the spear into Northern Natural Gas. Some officials of that firm and its subsidiaries were indicted on federal criminal charges, September 7, 1972, in Omaha, Chicago, and Hammond, Indiana. Charge: bribery of local officials in Northwest Indiana to let the gas pipeline go through. (Chicago Daily News, 9/8/72). To blackmail their way out of these charges, the Omaha firm had uncovered documents showing that Mitchell, while U.S. Attorney General in 1969, dropped anti-trust charges against a competitor of Northern Natural Gas---El Paso Gas Co. The dropping of the charges against El Paso was worth 300 million dollars. A spokesman for Mitchell belatedly claimed, in March, 1973, that Mitchell had "disqualified" himself in 1969, because Mitchell's law partner represented El Paso. The Justice Department under Mitchell, dropped the charges. Period. About the same time, Mitchell, through a law partner as nominee, got a stock interest in El Paso. Gas and oil interests, such as El Paso, Gulf Resources, and others contributed heavily to Nixon's spy fund, supervised by Mitchell.
 
 
[Earlier, I had spoken out about the apparent bribery of Mitchell as Attorney General by El Paso which caused him to proceed to prosecute on my charges, Chicago Federal Appeals Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., for bribery. The highest level sitting federal judge sent to jail for bribery in U.S.history.]
 
 
Pipeline official Krueger was carrying the Mitchell-El Paso documents on the plane. He had told his wife that he had in his possession irreplaceable papers of a sensitive nature. For months after the crash, his widow demanded, to no avail, that United Air Lines turn over to her his briefcase. It later came out in the pipeline trial in Hammond, that Blodgett had been browbeating federal officials, to drop the criminal charges just prior to the crash. (Chicago Tribune, 5/18/73.) [Our investigation uncovered that most of the local officials, to be government witnesses against the pipeline, were murdered just prior to trial. In all, some five Northwest Indiana officials.]
 
 
Dorothy Hunt, Watergate pay-off woman, who offered executive clemency directly on behalf of Nixon to some of the Watergate defendants, was seeking to leave the U.S. with over 2 million Dollars in cash and negotiables that she had gotten from CREEP, Committee to Re-Elect the President. [She was so concerned about these valuables, she purchased a separate first class seat next to her on the plane for this luggage.] She and her husband, E. Howard Hunt, the Watergate conspirator, were a "C.I.A. couple", two agents "married" and living together. Early in December, 1972,both were threatening to blow the lid off the White House if (a) he wasn't freed of the criminal charges; (b) Nixon didn't pay heavy to suppress the documents they had showing he was implicated in the planning and carrying out, by the FBI and the CIA, of the political murder of President Kennedy; and (c) Dorothy and Howard Hunt didn't both get several million dollars. Some of these details are in the Memo of Watergate double-agent, James McCord, a CIA official in charge of the Agency's physical security; details before the Senator Ervin Committee. (N.Y. Times, 5/9/73.) Hunt claimed, according to McCord, to have the data necessary to impeach Nixon. McCord said matters were coming to a head early in December, 1972. Mrs. Hunt was unhappy with her job of going all over the country to bribe defendants and witnesses in the bugging case. She wanted out.
 
 
Mrs. Hunt was on the way to arrange to take her money out of the country, possibly Costa Rica, to link up with international swindler Robert Vesco who was there at the time; through Harold C. Carlstead, whose wife was Mrs. Hunt's cousin. Carlstead reportedly did accounting and tax work for mobster-owned businesses in the Chicago-area. He operated two Holiday Inn motels in Chicago's south suburbs---at 174th and Torrence, Lansing, Illinois and at 171st and Halsted, Harvey, Illinois. Carlstead's motel on Torrence was reportedly a favorite hang out for gangsters and dope traffickers such as apparently "Cool" Freddie Smith, Grover Barnes, and the late Chicago mobster Sam DeStefano (who aided the American CIA in bloody tricks and was snuffed out to silence him), to name a few. Mrs. Hunt had (a) Ten Thousand Dollars in untraceable cash; (b) Forty Thousand Dollars in so-called "Barker" bills, traceable to Watergate spy Bernard Barker; and (c) upwards of Two Million Dollars in American Express money orders, travelers checks, and postal money orders. (As shown by testimony before the National Transportation Safety Board, re-opened Watergate plane crash hearings, June 13-14, 1973. Hearings re-opened as a result of my lawsuit claiming sabotage covered up by the N.T.S.B.) Carlstead issued a fake "cover" story that had (only) Ten Thousand Dollars with Mrs. Hunt. A story swallowed up by the Establishment Press.
 
