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Douglas Caddy

WATERGATE, TRUMP’S SPACE FORCE AND 2020

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 WATERGATE, TRUMP’S SPACE FORCE AND 2020

 

Who in 1972 when Watergate broke could have foreseen that the scandal eventually would lead back to President Trump’s uncle John G.Trump, an eminent scientist at MIT in the 1940’s who was delegated by the government among other classified tasks with reading Tesla’s secret files after his death and investigating the UFO phenomenon and then into the next century to Donald Trump inside the White House in a titanic struggle for control of the universe? Only one person foresaw this: President Richard Nixon who 47 years ago predicted that next year, 2020, would be cataclysmic not only for America but for the whole planet and who 32 years ago predicted that Trump one day would be president.

by

Douglas Caddy

Original attorney for the Watergate Seven

Member of the Texas and District of Columbia Bars

 

From there I drove to the White House Annex – the Old Executive Office Building, in bygone years the War Department and later the Department of State.

Carrying three heavy attaché cases, I entered the Pennsylvania Avenue door, showed my blue-and-white White House pass to the uniformed guards, and took the elevator to the third floor. I unlocked the door of 338 and went in. I opened my two-drawer safe, took out my operational handbook, found a telephone number and dialed it.

The time was 2:13 in the morning of June 17, 1972, and five of my companions had been arrested and taken to the maximum-security block of the District of Columbia jail. I had recruited four of them and it was my responsibility to get them out. That was the sole focus of my thoughts as I began talking on the telephone.

But with those five arrests the Watergate affair had begun….

After several rings the call was answered and I heard the sleepy voice of Douglas Caddy. ‘Yes?’

Doug? This is Howard and I hate to wake you up, but I’ve got a tough situation and I need to talk to you. Can I come over?

‘Sure. I’ll tell the desk clerk you’re expected.’

I’ll be there in about 20 minutes, I told him, and hung up.

From the safe I took a small money box and removed the $10,000 Liddy had given me for emergency use. I put $1,500 in my wallet and the remaining $8,500 in my coat pocket. The black attaché case containing McCord’s electronic equipment I placed in a safe drawer that held my operational notebook. Then I closed and locked the safe, turning the dial several times. The other two cases I left beside the safe, turned out the light and left my office, locking the door.

         -- E. Howard Hunt, Undercover: Memoirs of an American Secret Agent (Berkley, 1974)     

 

 

     When Harper’s Magazine Washington Editor Jim Hougan’s book, Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA, was published to acclaim in 1984, I lost no time in buying a copy. I had been the original attorney for the Watergate seven burglars: Howard Hunt, Gordon Liddy, James McCord, Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martinez and Virgilio Gonzalez, having been retained as defense counsel by Hunt and Liddy who had escaped after the five other burglars had been arrested inside the Democratic National Committee’s headquarters in the Watergate complex on June 17, 1972. When I checked the index I saw that my name appeared not in the book’s body but in a four page section in the appendix.

     Unbeknownst to Hougan when he wrote the appendix, these four pages now provide the evidentiary foundation upon which to disclose a momentous Watergate story that today directly touches all seven and half billion human beings on planet Earth. The historic saga has two principal characters, President Nixon and Robert Merritt, a high school dropout who became a key government Confidential Informant in 1970 after being selected for that role by Nixon personally although Merritt was unaware of this at the time. There are, of course, a number of other unique persons who played important roles. The story is astounding in so many ways that I have chosen to rely on original documents throughout this article to prove its truthfulness and credibility.

     We start with what Hougan wrote 35 years ago that was subsequently published with Hougan’s permission in Watergate Exposed, a book that I co-wrote with Robert Merritt that is discussed later in detail in this article:

 “Among those who are skeptical of the Ervin committee’s investigation of the Watergate affair, there is a school of thought that holds that some Washington police knew in advance that the June 16-17 [1972] break-in was about to occur. In particular, skeptics as politically disparate as H.R. Haldeman and Carl Oglesby point the finger of suspicion at arresting office, Carl Shoffler.

“The evidence cited by Oglesby and others is circumstantial, but not inconsiderable; and further investigation will yield even more information tending to bolster their suspicions. For example: the skeptics point out that Shoffler, injured on duty some months before, was assigned to desk work on the evening of June 16. They note that his shift ended at 10:00 P.M., and yet he voluntarily undertook a second shift, joining a plainclothes tactical unit cruising the streets in the early morning hours. The skeptics’ suspicions are further aggravated by the fact that, contrary to police procedure, it was junior officer Shoffler (rather than Sergeant Paul Leeper) who responded to the dispatcher’s call for assistance at the Watergate. Finally, the skeptics’ theory is augmented by the fact that when the dispatcher’s call came, Shoffler and his fellow officers were parked only a block or two from the Watergate, as if they were awaiting the dispatcher’s summons….

 “Adding to the suspicions surrounding Shoffler is the fact that he is no ordinary cop. Prior to joining the police department in Washington, he had served for years at the Vint Hill Farm Station in Virginia. This is one of the NSA’s most important domestic ‘listening posts.’ Staffed by personnel assigned to the Army Security Agency (ASA), Vint Hill Farm is thought to be responsible for intercepting communications traffic emanating from Washington’s Embassy Row. By itself, this proves nothing, but it is ironic that the police officer responsible for making the most important IOC (Interception of Communications) bust in American history should himself have worked in the same area only a few years earlier.

“Shoffler’s work at Vint Hill Farm was mentioned in passing in the staff interviews of the Ervin Committee. This occurred as a result of an allegation against Shoffler that was made by his former commanding officer at Vint Hill Farm, Captain Edmund Chung. According to Captain Chung, he had occasion to dine with Shoffler in the aftermath of the Watergate arrests. Chung claimed that Shoffler told him the arrests were the result of a tip-off, that [Alfred] Baldwin and Shoffler had been in contact with each other prior to the last break-in, and that if Shoffler ever made the whole story public, ‘his life wouldn’t worth a nickel.’….

 “The mysteries surrounding Shoffler are peculiar in the extreme, and none more so than the allegations made by one of Shoffler’s former informants, Robert ‘Butch’ Merritt. A homosexual, Merritt was employed by the police and the FBI in spying on the New Left, a task that ultimately led to his infiltration of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), a bete noire of America’s right wing. According to Merritt, Shoffler approached him sometime after June 16, 1972, and asked him to undertake a bizarre assignment. If we are to believe the disaffected informant, Shoffler told him to establish a homosexual relationship with Douglas Caddy, stating falsely that Caddy was gay and a supporter of Communist causes. In fact, Caddy was about as conservative as they come, and there was no reason to suspect that he was anything but heterosexual. Indeed, testimony as to the conservatism of his politics was received by the Senate [in its Korean Influence Inquiry] during its 1978 questioning of Tong Sun Park, Caddy’s former roommate at Georgetown University.

“Sen. Weicker: ‘Who is Douglas Caddy?’

“Tong Sun Park: ‘Douglas Caddy was…not only my roommate, but also treasurer of the class and, I believe, that he was Executive Director of Young Americans for Freedom… [He] was someone that I spent a lot of time with. So when I came to Georgetown, my exposure to the American politics was first to the conservative movement.’

“Predictably, perhaps, Shoffler ridicules Merritt’s accusation, calling it absurd. One can only agree with the police detective, and yet, where Merritt is concerned there appears to have been more going on than met the eye…. “

“All of which may be more than a chain of coincidences, though Shoffler himself, considering the information, shakes his head and says, ‘If I was a jury, I’d convict me.’ Of what? ‘I don’t know. Setting up Watergate, or something. Prior knowledge.’ Would the jury be right? ‘Hell no! I’m innocent.’

“And, really, in spite of all appearances, Shoffler would indeed seem to be innocent of everything but making the Watergate arrests.”….But what we cannot do is to fit Shoffler into a conspiracy theory about the Watergate affair. Because, of course, it would never have made sense to tip him off.”….

     Generally speaking Hougan’s book has withstood the test of time for basic information on Watergate. It would be among the first works to consult by someone who wants to learn about the scandal. That said, Secret Agenda since its publication has been eclipsed by startling revelations that undercut much of its account of Watergate. For example, scholar Jim Eugenio recently wrote in the Education Forum, “I mean [has] everyone read what Angelo Lano said? And he was the chief investigating officer for the FBI. He even goes as far to say either Hunt or McCord tipped off the police. I should add, today Hougan agrees with that. He feels he was too mild on Carl Shoffler in his book.”

     Why does Hougan feel differently about Shoffler today? One factor may be that Robert Merritt wrote a book that was published in 2010 titled Watergate Exposed: How the President of the United States and the Watergate Burglars Were Set Up as told to me as the original attorney for the Watergate seven. Our book, which contains a number of documents from the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, proves that it was Robert Merritt who tipped Shoffler off on June 2 of the plan to burglarize the Democratic National Committee on June 17, not Hunt, McCord or Baldwin.

WHO IS ROBERT MERRITT?

      So who is Robert Merritt and how did he come into possession of advance knowledge of the break-in that gave him the opportunity to tip off Shoffler? It is important to examine Merritt’s early life not only because of the tip off but because in July 1972 soon after Watergate broke a distraught President Nixon assigned him at age 28 to deliver clandestinely a letter detailing the greatest security secret in the nation’s history to someone whom Nixon trusted implicitly.  Nixon in the wake of the breaking of the Watergate scandal concluded correctly that there was no longer anyone inside the White House whom he could trust to carry out the vital assignment.

     Merritt was born in 1944 in Charleston, West Virginia. He led a life normal to a teenager up until age 13 when he became the victim for three years of sexual abuse by a priest at a local Catholic church in Belle, West Virginia who was teaching him catechism. At age 16 he enrolled in Sacred Heart High School in Charleston where his young life took even a worse turn when for two years he was subjected to oral and anal sexual abuse almost daily by a Franciscan priest. As he later wrote in Watergate Exposed, “I found it increasingly difficult to concentrate on my studies with this priest genuflecting on his knees before me and telling me that he was blessing St. Peter.” Many of these traumatizing acts of sexual abuse occurred in the confessional booth and behind the altar of Sacred Heart Church that was across the street from the high school.