 
Mrs. Hunt got on Flight 553 with Michele Clark, CBS Network newswoman, going to do an exclusive story on Watergate. Mrs. Hunt, Mitchell, Nixon---the story could have destroyed Nixon at the time. Ms Clark had lots of insight into the bugging and cover-up through her boyfriend, a CIA operative. In the summer of 1972, prior to any major revelations of Watergate, Ms Clark tried to pick the brains of Chicago Congressman George Collins, regarding the bugging of the Democratic headquarters. Ms Clark was sitting with Cong. Collins on the plane. (Testimony 6/14/73, of Cong. Collins' public relations director.)
 
 
After the crash, Michele Clark's employer, CBS Network News, ordered and demanded that the body be cremated by the southside Chicago mortician handling the matter---possibly to cover up foul play. Later, the mortician was murdered in his business establishment, an unsolved crime. (We interviewed close confidants of her family who informed us of the details how CBS applied tremendous pressure and offered large sums for silence on the crash details and having her body cremated contrary to her family's wishes.)
 
 
Also on the plane were four or more people who knew about a labor union that had given a large "donation" to CREEP to head-off an criminal indictment of a Chicago labor union hoodlum(at the time of the book, 1973, actively investigated by us).
 
 
For many years, like clockwork, one Chicagoan went to Washington, D.C. on Monday and came back Friday afternoon on Flight 553 or its equivalent: Lawrence T. O'Connor, Apt. 5-C, 999 North Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Illinois. On Friday, December 8, 1972, he received a call from someone he knows in the White House, telling him not to take Flight 553 but to go instead to a special meeting.
 
 
My long-time friend, political activist Dick Gregory, informed me that there had been strenuous efforts to steer him that same afternoon onto United Air Lines Flight 553. Luckily, he had changed his mind.
 
 
Also getting on Flight 553 was a reputed "hit-man", pursuing Mrs. Hunt and others, and going under the "cover" of being a top Narcotics official with DALE (Drug Abuse Law Enforcement). He used the name Harold R. Metcalf. He is an unusual "narc"; he worked directly for Nixon. Metcalf told the pilot he was packing a gun, and so Metcalf was assigned seat B-17, near the stewardesses' jump seat and also near the food galley and the rear door of the plane. After the crash, he walked out of the cracked open fuselage of the pancaked plane wearing a jumpsuit. A former Military Intelligence investigator, who used his credentials to get into the crash site, identified the person posing as "Harold Metcalf" as an overseas CIA parachute spy. (Investigator's testimony at re-opened N.T.S.B. hearings, 6/14/73). Also see Metcalf's statement about being a "narc" and his gun on the plane. (N.T.S.B. Docket SA-435, Exhibit 6- B, p. 17, surviving passenger statements). Metcalf evidently supervised certain foul play, possibly cyanide, directed at certain passengers, but he didn't know of the over all sabotage plan. One of our staff investigators confronted Metcalf about a week after the crash. (a) Metcalf, supposedly a government narcotics bigshot, knows nothings about dope. (b) in response to our question, "Did you know the plane was sabotaged?", he blurted out half a sentence, "It was not supposed to....", turning purple, he then left the room. Evidently, he was a double cut-out, an espionage term for an operative to be himself eliminated by someone else. His survival was an oversight. (N.T.S.B. testimony, 6/13-14/73).
 
 
More details from the suppressed book in further parts of this story.
 
Stay tuned.
Edited by Michael Clark

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Skolnick - The Secret History Of Airplane Sabotage - Pt 2By Sherman H. Skolnickskolnick@ameritech.nethttp://www.skolnicksreport.com

8-6-1

We called it the Watergate Plane Crash. As our private investigation continued, the National Transportation Safety Board, N.T.S.B., set public hearings for February, 1973. Conducted in a large meeting hall in one of the very large motels near O'Hare Airport, Chicago. They started with the witness list. After some of the witnesses testified, we were able to interview some of them in the hallway.

 

 

One witness was a former four-engine military bomber pilot with loads of aircraft and air-tower experience. Retired from the military, he worked for a firm that supplied materials for the paving of parking lots. By a strange coincidence (or on purpose?) someone at his firm told him to measure the parking lot starting at 2 p.m., Friday afternoon, December 8, 1972, which turned out to be right under the in-coming flight path of United Air Lines Flight 553. He observed some things which fit in with our probe that it was sabotage.

 

 

With his help and that of others including witnesses, we compiled a list of details showing that the NTSB panel were carefully evading from going into. I went home and began quickly putting together a lawsuit against the Safety Board for covering up airplane sabotage. We filed the lawsuit in Cook County Circuit Court and arranged with the County Sheriff to have one of his deputies accompany us as we together went to the NTSB hearings in session. I had prepared over a hundred copies of the lawsuit, all suitably stamped with the Clerk's Office markings just like the original filed copy. The deputy sheriff had a copy of the lawsuit together with a summons commanding the NTSB officials to appear in court.