     After suffering sexual abuse for five years Merritt at age 17 dropped out of high school two months short of graduation and took a train heading for Washington, D.C. On board were Martin Luther King and his close aides. Merritt bonded with some of King’s key personnel because his father, Joseph Booker, was the first Black American soldier killed in the Korean War. His mother was Jewish.

     Upon arriving in Washington Merritt quickly landed a job at the bus terminal handling luggage. It did not take long before he got into an argument with the terminal’s manager and to get even with the manager before he was fired he switched the destination tags on the passengers’ luggage on twelve buses so that the luggage was scattered around the country, most likely never to be reunited with the owners. It was the act of a sociopath and borderline psychopath. The five years of unrelenting sexual abuse by two priests had transformed him from a normal teenager into a person totally lacking a moral compass. It was this particular quality in an individual that was being sought by the White House, the Washington, D.C. police, the CIA and the FBI, someone who upon being given orders would have no qualms performing vicious, illegal and criminal acts that could not be traced to the higher-ups.

      As it turned out it was the CIA that first spotted Merritt for recruitment. This came about in 1969 when Merritt at age 25 was working as a soda jerk in a drug store on Connecticut Avenue, N.W. Each day an older man would come into the store and sit at the counter and order a milk shake. Merritt struck up a conversation with the customer who told him that his name was Boris and that he was an attaché who worked at the Chancery of the Soviet Union that was nearby. An easy going friendship developed between the two as the attaché found Merritt even though he was a high school drop out to have a quick mind with an I.Q. of 138. Merritt in turn found Boris to be an interesting and kind man. They began having breakfast together each morning at the drug store. When Merritt described the sexual abuse of him by the two priests, Boris eyes began to tear. Merritt told Boris that he lived in an apartment house that overlooked the Soviet Chancery. Boris said that he was familiar with the building. Merritt then told him that he lived on the third floor that had eight apartments, four on each side of the building. He told Boris that his apartment was not on the side that overlooked the Chancery. He then added that the four apartments on the side that overlooked the Chancery were all occupied by FBI agents with eavesdropping and photographic equipment focused on the Chancery. Boris replied that the Chancery was aware of the FBI operation and that he appreciated Merritt’s candor on the subject.

       One day two men approached Merritt while he was sitting alone on a bench in Dupont Circle on Massachusetts Avenue where political radicals of all stripes gathered each day even though it was less than a mile from the White House. They showed him their CIA identification badges and then produced a dozen clandestine photographs of him and Boris having breakfast on various days at the drug store. They attempted to intimidate Merritt, accusing him of befriending a Soviet spy. Then they told him he could redeem himself if he would agree to work for the CIA. He would be generously paid regularly in cash. If he consented he would have only two assignments: (1) report regularly on what he and Boris talked about, especially any informative disclosures made by Boris and (2) get close to L. Ron Hubbard and find out more about his Dianetics and Scientology projects. Hubbard lived nearby Dupont Circle and regularly hung out there. He had a building close by on Connecticut Avenue where his disciples labored on developing his projects. Merritt agreed to work on the two assignments.

     He kept up his close friendship with Boris and reported to the CIA on their conversations that contained little in value to the intelligence agency except that  on one occasion Boris asked Merritt to drive him on a weekend to Norfolk, Virginia, where a major U.S. Navy base is located. Merritt courteously turned down the request.

    He was more rewarding in reporting on Hubbard after he introduced the latter to a beautiful girl from Georgia who hung out at Dupont Circle. Hubbard and the girl almost immediately developed a sexual relationship. They would go to Hubbard’s townhouse. Each time over Hubbard’s objection Merritt would accompany them at the girl’s insistence but would remain on the ground floor while Hubbard and the girl went upstairs. After a few weeks the girl told Merritt that the CIA had authorized her to disclose to him that she, too, had been recruited by the CIA to spy on Hubbard. The CIA was pleased with the reports about Hubbard that it received from Merritt and the girl, especially the reports by Merritt on his visits to the building where Hubbard’s disciples were laboring. After six months the CIA told Merritt his services were no longer needed and they parted on good terms. But the whole venture had hooked Merritt on the idea of clandestine work for the government.

      Merritt’s life in this regard took a decisive turn about a year later in January 1970. He heard someone knocking on his apartment’s front door early one evening and when he opened it he recognized a young guy about his age who regularly hung out at Dupont Circle although they had never engaged in a conversation. The guy showed Merritt a badge that identified him as a detective with the Washington, D.C. Metropolitan Police Department. He said his name was Carl Shoffler and wanted to talk to Merritt about a police matter. Once inside the apartment Shoffler told Merritt that the government had been profiling him for some time because he possessed the qualities needed to be confidential informant. If Merritt agreed to become a CI for the police department he would begin working with Shoffler on law enforcement assignments. Merritt was somewhat nonplussed at this sudden turn of events but readily consented after Shoffler thrust $1000 in cash into his hands to seal their agreement. The next day Shoffler took Merritt to the Second District police substation where he was enrolled as a CI as SE-003, which was shorthand for Special Employee or Source Entry. Shoffler then was 27 and Merritt 26 years old.

     What happened next is described by Merritt in Watergate Exposed:

     “Carl stayed with me at my apartment at least four days of the week. It was convenient for him as he worked out of the MPD Second District Substation about four blocks away. Also it fit into his image as a hippie, as he always wore shabby clothes and had a goatee, mustache and long hair. Underneath Carl’s outward appearance was the body of a Greek god. He lived a double sex life, having a wife, Helene, back home in Pennsylvania whose time was consumed in raising their children. I always joked with Carl that he was not bisexual but trisexual, meaning he would try anything.

     “Carl told me that my task as a CI was to get information on criminal activities in the Dupont Circle community, such as drugs, robberies, burglaries, fencing [selling stolen property], prostitution, and anything else he might find of interest.

     “Soon thereafter, Carl expanded my duties to intelligence gathering, which became paramount to the police because of the mobilization of anti-Vietnam war sentiment. Carl explained that the White House, under which became known as the Houston [sic: Huston] Plan, was pressuring government intelligence agencies to monitor and build files on various groups that were planning to overthrow the U.S. Government and that the Communist Party was providing the financing to these groups.

     “Carl noted that Dupont Circle was a heavily diversified community with many activists of all types, including the far left, far right, pro-American and un-American, Nazi and Communist, Black Panthers to the Gay movement – you name it, it was there.

     “Because my nickname was ‘Butch’ and I was known in the Dupont Circle community as being gay, I could swing in all the groups, no matter what the political affiliation. Everyone loved Butch.”….

     “Carl trained me quickly in intelligence gathering and eventually I infiltrated hundreds of organizations….

     “Carl took delight in teaching me the tricks of intelligence gathering, such as eavesdropping equipment. He gave me a hundred 18-carat gold Cross pens that had the capacity of being eavesdropping bugs…Each pen was in a cellophane wrapper that bore a number. ..Carl would tell me to take a specifically numbered pen and leave it on a targeted person’s desk when I visited them. On many occasions these unwitting targets picked up the pen and placed it on their person. Unbeknownst to them they were carrying a live bug. These targets were usually lawyers, politicians and organizers of radical groups.”….

     “In October of 1970 Carl extended my CI services to the Washington, D.C. MPD Intelligence Division. I worked there under Sergeants Chris Scrapper, Charles Robinson and Dixie Gildon….

     “From the spring of 1970 until October 1971, I worked both for Carl and the MPD Intelligence Division. While in the employ of the latter I received many orders from Sgt. Scrapper and Sgt. Robinson, although sometimes issued from them through Connie Fredericks. These instructions included engaging in criminal acts, such as planting drugs (they gave me about 500 ‘dime’ bags of pot valued at $10 each and 5 or more ounces of cocaine) to clandestinely place upon unsuspecting protesters against the Vietnam War or radical foes of the Nixon White House, bugging, instigating violence at demonstrations by throwing rocks at the police, cutting wires to sound equipment at left-wing public events and protests, giving misinformation to protesters, spreading lies and rumors, creating racial friction, causing thousands of protesters to be arrested, engaging in theft, burglary, mail fraud, filing false police reports against individuals, and many other crimes against citizens who were exercising their First Amendment rights….

     “In October 1971, after working with the MPD Intelligence Division for about a year, Carl arranged for me to be transferred to the Washington, D.C. Field Office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. I was delegated to work with Special Agents Terry O’Connor and Bill Tucker. The FBI assignment primarily dealt with targeting the Institute for Policy Studies and the Weather Underground, two organizations deemed radical and dangerous under the government’s COINTELPRO program. COINTELPRO stood for: co=counter, intel=intelligence and pro=program. The FBI assigned me the code names of the Reverend, then Eric and eventually Top Cat.

      “Under the FBI’s expert training I became an even more proficient CI. I was trained to be a spy, eaves-dropper, saboteur, infiltrator, provocateur, male prostitute, thief and burglar. Activities that normally would be considered illegal became routine – any means to an end. I could become your confidante and cut your throat at the same time. My task was to demoralize, dehumanized and deprive my targets and ordinary Americans citizens of their lives, freedom and liberty. I had no gun or badge but I literally had the power to destroy anyone whom I targeted or got in my way. I was your best friend or your worst enemy.”

     Merritt asserts that the FBI on one occasion gave him candy that contained a slow acting lethal poison that he was ordered to distribute to anti-Vietnam War demonstrators in their May Day protests in Washington in 1972. He also asserts that upon orders of the FBI and Shoffler he clandestinely assassinated an attorney who was walking down the street in nearby Alexandria, Virginia. The attorney was the key person supplying financial aid to the anti-war mobilization and the money allegedly came from communist sources.

      The work that Merritt did for the FBI dovetails with the numerous revelations of FBI illegal acts described in David Wise’s authoritative The American Police State published in 1976. Here is what Wise wrote about Merritt’s activities for the FBI in his book: 

     “Among the organizations and individuals on the White House Enemies List was another liberal research center, the Institute for Policy Studies, and its co-directors, Marcus Raskin and Richard Barnet, both former officials of the Kennedy Administration. In October  of 1973, IPS’s attorney Mitchell Rogovin filed an affidavit stating that the institute had evidence that the FBI and the Washington police had infiltrated, burglarized, and wire-tapped the research center.

     “Some of the information had been provided by Robert Merritt, who told Rogovin that under the name of Robert Chandler he had worked for many months as an informant of the intelligence unit of the Metropolitan Police Department, and later for agents Terry O’Connor and William Tucker of the FBI. Merritt said he was instructed by the police in August 1971 to infiltrate IPS, to attend meetings, and to get to know people there.

     “Later, Merritt said he was transferred to undercover work for the FBI. On one occasion, he said, the FBI learned that a former agent, Robert N. Wall, who had spoken out against the Bureau, was to attend a meeting at IPS. Merritt said that Tucker wanted to know if Wall had revealed any FBI techniques, particularly had he said anything about a boom microphone which, Tucker explained, could be lowered from above apparently to bug a meeting. And Merritt also said that Tucker had told him the FBI had equipment that could pick up conversations off windows. Finally, Merritt said that the FBI had a suite at the Dupont Plaza Hotel overlooking Dupont Circle, a gathering place for antiwar activities in the early seventies, and used it to photograph the park below. He said the FBI also used another suite in the hotel to monitor IPS, which had offices next door.

     “Raskin said that he well remembered a room in the hotel across the alley ‘where people would look down on me.’ On one occasion he looked up and saw “a microphone sticking out” of the window. And he said participants at an IPS seminar did see a boom microphone extending from the window and aimed at the institute.”

     The U.S. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (the Pike Committee) also wrote about Merritt in its 1975 report:

“The Committee investigated another example of lack of control over informants. The FBI used Robert Merritt as an informant on New Left activities during the early 1970's. His duties included reporting on activities at the Institute of Policy Studies. Merritt told the Committee that his FBI handling-agents instructed him to conduct break-ins, deliver unopened mail acquired illegally, and solicit and provide information to the FBI regarding homosexual proclivities of politically prominent people and individuals of the new Left. 

“The FBI agents who handled Merritt denied these allegations under oath. They stated that Merritt acted on his own. 

“The handling-agents stated that they terminated Merritt because they ascertained that he had provided false information on one occasion and had reason to believe he provided false information at other times in the past. If this was true, it does not fit with other facts. During the seven months that Merritt was an FBI informant, he provided over 100 reports on at least 25 people. He had, in fact, been categorized as “reliable" in FBI records.

“No effort was ever made to ‘correct’ the Merritt reports, by indicating that the information contained therein might be unreliable. No prosecutive actions were ever recommended as a result of Merritt's allegedly wrong actions. His efforts apparently fit wel1 with intel1igence operations.

“Furthermore, Merritt told staff that he had committed numerous illegal acts at the direction of District of Columbia Metropolitan Police.

“His FBI handling-agents stated that although they acquired Merritt from the Metropolitan Police Department, they never inquired as to the nature of his prior activities as a police informant.  This attitude of ‘see no evil, hear no evil’ appears to violate the seemingly rigid regulations of the FBI Manual, designed to effect the recruitment of responsible and reliable informants.”

WATERGATE, SHOFFLER AND MERRITT

     On May 2, 1972, Merritt was inside a FBI vehicle with Agents O’Connor and Tucker that was parked just down the street from J. Edgar Hoover’s residence. Suddenly an emergency call came over their agency radio from Hoover’s housekeeper. She had just found the dead body of Hoover. The agents gave Merritt $20 with which to get home and rushed into Hoover’s residence.

     On June 8, 1972, the FBI terminated its CI contract with Merritt. He was not upset with the development. He was sick of receiving orders from the FBI that required him to engage in all types of illegal and criminal acts and was entering a state of open rebellion against the agency. He was still, however, employed by the MPD as a CI with Shoffler supervising him.

      One of Merritt’s closest friends was James Reed, a/k/a Rita Reed, a transsexual who frequented Dupont Circle. Rita was an operator of a PBX telephone switchboard at the Columbia Plaza Apartments located near the Watergate complex. The prostitution ring that operated out of the Democratic National Committee had its headquarters in an apartment in the Columbia Plaza Apartments.

     On May 31, 1972, Rita responded to a telephone caller from outside who surprised him by asking to be connected to an extra hole in the switchboard that was marked reserved for possible future use. Rita connected the call although he lacked knowledge of where inside the building the call would be answered. Intrigued he decided to listen in on the telephone conversation. What she heard shocked him.

     As disclosed by Merritt in Watergate Exposed, “The next day, on June 1, 1972, Rita came by my apartment on P St., N.W. around noon. I had never seen him so scared and upset. He asked me to go for a walk with him. He said that he did not want to talk to me in my apartment for fear that it was bugged and did not want to talk while we walked down the street for fear that our conversations could be picked up by long-range audio means. Rita suggested that we enter an area that would make it difficult to monitor our conversation. We chose P Street Beach, which was about half a block from my apartment. It was a favorite location for persons who liked to lay on a hill’s sloping grass to get some sun and to socialize. At the bottom of the hill was a wooded area with a trail. Once we reached the woods and began walking south on the trail, Rita visibly relaxed, having previously been in a pretend playful mood and at the same time extremely nervous. I knew something was amiss because Rita rarely had serious moments in her life. As we continued walking through the wooded area, Rita started to recite a short poem that he had composed. The poem went like this:

Down by the bridge

Through the trees

Onto the green

Back into the forest

With the trees in full blossom

With their beautiful green leaves

By the water

We walked down the path

Along the creek

And we came upon an old gate

That was in the middle of the water

     “We had walked to the end of the trail and suddenly there in front of us was the complex of buildings known as the Watergate.

     “Rita raised his right arm and with his hand pointing to Watergate, said ‘Butch, this will be the fate of the President of the United States.”….

       “Rita went on to comment that even though he did not know what apartment or room line 2 was plugged into, he thought it was foolish that those talking on it would be on a telephone line that went through a PBX switchboard, which allowed the operator to listen in on the conversation. On the other hand, he pointed out that calls coming into a PBX switchboard could not be traced except through the building itself. She said those talking on line 2, the call she had monitored the evening before (May 31), specifically spoke with confidence and authority about breaking into the Democratic National Committee offices at Watergate on Sunday, June 18, 1972 at 2 a.m.  She overheard them say that the plan was complete. She said those talking on the line spoke harshly of President Nixon. They referred to a ‘Crimson Rose’ coming into a full bloom. Rita said to me, ‘Butch, I think this rose stinks.’”

      Rita asked that Merritt vow to keep what she told him in confidence and under no circumstances to tell Shoffler. He agreed to do so.

     Merritt lost no time in breaking the vow. On June 2 he called Sergeant Gildon to tell her about what Rita had told him. Gildon said she was in a hurry at the time and could not talk but would call back later. She never did.

     On Saturday, June 3, Merritt told Shoffler about what Rita told him. In Watergate Exposed Merritt wrote, “Carl became overly excited at hearing about this. He instructed me not to call Sgt. Gildon back or speak to anyone else about what Rita had said….

     “Carl left but came back about 8 p.m. the same day. He was accompanied by two men, a military intelligence agent whose name I cannot remember, and another man whom Carl introduced as retired CIA agent William Sullivan. Sullivan produced a CIA identification card that had holes punched in it. They asked me to repeat in detail what Rita had told me. After this Sullivan proclaimed that Carl was about to become the most famous cop in American history. After further interrogation of me by Carl and his two friends, they made me promise not to talk to anyone else about the matter, including law enforcement officials or even Rita.

      “I never saw Rita after our walk in the woods on June 1, 1972. I tried for days to reach her at her home and at work. But she had disappeared. To this day I feared that breaking my vow was somehow connected to her disappearance and have been haunted by the thought that I may have put her life in danger.”….

     “From June 3 until the Watergate arrests on June 17, 1972, Carl spent two to three hours with me every day. He told me that Rita’s information about the planned break-in at the Democratic National Committee offices in the Watergate was one hundred percent accurate.

     “We always celebrated each other’s birthdays with one another by having sex and I knew that June 17 was Carl’s birthday. I remarked to him that it was a shame that the break-in was going to happen on Sunday, June 18, 1972, one day after his birthday. Carl said that he had already taken care of that. I asked him how he had done this. He said that he had used a method of triangulation to put a message on the telephone line that the burglars were wiretapping at the Democratic National Committee office, which had been monitored by the burglars from the time of their first break-in in May. Carl said that his message was that extremely important envelope containing vital information had been left by accident at the Democratic National Committee office and that it was going to be picked up by noon on Saturday, June 17, 1972. Carl said that he had a hunch that this tantalizing message left on the wire-tapped line would cause the burglars to move the date of the break-in from June 18 to June 17, 1972. I knew that Carl was a graduate of the NSA’s Vint Hill Farm Station, where wire-tapping was taught, and so I was not surprised that he had been able to locate the telephone line being wire-tapped by the burglars at the Democratic National Committee’s officer.

     “Carl told me that he had made special arrangements with a security guard at Watergate, who turned out to be Frank Wills.”

      What happened next is history as commonly accepted. Shoffler was parked in a police vehicle one block from the Watergate when Frank Wills telephoned the MPD about 1 a.m. on Saturday, June 17, of a possible burglary underway within the Watergate building. The MPD dispatcher alerted Shoffler to Wills’ call and he accompanied by two fellow officers who also had been in the police vehicle entered the building and arrested the burglars.