 

 

As we arrived, the Safety Board panel was already proceeding with testimony. "How do you want me to do this" the deputy sheriff whispered to me. I instructed him, "Go right up to the stage on which the Safety Board panel of five is sitting. Do not wait for a recess. Serve the papers, as provided by law, on the woman in the middle, the Chairperson." That is what he did. As he approached her with the court papers, she asked him "What is this?" He politely answered, "It is for you, ma'm." The minute the Safety panel boss looked at the court papers, she was alarmed. She abruptly recessed the hearing. Most of those in the large meeting room spilled out into the hallway.There we handed out copies of the lawsuit to whosoever seemed interested. The Safety Board's general counsel came up to me, "I have to have a private talk with you away from this crowd, Mr. Skolnick."

 

 

We went down the hall to be alone. "How much do you want?" he barked at me. "If it is within reason, we'll take care of it today. It'll be cheaper than litigating this. You have to sign an agreement not to further divulge any of this."

 

 

I must have had an angry look on my face when I responded. "Hey, where did you get the idea that my charges of sabotage are a shake-down?" And I began hollering, "Listen, you mouthpiece, your job is to show up in court to answer our charges. I AM NOT FOR SALE. Go back to the panel and tell them. SKOLNICK IS NOT FOR SALE! You're not going to buy me like some crooked judge."

 

 

Thereafter another lawyer sat down and talked to me in the motel restaurant. "Mr. Skolnick, I represent the families of those who died in that crash. We have pending claims against United Air Lines. Your assertions of air sabotage tend to let United Air Lines off the hook. Please for the sake of these families, drop your lawsuit. You are undermining our multi-million dollar claims and that is not fair."

 

 

I responded, "Are you saying I should also be part of this cover up? Our motto is, 'Let the truth be told, though the Heavens crumble'. Do you realize that United Air Lines is part of covering up the sabotage of one of their own planes? One of Nixon's closest pals is the head of United Air Lines. The cover up included Mrs. E. Howard Hunt's documents showing Nixon was part of an FBI/CIA plot to assassinate President John F. Kennedy. You want me to shut up about all that? No way. I am sorry."

 

 

The lawyer took a narrow view as if he did not understand any of that. As if he were suddenly stupid. "I do not want to know anything about all that. I simply want to push our claims against United Air Lines. Can we somehow make it up to you?" He said. Miffed, I replied, "Hey, hey, don't start offering me a piece of your deal in return for my silence."

 

 

In Chicago my discussions about air sabotage and the Watergate Plane Crash caused some student groups to invite me to speak at their college or university. As a result, persons showed up at such meetings who later spoke to me privately.

 

 

"Here. Look at my credentials. I drive an ambulance for one of the hospitals. On the afternoon of the crash, I was sent to the crash zone. Hey, but get this. They did not allow me to approach the burning airplane. I was on a mission of mercy and these strange types stopped me. There were about 150 to 200 of them. They refused to show me their credentials." That is what one eyewitness told me. He continued, "Friends of mine in the fire and police departments told me also they were not allowed to approach the airplane. These apparent federal types were there on location ahead of both the fire and police."

 

 

After the crash, we made public statements that 200 FBI and Defense Intelligence Agency, DIA, operatives, refusing to show their credentials, had taken over the crash zone, coincident with the crash or even shortly BEFORE. We were called "xxxx". Then, on June 13, 1973, Chairman John Reed, of the National Transportation Safety Board, told the House Government Activities Subcommittee, that he sent a letter to the FBI, that: (a) never in living memory had the FBI acted as in the Flight 553 crash. Reed said 50 FBI agents came into the crash zone shortly after the crash; (b) one FBI agent proceeded into Midway Control Tower and took over the tape relating to Flight 553, without asking permission; (c) before the N.T.S.B. investigation could do so, the FBI conducted 26 interviews, including of surviving flight attendants. The FBI interviews were completed within 20 hours of the crash.

 

 

For 6 months, they claimed we were "liars" when we said 200 FBI and DIA agents were in the crash site concident with the crash. Thereafter, the FBI admitted that 50 were there.

 

 

How is that possible? The Chicago Fire and Police Department people responded in a couple of minutes. The FBI and DIA headquarters is downtown Chicago. Even if they immediately after the crash took a helicopter, they could not have arrived, as they somehow did, AHEAD OF THE FIRE AND POLICE. We took up this angle with a member of Congress who quizzed the FBI about this. Back came a letter that the FBI had apparently been surveilling the plane and had jurisdiction because of what they termed federal statutes relating to "Air Piracy". This was in a letter signed by the Acting Director of FBI [this was about a year after Director J. Edgar Hoover had been poison murdered in his home, May, 1972, just as the Watergate matter was about to occur].