     Shoffler knew in advance that a crime was to take place. He had an obligation to report it to his superiors in the Washington Metropolitan Police Department. Merritt had attempted to alert Sgt. Gildon in the Intelligence Division but she cursorily brushed him off. Shoffler then forbade him to have any further contact with Gildon on the matter. Shoffler, a military intelligence officer, alerted a few selected persons in federal intelligence agencies who wanted Nixon brought down because he was opening the door to Communist China and seeking nuclear détente with the Soviet Union. Shoffler, the consummate narcissist, dreamed of becoming the world’s most famous detective even if it meant creating a constitutional crisis that would lead to the destruction of the Nixon presidency and the defeat of America’s armed forces at war in Vietnam.

MERRITT’S THREE MEETINGS WITH NIXON

     With Merritt’s CI background established as a test of his credibility we now turn to three historic paradigm changing meetings that he had with President Nixon in 1972. These are described in part in my autobiography, Being There: Eyewitness to History published in 2018.

     The first meeting occurred in a few days before J. Edgar Hoover died on May 2, 1972. Merritt was awakened from a sound sleep around 2 a.m. in the morning in his apartment about a mile from the White House by a Secret Service Agent knocking on his front door. The agent told him the President wanted to see him immediately. Merritt hurriedly dressed and was driven by the agent to the White House. Once there he was led through a secret entrance and then into an elevator. The elevator appeared to go down, then sideways, then up, and then down and eventually opened onto a long corridor deep beneath the White House. The agent escorted him to a room. When they entered the President was seated behind a desk. He motioned that Merritt should take a seat in front. The agent stayed inside the room, standing by the door. The President made some small talk and then ordered the agent to leave and go the end of the corridor. The agent protested but reluctantly obeyed. Nixon again made some more small talk and then went to the door to check that the agent had gone down to the end of the corridor. It was obvious that he wanted complete privacy in his talk with Merritt.

Nixon told Merritt that it was the White House that originally chose him to become a Confidential Informant in 1970 for the Washington Police. He was chosen after having been profiled for a long time. Shoffler did the actual recruitment of Merritt but unbeknownst to him the recruitment decision actually came from the White House and not Military Intelligence. Merritt not long thereafter was selected to be the first and sole employee of the Huston Plan.

The President expressed appreciation for the manner in which Merritt had carried out his assignments as a Confidential Informant under the Huston Plan, some of which were criminal and many were quasi-criminal.

Merritt says that this first meeting was meant to get him comfortable with the idea that he would be given orders in the future directly from the president. He remembers that his knees were shaking the whole time when he was in the presence of the president. The President seemed quite satisfied to Merritt’s answers to his questions about politics, which showed that he was basically apolitical.

The meeting closed with the president asking Merritt to keep his eyes open for anti-Nixon activity of any sort.

The second meeting took place about five days before Watergate broke on June 17, 1972.  Again Merritt was summoned in the early morning hours after midnight and transported to the White House. He was escorted through a secret entrance and into an elevator. When the elevator arrived at its destination the agent escorted him to the office of the President.

They went into the office room and the agent then left and stationed himself at the end of the corridor.

The President expressed great confidence in Merritt’s ability to carry out assignments, again praising him for his many accomplishments under the Huston Plan. He then said he had a number of new assignments that he wanted Merritt to carry out. Foremost among these were he wanted Merritt to bomb the Institute for Policy Studies and to assassinate a professor of history at American University who was a leading anti-war spokesman. What followed thereafter was the President speaking fast and listing assignment after assignment. These were numerous but centered on conducting criminal and quasi-criminal actions against individuals and organizations aligned with the anti-war movement. These targets were all located in the area of Dupont Circle in Washington. The President repeated the assignments three times to instill these in Merritt’s memory as Merritt had not been provided with pen and paper. Merritt assured the President that he would faithfully carry out the assignments, just as he had done in the past.

Merritt decided to bring to Nixon’s attention that Rita Reed had alerted Merritt on June 1 of the telephone conversation that she overheard the day before while operating the switchboard at the Columbia Plana Apartments. The conversation revealed that enemies of Nixon were aware of a plan to break into the Democratic National Committee on June 18 and that the break-in would result in the downfall of Nixon from the presidency. Nixon responded that he was aware of a general plan to break into the DNC that had been authorized by the government agencies involved in the Huston Plan. He said he did not know any of the details as to who exactly would carry out the break-in and that his decision was to sit back and just watch to see what would happen. He said that he had no concern that the break-in would be tied to the White House. He said the purpose of the break-in was to gather evidence of a prostitution ring being operated out of the DNC that would be used in his reelection campaign. He asked Merritt whether it was his opinion or a fact that there was prior knowledge possessed by his enemies that the break-in would be used to end his presidency. Merritt said it was his opinion because Officer Shoffler was keeping from him the details of how the burglars were going to be entrapped. Merritt, like the President, was unaware of who would comprise the team of burglars. It did not occur to either that it would be “all the President’s men.’ Merritt did disclose to the President that at the request of Shoffler he had a blank safe deposit box key made that Shoffler planned to plant on one of the arrested burglars with the key taped inside a notebook. Nixon did not respond to this. So Merritt urged the President to consider carefully what he was disclosing to him. Nixon took offense at this, and asked Merritt sharply, “Who is President, you or me?” as if to question Merritt’s temerity in forthrightly offering unsolicited advice on how he should act. There was some further discussion about the planned break-in that was wrapped up when the President became quiet and thoughtful and then mused aloud, “I wish I could get a handle on this.”

The meeting ended with the President telling Merritt that he would be summoned again to meet with him on an unknown date.

Merritt’s third and final meeting with Nixon took place in the second week of July 1972, three weeks after Watergate broke. The Secret Service agent picked him up around 1 a.m. He was driven in a heavy black sedan that looked like it was bullet-proof. The vehicle arrived at the Executive Office Building (EOB) that is adjacent to the White House. Upon a signal the guard inside let them in the front door. They walked into a small elevator that when moving did so smoothly one could not tell it was moving at all. The elevator opened somewhere deep underneath EOB or White House. They walked a short distance and went down a short stairwell to a corridor. They then walked down the corridor and through three doors and then to fourth door. They walked a short distance and the agent told Merritt to enter an office. Inside they found President Nixon distraught with some tears rolling down his checks. Nixon asked secret service agent to leave and to stand at end of corridor.

Merritt asked Nixon why he was crying. Nixon pointed to an article about the Watergate case in the early edition of the Washington Post lying on top of his desk. He said he was being destroyed, his presidency was over.

Once Nixon composed himself and made some small talk, he reviewed the Watergate affair. He said that he had been betrayed by many in White House who were motivated by power and money. He could trust no one in the White House; he could only trust on Kissinger and Merritt. He said Dean was a traitor and that he had small elite group of detectives that monitored and taped Dean and others. The group discovered Dean had visited Nixon’s enemies on Capitol Hill before and during Watergate. He singled out by name General Alexander Haig, Carl Shoffler, T.D. (Shoffler’s police buddy) and Captain Edmund Chung as traitors.

The President again acknowledged that he knew of the general idea of a break-in at the Democratic National Committee being planned under the Huston Plan but had  known nothing of its details. He expressed remorse for not taking more seriously the information that Merritt had provided him at their prior meeting about the burglars’ break-in plan that his enemies had discussed in a telephone conversation overheard by Rita Reed. He said that the CIA had hijacked the break-in plan and had purposely sabotaged it, resulting in the arrests of the burglars. He was especially incensed at the role played by Military Intelligence directing Shoffler to set up an entrapment scheme to catch the burglars. Nixon blamed the NSA, FBI, CIA and Military Intelligence for wanting him destroyed and implied that he had been set up for a fall because of his sponsoring the Huston Plan that encroached upon the powers of these government agencies.

Nixon knew of Rita Reed’s disappearance after she had told Merritt on June 1that Nixon’s enemies would use the break-in to end his presidency. The President told Merritt that he must assume Rita was dead.

Nixon regularly received raw intelligence reports from Washington Metropolitan Police Department’s Intelligence Division. Merritt surmised these came from Officer Dixie Gildon, who knew Nixon. These reports showed Merritt regretted his role in alerting Shoffler of the planned break-in based on the information given to him by Rita Reed because he did not want to see Nixon hurt, that he admired Nixon. Nixon said he knew that from these reports and from Merritt faithfully carrying out his Huston Plan assignments that he could trust Merritt.

Merritt told him that since their last meeting he had begun to carry out his assignments given to him at that time. The President broke in and said that the plans to bomb the Institute for Policy Studies and to assassinate the professor of history at American University had to be cancelled. Such violent events in the wake of the burglars’ arrests at Watergate would likely focus attention on the activities of the White House.

The President spoke about the goals of his presidency that were now in jeopardy. He said it might be years before the historians would realize what he had hoped to accomplish, which was to assure the security and well being of Americans alive and those of future generations.

Then the President swore Merritt to secrecy. Once Merritt had assured him of this the President said that he had prepared a document that would explain why and what he had done to assure national and international security. The document was his “Message to the American People.” He had hidden this historical document inside the White House in a secret location where it might be many decades before it was discovered. He informed Merritt of the secret location and told him that if the time came when Merritt was still alive and believed it was the right time for the document to be revealed he was giving permission to Merritt to reveal its secret location. 

Nixon disclosed that he had prepared research dossiers on the FBI, CIA, Military Intelligence and one other that Merritt cannot remember. Nixon criticized all the agencies, declaring that should the country be attacked in a nuclear war these agencies would not be up to the task of defending the country. He said he was tired of reading reports from these agencies that were composed with the primary intention of the agencies’ claiming questionable accomplishments designed to make themselves look good.

 Nixon expressed grudging admiration for columnist Jack Anderson whom he said was brilliant and take could a slight hint and develop it into the real story. It was as if Anderson had his own crystal ball. He said that Bob Woodward was not a reporter but instead was a skilled intelligence agent trained in all aspects of that craft. He wondered aloud whether John Dean had been brought into his administration to bring him down as it was Dean who decided the Watergate burglars would be White House men and issued the order for the June 18 break-in that was later moved up to June 17 by Shoffler in one of his wiretapping schemes that fooled the burglars so that it would take place on his birthday.

Nixon knew he was doomed. He said “it is done. His hope was that there would be some way he would yet survive and somehow serve a third term despite the law that limited the president to two terms.

Nixon talked about a physicist named Samuel Cohen whom he described as brilliant. He said Cohen was the inventor of the Neutron Bomb that when employed emitted neutrons that killed people by destroying their nervous system but left the physical structures and surroundings intact and unchanged.

Nixon then produced a letter-size briefcase and withdrew a handwritten letter of three pages. HH He told Merritt that this was the most important document he had ever prepared. He stated that he alone had written with assistance from no one.

He said it was addressed to Henry Kissinger. He told Merritt that he was going to give the letter to Merritt to deliver to Kissinger in person or by mail. He told Merritt to remain quiet and not say a word as he read the letter out loud. Merritt wondered if Nixon was secretly taping what he was reading out loud.

In essence, Nixon talked about “life as we do not know it.” He said that during the previous twenty years Knowledge had been obtained that could make the human race on Earth “the supreme beings in the universe.” This Knowledge came in part from helpful information provided from an extra-terrestrial being from Planet X, Nibiro, who was in a secure location in a building in the U.S.  Nixon said the Knowledge came as the result of discovery made by scientists working at the Los Alamos Laboratories in New Mexico who studied the extraterrestrial being’s information.  Nixon said, “This all important Knowledge that we possess came from our discovery.”

Nixon declared whoever possessed this Knowledge could be the most important person in the world. All would bow down to whoever possessed this Knowledge. The Knowledge was “astronomical, nefarious and devastating.”

Nixon said that possession of the Knowledge had to be structured so that it was used only for the good of mankind.  His fear was that a small group seeking power would get hold of it and utilize it to the group’s evil benefit only.

Nixon said this ultimate Knowledge was contained in two lines in the letter.

In his letter Nixon instructed Kissinger to deliver his letter only to a president of the U.S. who succeeded him whom Kissinger believed could be trusted with the Knowledge. He also instructed Kissinger to devise a precautionary means for trusted persons to deliver the letter to such a successive president should Kissinger die naturally or unexpectedly.

Nixon closed the letter by saying his fate as president was sealed, that “they finally got me.” He had kind words of friendship for Kissinger whom he trusted implicitly. Merritt got the impression that Nixon and Kissinger had previously discussed the Knowledge.

After reading the letter out loud, Nixon asked Merritt to come around to his side of the desk so that he could show him the two lines in the letter that spelled out the formula/code/equation for the supreme Knowledge. Merritt of course was unable to comprehend the intrinsic meaning of the two lines that were written in red ink.

Merritt returned to his seat. The president took the handwritten letter with a folded note attached and two small cassette tapes that were in small individual padded envelopes and put these in a larger envelope, which he sealed and taped and placed a scrawled signature across the tape and seal. He then placed a handwritten note on the back of that envelope that directed Kissinger to contact Merritt upon receiving the letter to acknowledge its receipt. He then placed that envelope into a second larger envelope and sealed that with tape. The second envelope was addressed to Kissinger at his home address. It had stamps on it and had the appearance of an ordinary business mail solicitation.

The president then rose and approached Merritt and grabbed his wrist and squeezed it hard and asked “Can I trust you to deliver this letter to Kissinger?” Merritt assured him he would. Nixon said he believed him and stressed that under no conditions could the envelope be surrendered to the FBI.

He then asked Merritt to raise his shirt. Using hospital-type tape Nixon then taped the envelope to Kissinger on Merritt’s stomach so that the Secret Service agent who drove Merritt home would be unaware of the envelope’s existence. He then handed Merritt a small envelope that contained a typewriter ribbon that had been cut into small pieces. He told Merritt to dispose of the ribbon pieces in a secure manner. Merritt put the small envelop in his pants pocket.

The President reiterated to Merritt that the contents of the letter were vital to the security of the nation. He remarked that if Merritt were to open the envelopes and offer its contents for sale he could make millions of dollars. However, Merritt’s record of past performance had convinced the President that he could be trusted to deliver the envelope. Nixon reiterated his trust in Merritt and said that Merritt’s ability in carrying out assignments exceeded in some ways that done by the best FBI agents because Merritt was street wise and knew how to get something done better even when in doing so he violated the directions he had been given. He praised Merritt as being a “Super Plumber,” better than any member of the White House Plumbers Unit. He said that he knew Merritt never graduated from high school but that he was bright and had a good mind.

It was then at Nixon made a cryptic remark, apparently to emphasize the importance of the assignment that he had given Merritt. Nixon said, “I took my order from above and have followed it to the T.”

Merritt was taken aback by the remark and asked Nixon what he meant. Nixon did not reply directly but instead declared that “the year 2020 would be cataclysmic not only for America but for the world.”

Merritt asked Nixon how he knew this would happen. Nixon replied, “Think of me a prophet.”

Once all this was accomplished, Nixon asked Merritt if he had any questions. Merritt said he did. The first was could the scientists in Los Alamos be trusted with possession of the Knowledge? Nixon said that the scientists were the elite of the elite but were monitored at all times both by camera and by human eyes. All their movements were monitored closely.

Merritt asked if what was seen on Star Trek on television could be done such as beaming up a person. Nixon replied that the stuff on Star Trek was super antiquated and that we had moved far beyond anything imagined by the show.

Merritt then asked about the TV show Mission Impossible and the President said our capabilities would astound him.

Nixon told him this was their final meeting and that he was entrusting Merritt to carry out a mission of supreme importance in getting the envelope safely to Kissinger. There was no one in the White House he could trust. Merritt started crying and Nixon took his handkerchief, wiped the tears away and told Merritt to keep the handkerchief.

     Merritt never saw the President again. He remembers the occasion as one in which the president was distraught throughout.

     The Secret Service agent drove Merritt home. The next day Merritt went to Kissinger’s home where the maid told him Kissinger was not present. Merritt then deposited the envelope in a mail box at the street corner located outside Hartnett Hall where he lived and by coincidence across the street from where I lived. He burned the type ribbon’s pieces in a picnic area in nearby Rock Creek Park.

     A few days later he got a brief phone call from a woman who asked, “Is this Butch?” When he replied it was she said, “This is Nancy. Henry wants you to know that he received the envelope and wishes to thank you.” She then hung up.

     Merritt carried out all his assignments from Nixon that targeted anti-war individuals and organizations in the Dupont Circle area but when doing so always felt that someone clandestinely was monitoring his actions, someone likely under orders from the President.

     Merritt never told Shoffer of his meetings with President Nixon. He did not go public about the meetings until he told me in January 2018 so that I could include what took place in my forthcoming autobiography. Because I feared that Merritt might die due to his ill health before my book was published I arranged for him to be interviewed in February 2018 about the three meetings by Daniel Lizst on Dark Journalist. The interview’s title is, “Nixon’s ET Time Capsule UFO Disclosure Changes History.”

https://www.darkjournalist.com/s-merritt.php

     The obvious question arises as to why President Nixon decided to meet with Merritt and in such a clandestine fashion deeply underneath the White House. We cannot know what was in Nixon’s mind. However, it would be my guess that there was one primary reason.

      It is important to remember that it was the White House that selected Merritt to become a confidential informant for the government in 1970 after having profiled him for a long time and found in him the qualities being sought for such a person: a young man who had been so severely abused by two priests that he had become a sociopath. As such, he could be counted on to fulfill assignments involving criminal of actions under the belief that in doing so he was protecting the national security of the nation. Nixon behind the scenes for several years had issued some of the assignments that were then delegated by Shoffler and others to Merritt. Merritt had shown extraordinary capability and dedication in carrying out these Huston Plan assignments successfully without being caught. Nixon had concluded this track record showed he could trust Merritt to carry out a supremely important assignment.

      The reason Nixon selected Merritt to deliver the envelope with its all-important document and tapes to Henry Kissinger was, as he told Merritt, there was no one anymore in the White House whom he could trust. Nixon knew that both the CIA and the Military had spies in the White House reporting back to their superiors what was happening there.

CIA AND PENTAGON SPY OPERATIONS ON NIXON

     The CIA operation inside Nixon’s White House was headed by Howard Hunt who gave reports to a trusted courier who delivered them to CIA Director Richard Helms at the CIA headquarters in Virginia. It is difficult to believe under these circumstances that Hunt did not inform Helms ahead of time of the plan to burglarize the DNC. Hunt’s loyalty was to the CIA, not to Nixon.

     The Pentagon had its own on-going operation underway in the White House.

     Fox News published an article on December 15, 2008, by James Rosen titled, “The Men Who Spied on Nixon: New Details Reveal Extent of ‘Moorer-Radford Affair.’” Here are key excerpts from it:

     “A Navy stenographer assigned to the National Security Council during the Nixon administration ‘stole documents from just about every individual that he came into contact with on the NSC,’ according to newly declassified White House documents. 

     “The two-dozen pages of memoranda, transcripts and notes -- once among the most sensitive and privileged documents in the Executive Branch -- shed important new details on a unique crisis in American history: when investigators working for President Richard Nixon discovered that the Joint Chiefs of Staff, using the stenographer as their agent, actively spied on the civilian command during the Vietnam War. 

     “The episode became known as ‘the Moorer-Radford affair,’ after the chairman of the Joint Chiefs at the time, the late Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, and the stenographer involved, Navy Yeoman Charles Radford. The details first surfaced in early 1974 as part of the Watergate revelations, but remained obscure until historians in the 1990s and this decade began fleshing out the episode. 