 

 

FBI having jurisdiction because of AIR PIRACY? Did someone on the plane, radio the FBI that someone else on that plane was either trying to steal Mrs. Hunt's two million dollars of "hush money", in negotiables, she and her husband got from the Nixon White House. Was someone trying to steal her baggage enroute to Chicago; containing documents proving Nixon was part of a FBI/CIA plot to assassinate President Kennedy? Mrs. Hunt, worried about her valuables, bought a separate first class seat right near her on which she piled her luggage. So AIR PIRACY was one way the FBI had of trying to explain away why upwards of 150 of their agents were already waiting in or near Midway Airport that afternoon, for the in-coming flight with the Watergate 12.

 

 

From various sources we found out that the FBI and the DIA were under Nixon White House "national security" orders to arrest Mrs. Hunt and others on the plane for being part of a plot to blackmail Nixon. That is how and why the FBI/DIA was already there ahead of the local authorities.

 

 

A Chicago Fire Department official we interviewed told us, "Nobody explained to us how and why the FBI was able to keep us out of the crash site. The plane had pancaked on top of one or more residences and was smoldering."

 

 

In an interview, a supervisory offical of the Chicago Police Department informed us, "I was told to assemble my men in Marquette Park which is several blocks away from where the plane crashed. We were forbidden by our brass from approaching the crash site. The higher ups said it was upon orders of the FBI and the DIA and the White House. Someone mumbled something to me about 'national security'".

 

 

Saturday, the day after the crash, parts of the airplane fuselage were quickly buried in a city dump. An official of the city department told us, "The orders came from the top. Someone of authority did not want parts of flight 553 to be examined at all. We came with heavy equipment, a special select crew, pledged to silence, and buried parts of the plane deep in a city dump. I am in trouble if you ever use my name."

 

 

A few months after the crash, at a United Air Lines company meeting, one of their stewardesses got up and began loudly complaining the company bosses were covering up sabotage in the Flight 553 crash near Midway Airport. She was quickly hooted down. Security people shoved her out of the meeting. Later, she was fired.

 

 

So, the air sabotage cover up pieces were one by one falling to place. On Decemnber 9, 1972, one day after the crash, Nixon White House aide Egil (Bud) Krogh, Jr., also involved in the Ellsberg burglary caper, was appointed Undersecretary of Transportation, supervising the National Transportation Safety Board and The Federal Aviation Administration, F.A.A., the two agencies supposedly going to "investigate" the crash of Flight 553.

 

 

On December 19, 1972, White House deputy assistant to Nixon, and secretary to the Cabinet, Alexander P. Butterfield, was appointed as the new head of the FAA. Butterfield, an air officer for 20 years, was also CIA aviation liason. (See, for example, Jack Anderson's column, Chicago Daily News, 5/8/73.) During the Senate Watergate Committee hearings, summer of 1973, Butterfield as a witness suddenly blurted out that Nixon had everything occurring in or near the Oval Office taped. These tapes, which Nixon originally refused to disclose, became the subject of a U.S. Supreme Court decision against Nixon, as well as part of the Nixon impeachment matters resulting in ihis resignation, August, 1974.

 

 

Dwight L. Chapin, Nixon's appointment secretary, became, five weeks after the crash, a top executive of United Air Lines. Chapin reportedly had no prior business experience. At the original NTSB crash hearings in February, 1973, he reportedly threatened media people with reprisals if they mentioned sabotage; reprisals such as using Clay Whitehead, Nixon's communications czar, to seek the break-up of the networks on anti-trust charges. Remember- in the 1970s, the Rockefelles were the largest stockholder of UAL, Inc., parent of United Air Lines. Further, in the 1970s, the Rockfellers owned all three major news networks, CBS, NBC, and ABC. To an extent even now, the Rockefelles still have a heavy presence in the ownership of the major networks.

 

 

Even before the crash, Herbert W. Kalmbach, Nixon's personal attorney, was the lawyer for United Air Lines and Marriot Corp., which at the time had an airplane in-flight food catering service.

 

 

So, if I was right about Flight 553 and United Air Lines, at the time, largest air carrier in the U.S., they could have lost their certificate to fly. The Rockefellers orchestrated the media against our investigation. This was long before the era of internet, long bbefore TV on the web through video streaming, long before more open-minded radio talk shows, and many years before public access Cable TV used by some like us to get around the press whores. [Our one hour weekly public access Cable TV Show, "Broadsides", cablecast within Chicago, reaches some 400,000 viewers each week, on a public access Cable TV system that is the largest in the U.S. Portions of our show, on video streaming, are on our website.] The latest technology and changes like that, for the moment, help the underdogs tell the awful truth. Such as about a forbidden subject, "The Secret History of Airplane Sabotage".

 

More parts of this series coming.

 

Stay tuned.

 

Edited by Michael Clark

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