     “The affair represented an important instance in which President Nixon, who resigned in 1974 amid wide-ranging allegations that he and his subordinates abused the powers of the presidency, was himself the victim of internal espionage. In adding to what has already become known about the episode, the latest documents show how the president and his aides struggled to ‘get a handle on’ the young Navy man at the center of the intrigue and contain the damage caused by the scandal.

https://www.foxnews.com/politics/the-men-who-spied-on-nixon-new-details-reveal-extent-of-moorer-radford-affair

     Nixon eventually concluded that General Alexander Haig had been complicit in the Pentagon spying, but opted not to take any action against him. Haig later even became Nixon’s chief of staff where he continued to undermine the president. USA journalist Ray Locker’s new book, Haig’s Coup, describes in detail what happened.

MY ROLE IN WATERGATE

     I believe Merritt’s account of his three meetings with Nixon deserves serious attention.To understand why I do it is necessary to review my role in Watergate. The full account appears in my autobiography, Being There: Eyewitness to History.”

     Here is a link to my memoir on Watergate:

     http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/21500-memoir-on-being-original-attorney-for-the-watergate-seven-by-douglas-caddy/

MERRITT, THE SENATE WATERGATE COMMITTEE AND THE WATERGATE SPECIAL COUNSEL

        Beginning in 1973, Merritt became increasingly disaffected with the activities of the FBI and Washington, D.C. Metropolitan Police Department.

        Merritt wrote in Watergate Exposed that on May 15, 16 and 17, 1973: “With [attorney] David Isbell at my side I testified in executive sessions on Capitol Hill before members of the Watergate Senate Select Committee in total secrecy. This was just before the May 18th, opening day of the committee’s public hearings. “I recall Senator Ervin telling me that ‘Mr. Merritt, your testimony is incredible. But I don’t think the American public is ready for the malicious acts that you have committed at the requests of the police and the FBI. I am appalled at the fact that they asked you to commit these criminal acts against the American people for the sake of national interest and security reasons.’

     “I never told the whole truth to anyone at the height of the Watergate scandal about my learning of the planned break-in two weeks ahead of the arrests. At the time I was fearful for my life. I was still working for Carl Shoffler and protecting what he had done after I gave him the information about the break-in. Rita Reed had disappeared off the face of the earth. I thought the same thing could happen to me. I knew too much.”

     Among the documents provided to Merritt by the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration is the following Senate Watergate Committee Memorandum:

“To: Terry Lenzer

From: Jim Moore

Subject: Interview with Earl Robert Merritt, Jr.

Date: July 24, 1973

     “Lee Sheehy and I met on 7/20/73, with Mr. Merritt and his lawyer, David Isbell, at Mr. Isbell’s law office, 888 16th Street, N.W. (Covington and Burling). Mr. Isbell would like the committee to put Merritt under an investigative subpoena as soon as possible. a course of action that – based on what Merritt told us – seems questionable for our purposes. Isbell wants the subpoena as a shield against pressure that Merritt has alleged been receiving from associates not to testify.

     “Merritt has not talked to any other governmental agencies about his activities. Isbell and Jerry Norton of Covington know his story, as does Mitch Rogovin, who represents the Institute of Policy Studies, one of the places Merritt has been involved with. Bob Hartstein of Arnold and Porter also knows at least some of Merritt’s story. Merritt initially went to Hartstein, who is on the board of the Institute of Policy Studies, and Hartstein referred him to Isbell because of a possible conflict of interest between IPS and Merritt. Merritt will not speak with the Metropolitan Police Department in the District because of his association with them, and will not speak with Archibald Cox’s office because of his wariness about the FBI’s association with that office.”

      The three page memorandum went on to report that “Sergeant Schaffer and Sergeant Leeper of the DC police visited Merritt and asked him to find out all he could about Douglas Caddy, who was representing some of the Watergate defendants. Caddy lived at 2121 P St., N.W., across the street from Merritt’s residence at that time. Merritt did not know Caddy. Schaffler and Leeper told Merritt that Caddy was homosexual and pro-Cuban….”

     Merritt wrote in Watergate Exposed: “October 18 and 19, 1973: With David Isbell at my side I gave testimony to Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox about my CI role. October 20, 1973: President Nixon fired Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox and attempted to abolish the office of the Watergate Special Prosecution.” This was the infamous Saturday Night Massacre during which the FBI seized the files of the Special Prosecutor. Isbell told Merritt that his testimony to Archibald Cox about his criminal activities under the Huston Plan was the cause of Nixon firing Cox and seizing his files. Nixon had to keep a lid on the Huston Plan. Isbell told Merritt he would no longer allow him to testify unless he was issued a subpoena, which would give him a limited form of physical protection.

      In October 1973 newspapers in Washington, D.C. began publishing stories about Merritt’s role as a CI for the MPD and FBI. Among those were “Informants for Police Exposed,” Washington Post, October 7, 1973. “Informers spied on D.C. Activists,” Washington Star-News, October 7, 1973, “Informant Tried to Spy on Kennedy,” by Jack Anderson, Washington Post, October 23, 1973, “FBI Informer Confesses,” The Daily Rag, October 5-12, 1973, and “Two Lift Curtain on Undercover Work,” Washington Post, November 26,1973. Jack Anderson wrote ten articles about Merritt in his syndicated “Washington Merry-Go-round”, Stanley Penn wrote a major article about him in The Wall Street Journal and Daniel Shorr wrote six reports about Merritt in the Village Voice and one report declared that what Merritt knew about the Huston Plan was enough by itself to impeach Nixon.

     Merritt’s actions towards Nixon showed that he indeed was a man without a moral compass.

     A Watergate Special Prosecution Force Memorandum on Shoffler dated December 20, 1973, reads in part as follows:

“To  : Files

From : Frank Martin

Subject: Interview of Carl Schoffler

     “Schoffler was questioned concerning the incident involving [redacted.] Schoffer stated that at some time after the Watergate arrests, Schoffler and Leper were in their car and met Merritt near his residence at 2121 P Street. Schoffler stated that he had first seen [redacted] the day after the Watergate arrests when [redacted] came to represent the Cubans. When Schoffler and Leper met Merritt, Merritt stated that he might know [redacted] and Merritt had an article from the newspaper with a picture of [redacted] in it. Schoffler told Merritt to let him know if Merritt found out who [redacted] was and if he was if he was "funny”, i.e., homosexual. Schoffler stated that this was an off-hand comment and he never expected Merritt to do anything about Caddy.

     “Schoffler stated that in the summer of 1973, after he had testified in the Watergate hearings, Schoffler met Merritt. Merritt stated that he had made all sorts of calls to Senators concerning Watergate and the Caddy incident with Schoffler. Schoffler stated that he told Merritt that if he, Merritt, reported a crime then that was one thing, but that if he reported something that was only in his head it was going to come back on him. Schoffler said that he did not in any way threaten Merritt.”

DAVID ISBELL ON MERRITT’S THIRD NIXON MEETING

     Merritt’s attorney, David Isbell, was a partner in the prestigious Covington and Burling law firm. He was also head of the capital’s chapter of ACLU.  When Merritt told Isbell of what Nixon had said to him in their third and final meeting, Isbell remained silent in contemplation for a few moments and then commented, “I don’t know what to do with this information. It affects our country and the world.” Isbell asked Merritt for permission to tell Leonard Boudin, a prominent leftwing attorney known for his anti-war views, of what Merritt had told him about his third meeting with Nixon and Merritt gave his consent.

         Isbell then declared that “Nixon is a patsy just like Oswald was.” Merritt got the impression from Isbell’s verbal analysis that Nixon’s downfall stemmed from his negotiations with the Soviet Union on nuclear arms control and his opening the door to relations with Communist China, both of which were adamantly opposed by the Pentagon and the CIA. Isbell added that there could be perhaps a more important reason for the president’s pending downfall, that being the existence of the Huston Plan that threatened the power of the FBI, CIA, NSA and Military Intelligence. Isbell then leaned across his desk and mused aloud, “I wonder if they have deceived me.” He then told Merritt that he was having second thoughts about bringing Nixon down because he feared that whoever followed him would be far worse.

      Merritt remembers one meeting with Isbell when Attorney General Elliott Richardson arrived unannounced. The two men talked excitedly about Nixon and then placed a phone call to Special Watergate Prosecutor Archibald Cox.

     When Isbell had first agreed to represent Merritt as a client he told Merritt that he believed Merritt’s life was danger because of what he knew about the Huston Plan. Isbell then telephoned Jack Anderson, the columnist, and spoke to him about Merritt. Isbell then sent Merritt to meet with Anderson in his office. Anderson questioned Merritt closely at several meetings and then wrote ten columns about Merritt that were published in the Washington Post. In one column Anderson threatened that if Merritt suffered any physical harm there would be hell to pay.

     Merritt entrusted Isbell with his valuable personal files for safe keeping on everything he had done for the government over the years. Isbell assured him that they would secure in the law firm’s vault. Isbell is now deceased and Merritt’s attempts to recover his files have been to no avail as they appear to have disappeared after Isbell died. However, he believes that Jerry Norton, the law firm attorney who took notes at all the meetings that Merritt had with Isbell, who still practices law in Washington, D.C. may know possibly where Merritt’s files are located.

THE HUSTON PLAN

      The all-important Huston Plan has been cited repeatedly in this article. Merritt was its sole employee, having been selected for that role by the White House in 1971. His pay in cash came from the White House. John Dean sent it by White House courier to MPD Sergeant Gildon who dispensed it to Merritt.

     The Huston Plan is best described in a CNN article by Professor Douglas Brinkley, CNN’s Presidential Historian, and Professor Luke A. Nichter, published on June 17, 2015. Here are some excerpts from their article, “Great Mystery of the 1970s: Nixon, Watergate and the Huston Plan”:

“Chaired by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, ICI [Interagency Committee on Intelligence] membership included the major intelligence agencies, including Richard Helms of the CIA, Donald Bennett of the Defense Intelligence Agency, William Sullivan of the FBI, and Noel Gayler of the National Security Agency. The White House liaison was Tom Charles Huston, a conservative-minded attorney and former intelligence official, whose name will be forever associated with the mysterious report.

“The Huston Plan gave new domestic and international powers to the intelligence community, including break-ins, domestic surveillance, and surreptitious entries. It remains classified "Top Secret" today. Ironically, we know more about illicit domestic surveillance performed by the intelligence community in recent years, due to hackers, than we do about such activities from more than four decades ago. Some scholars have even floated the idea that the Huston Plan was a forerunner to the authorities granted to the intelligence community in section of 215 of the Patriot Act, which authorizes the bulk metadata collection program.

“On May 16, 1973, White House special counsel J. Fred Buzhardt reported to Nixon that top NSA officials, including Deputy Director Louis Tordella, had told him the Huston Plan had been put into effect, according to a tape released in August 2013 by the National Archives.

“When the existence of the Huston Plan first became public during Watergate, we were led to believe that it was never implemented. Nixon ordered the plan and then recalled it, so the story went.

“However, the reason the Huston Plan remains classified today is likely because at least portions of it were indeed implemented after all. The basis for its continued classification is to protect secrets that were operational…..

“Our chance to learn about the Huston Plan and whether it was the authority upon which the Watergate burglary took place slipped away when former White House counsel John W. Dean III turned over the White House copy to the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on May 14, 1973.

“Dean took the plan with him when he was fired on April 30. As a result of his giving the document to the courts, it became out of the reach of congressional subpoena and out of the reach of the Freedom of Information Act, even though it was a document created by the executive branch and should have been reviewable under the FOIA. The document and associated records have been in the custody of the court ever since….

“When word reached the intelligence community that the Huston Plan was no longer in the custody of the White House, panic swept across the FBI, CIA, and NSA on May 17. The FBI feared it could end up in the hands of congressional investigators then looking into Watergate, with the result being that ‘inference is likely to be drawn by Congressional committees that this committee (the ICI) was a prelude to the Watergate affair and the Ellsberg psychiatrist burglary.’

“There was indeed a "cancer on the presidency," as Dean said to Nixon on March 21, and the apparent answer of the national security establishment was to cut it out -- to cut Nixon out. The President had to resign, and he had to be pardoned to ensure that inquiries into broader U.S. government wrongdoing could not continue indefinitely.”

https://www.cnn.com/2015/06/17/opinions/brinkley-nichter-nixon-watergate-huston-plan/index.html

NEW YORK TIMES ON MERRITT

     Merritt moved/escaped from Washington to New York City in 1987. True to form he again reprised his role as a CI, this time for the New York City Police Department. He figured prominently in a New York Times article of July 2, 2014, “Takeover of Kenmore Hotel: Informer Recalls His Complicity” by Pulitzer Prize winning reporter Michael Powell. It states in part:

“The takeover of the Kenmore was at the time [1994] the largest federal forfeiture to fight drug dealing in American history….

“A confidential informer, a man whose career in snitching for the police and federal agencies extends back to the Watergate era, said the assault on the Kenmore was constructed of illegalities. This informer, Earl Robert Merritt, described how he had worked with narcotics officers – before and after the takeover – to frame more than 150 Kenmore residents as dealers.

“’I planted drugs. I planted guns. I made false reports,’ Mr. Merritt said. I was given a list – little stars by the tenants I was supposed to set up.’

“’I helped send hundreds of people out in handcuffs,’ he added, ‘and I’d say 80 percent were innocent’….

“In long interviews at his apartment off Fordham Road in the Bronx, however, Mr. Merritt rarely contradicted himself. Court records confirmed his mastery of details. He insisted that I portray him as deeply flawed.

“’You cannot paint me with a halo on my head,’ he said. ‘I’m a nasty son of a bitch.’

“Three law enforcement agents described Mr. Merritt as a cunning informer.”…

“Mr. Merritt described being driven to the Manhattan district attorney’s office on a rainy evening. A prosecutor was typing statements for him, which he was going to swear to before a judge.

“’Read this carefully and don’t stray from the statement,’ the prosecutor told him, he said. “You are going to have to swear to this. Do you have a problem, Tony?’

“He said he looked at the prosecutor and asked, ‘So you want me to commit perjury?’

“’I don’t want to hear that,’ the prosecutor replied, according to Mr. Merritt.” [Merritt goes by Tony Martin today.]

https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/03/nyregion/takeover-of-kenmore-hotel-informer-recalls-his-complicity.html

MERRITT BEFORE THE MUELLER GRAND JURY

     In the late spring of 2018 Merritt received a telephone call from the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia who informed him that he would soon be subpoenaed to appear before the federal grand jury in the District. He was not told why his testimony was required.

     Late one evening a year ago as had been pre-arranged two U.S. Marshals appeared at his apartment to escort him to Washington. Merritt can barely walk and so he was transported in wheel chair on a 10:30 p.m. airplane flight to Washington and safely placed in a hotel. He was told he would testify the next day and maybe even the following day.

     He was awakened the next morning by someone knocking on his room’s door. When he opened it the man standing there said, “Make sure you do not mention President Trump’s name when you testify.” With that the man turned and disappeared into an elevator.

     The judge in charge of the grand jury has placed a gag order on all those who have testified. Merritt has scrupulously observed this and has not disclosed to me any oral statements that transpired between him and the prosecutors and the grand jurors. He did tell me that on the prosecutor’s lectern in the grand jury when he testified were two books: Watergate Exposed and Being There: Eyewitness to History.

     So without Merritt telling me what transpired inside the grand jury room when he testified, here is my educated guess. Watergate Exposed contains a good deal of information about the Huston Plan of which Merritt was the sole employee. My autobiography contains two major revelations that were not in Watergate Exposed. The first is about an illegal pre-FISA court that operated secretly under the Huston Plan. FISA stands for the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act that was enacted by Congress in 1978. The present FISC (Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court) is in the news today because Attorney General William Barr has opened a new investigation into whether the FBI misled the FISC in 2016 in issuing its early FISA warrants for use in the Trump/Russia investigation.

     So somehow what I wrote in my autobiography based on what Merritt told me about the secret FISA court that operated in the 1970s is apparently relevant to what is happening today. Here is what I wrote:

“One of the great mysteries of Watergate is the role played in it by the controversial Huston Plan. Robert Merritt was the sole employee of the secret Huston Plan. White House Counsel John Dean took over administration of the Huston Plan after Tom Huston was eased out. Merritt recently recounted to me a key aspect of the plan that has never before been revealed.  This was the existence of a secret court that convened in a secret location in Washington before which Merritt appeared on at least twelve occasions in 1971 and 1972. Each time he submitted to a three judge panel there an affidavit sworn to by him but which was actually written by the FBI that was shown to him only fifteen minutes before the court convened. Invariably the court would issue a warrant for wiretapping or search or surveillance or a combination of these aimed at a specific target. In at least three cases the target was a law firm. The only law firm Merritt remembers today was Arnold & Porter for which a wiretap warrant was issued. Another target was the Institute for Policy Studies. The secret court always convened a 1 A.M. and was located beneath an apartment building on P Street, NW, three blocks west of Rock Creek Park in Washington, D.C. Entrance was gained through the garage beneath the apartment building. Inconspicuously located there was a small elevator that held only three persons that descended two stories further down beneath the apartment building. The elevator opened onto a small corridor that led to a door that had three separate locks on it, each of which required a separate key. Once that door was opened there were two other unlocked doors that ultimately led to a small courtroom. On each side of where the three judges sat were American flags. The judges wore black suits, not judicial gowns. “In God We Trust” appeared on the wall behind the judges. Merritt, following the orders of the FBI agents, recited to the judges the basic contents of the affidavit prepared by the FBI of which he had no personal knowledge. He then submitted the affidavit to the judges who read it and then handed it back to Merritt to sign. Lawyers from the U.S. Department of Justice were always present. The proceeding usually lasted 45 minutes after which Merritt was escorted out by the FBI agents and subsequently driven back to his residence.

     “When President Nixon fired John Dean as White House Counsel in April 1973, Dean took the only copy of the 31-page Huston Plan with him and submitted it to Chief Judge John Sirica. To this day this copy has remained among the federal court’s sealed records beyond the reach of a subpoena. Its contents are unknown to the public.”

     Venal Judge John Sirica played a key role in the Huston Plan. He selected the federal judges that sat on the secret Huston Plan’s pre-FISA court. He appointed himself as judge as the first and second Watergate trials. His assignment was to make certain these trials never revealed the secrets of the Huston Plan. As Professors Brinkley and Nichter wrote in the 2015 CNN article cited herein: “There was indeed a ‘cancer on the presidency,’ as Dean said to Nixon on March 21, and the apparent answer of the national security establishment was to cut it out -- to cut Nixon out. The President had to resign, and he had to be pardoned to ensure that inquiries into broader U.S. government wrongdoing could not continue indefinitely.” This assured that Sirica’s role in the Huston Plan would never be disclosed.

     After Merritt had finished testifying before the grand jury a year ago he told the prosecutor in the corridor outside the grand jury room about his third meeting with President Nixon in July1972. The prosecutor showed no interest in the startling information that Merritt imparted.

     While Merritt was in Washington to testify before the Mueller Grand Jury he was contacted by NBC News that requested he sit for a recorded interview for its archives. Merritt consented to the interview.

      Six weeks later the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York sent a car to transport Merritt to his Manhattan office. Upon arrival Merritt found the meeting was with the grand jury’s prosecutor from the office of the U.S. Attorney in Washington, D.C. who told him that evidence had been found supporting his third meeting with Nixon, specifically Nixon’s “Message to the American People” had been located in the White House library hidden in the wall behind volume 2 of American history. The prosecutor wanted to know what else Merritt knew about anything of great importance. Merritt declined to provide any further information. However, Merritt has told me that upon his death he has arranged a treasure trove of valuable information will be disclosed by three persons to whom he has given it. I suspect that among the documents is a complete copy of the secret Huston Plan.

     The second revelation that is disclosed in my autobiography concerns concrete evidence that I gave to FBI Director James Comey in December 2016 and to Special Counsel Robert Mueller in August 2017 about Roger Stone possibly having a back channel to Russian intelligence through the LaRouche organization. Representatives of LaRouche attended the dinner in Moscow in December 2015 in honor of RussiaToday, the international television program financed by the Russian government. At the dinner was Russian President Putin who had seated beside him General Michael Flynn.

TRUMP, CONTROL OF THE UNIVERSE AND 2020

     In 1987 Nixon wrote a letter to Trump that congratulated him on an appearance on The Phil Donohue Show: “Dear Donald: I did not see the program, but Mrs. Nixon told me that you were great. As you can imagine, she is an expert on politics and she predicts whenever you decide to run for office you will be a winner.”

     The obvious question is what weight should be given to Merritt’s account of his three meetings with President Nixon from late April to mid July 1972, especially to the last meeting.

     The easy course would be to dismiss Merritt’s story as being beyond belief but this is undercut by the vast evidence of credibility that supports his decades of work as a CI for various government agencies. I personally believe Merritt’s account based on having known and worked with him since 2008. He told me of the heavy psychological burden he had secretly carried for decades of what transpired at these meetings and how he had decided to let the story about them be told in my autobiography before he passed away from his ill health.

     We shall never know what was in Nixon’s mind why he chose mid-July 1972 as the time to provide Kissinger with the Knowledge of  ‘life as we do not know it” and the formula for control of the universe. He was a political realist and undoubtedly recognized that he had a narrow period of time to get the full story of the Knowledge to Kissinger before his every move and utterance would be minutely scrutinized and examined in the wake of the breaking of Watergate by parties ranging from the secret Military Intelligence and CIA operations embedded in the White House to the nation’s press and his political enemies. In the end he chose Merritt as a below the radar courier of his clandestine letter to Kissinger.

       Trump had an uncle who was an eminent scientist at MIT. Fintan OToole in an article in The New York Review of Books for March 21, 2019, titled “The King and I” wrote that in October 2018 Trump “told the associated press that he understood climate change because ‘my uncle was a great professor at MIT for many years, Dr. John Trump. And I didn’t talk to him about this particular subject, but I have a natural instinct for science.’” The April 8, 2016 the New Yorker published “Donald Trump’s Nuclear Uncle” that profiled Dr. Trump.

      Dr.Trump’s mentor at MIT was Vannevar Bush. Bush headed the U.S. Office of Scientific Research and Discovery (OSRD). Harvard physicist Robert Sarbacher disclosed that Bush was in charge of the UFO File in OSRD.

     University of Michigan Professor Juan Cole in his blog on June 8, 2019, wrote: “Trump tweeted that the moon is a part of Mars. People cried dementia, but here are some alternative ideas as to what he meant.

“1. It is true that meteors strike Mars and send Mars soil and dust to the moon. And vice versa.

“2. Both the moon and Mars (and Earth) congealed from space dust left over when a star went nova and exploded. Gold is so hard it can only be forged in such a stellar explosion, so we know there was one and that we resulted.

“3. In Roman mythology, Mars is associated to the Milhra, and Mithra is associated with Luna, the moon goddess.

“4. In Syfy’s ‘Expanse’ now on Amazon Prime, fans have complained that while Mars struggles with Earth & the UN over the asteroid belt, moon colonies have not been mentioned. Is Mars planning to make a move?

“5. Mars and the moon are both part of the solar system, and so part of each other.

“Nah. Dementia.”

     So Trump may suffer from dementia in the same way that Mafia don Vincent Gigante did in the 1990s. Gigante for years was known as the Oddfather, an eccentric who daily shuffled the streets of Greenwich Village wearing only his pajamas, a bathrobe and slippers while talking to himself. Late in the game law enforcement agents were able to prove in court that this was all a con, an act by Gigante, who in reality was a dominant force on the Commission, the Mafia’s ruling body. Gigante ended up in prison.

     Robert Merritt’s interview about his three Nixon meetings was published on YouTube on February 14, 2018, in which he disclosed Nixon’s “Message to the American People” that was hidden in the White House. Merritt later informed me that one of his friends who serves in the Counter Intelligence Section of the New York Police Department’s Intelligence Division told him Nixon’s Message had been found  subsequently in the White House library by an elite CIA team using a thermal energy machine that looked for an envelope bearing Nixon’s handwriting. There is a second copy of his “Message to the American People” that Nixon arranged to be hidden in the Library of Congress where it sits undiscovered today

     Not long after the Message was found in the White House library Trump announced his intention to establish a Space Force, a proposal that was opposed by the Pentagon. However, on June 19, 2019, Trump officially directed the Pentagon to establish a sixth branch of the U.S. military in space. What are Trump’s true motivations in establishing the Space Force?

     On June 20, 2019, the Department of the Navy made a classified presentation to the Senators and their staff about its new requirement that navy personnel must report incidents of encounters with UFO to the Department. Afterwards the Senate Intelligence Committee’s Vice Chairman, Democratic Senator Mark Warner of Virginia, expressed interest in learning more.

     Kissinger has met with Trump in the White House several times. We do not know what they discussed.

     Can it be that behind the scene Trump, perhaps working with Putin, is struggling to get control of the secret formula for control of the universe that Nixon spelled out in red ink in his July 1972 letter to Kissinger that he assigned Merritt to deliver?

     Will next year, 2020, be “cataclysmic not only for America but for the whole planet” as foretold by Nixon in 1972? I believe President Nixon was a mystic just as was President Lincoln. https://www.amazon.com/Abraham-Lincoln-Practical-Francis-Grierson/dp/1494422662

     It could be that whatever may happen in 2020 has nothing to do with the outcome of the presidential election but with something far more important to “life as we know it” on Earth.

[End]

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Posted (edited)

Robert Merritt’s illegal, quasi-criminal and outright criminal activities as the sole employee of the Huston Plan that were authorized by government authorities, including White House and the FBI, began in 1971 and effectively ended in 1973 although he continued for decades to work as a government Confidential Informant.

The FBI during the period that the Merritt worked under the Huston Plan also had its own agents engaged in Huston Plan criminal activities in 1972 and 1973 as described in this article about Mark Felt and Edward Miller who later were pardoned by President Reagan. Former President Nixon testified in behalf of Felt and Miller at their trial.

 Ex-FBI Officials Felt, Miller Guilty in 'Black Bag' Cases

https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1980/11/07/ex-fbi-officials-felt-miller-guilty-in-black-bag-cases/ebf7eb2d-e94d-4478-896f-2d36af7ab760/?utm_term=.da5ff4583099

From the article: "Its job is to work for the people of this country today, just as it was our job in 1972 and 1973 to serve the people, and we did it the way we thought was best. As a matter of fact, the only way we thought was possible," Miller said.”

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/06/01/AR2005060101927.html

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Personal note: I was introduced to Edward Miller in 1984 and was impressed by his patriotism and character. At the time I was Legal Counsel to the Investigative Research Foundation based in Houston. The foundation was sponsoring the first National Conference on Terrorism and we retained Edward Miller to plan the agenda and list of U.S. and international speakers. The 1984 conference, the first of its kind, was an immense success, which can be attributed in large part to the guidance given by him.

Some time later when I was in Washington, Edward Miller introduced me to Mark Felt who subsequently  wrote about me and my role in Watergate in his autobiography, "A G-Man's Life" published in 2006.

It is ironic that Robert Merritt was responsible for the prosecution of Miller and Felt. His closed door testimony before the Senate Watergate Committee and the Watergate Special Prosecutor revealed for the first time the FBI's criminal activities in fighting the Weather Underground that had almost succeeded in blowing up the U.S. Capitol Building and the FBI's actions against other far left anti-war extremist groups. At one point in time Merritt met with Mary Jo White, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York, and revealed much of what he knew about the FBI's activities under the Huston Plan. According to Merritt White told him the information he possessed could send 250 FBI agents to prison for their actions but for there to be prosecution he would first have to plead guilty to a felony for his role in what had occurred. He decided not to pursue the matter any further at the time but it is my guess that upon his death he has arranged for the full story of what transpired under the Huston Plan to be disclosed. Miller and Felt, as the top FBI officials who directed the illegal activities, were chosen to take the fall with limited disclosure of what had actually occurred. This  is why President Reagan not long after their convictions pardoned them. History will show that the Weather Underground and its allied organizations did indeed pose a serious threat to the national security of the U.S. for a period of time.

Edited by Douglas Caddy

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Robert Merritt wrote this in Watergate Exposed that was published in 2010 by Trine Day:

                                                                                  The secret key to the Watergate break-in

 

 

     When Carl Shoffler arrested the five Watergate burglars on June 17, 1972 at 2:30 AM, he claimed that he found one key on the person of the burglar known as Eugenio Martinez. He asserted that the key was taped on the front of a notebook found on Martinez and that he subsequently inscribed his own notes in his detective’s pad about what he had found relating to the arrests. Martinez’ notebook, bearing Shoffler’s initials with the key taped on it, was later placed in the U.S. National Archives, where it sat for almost two decades before being noticed.

 

     This key was the subject of an A&E Investigative Report broadcast in 1992 with the title of “Key to Watergate.”  Officer Shoffler was interviewed in the program. Here is the link to the A& E Investigative Report:

 

https://www.watergate.com/john-dean/key-to-watergate

 

      Shoffler lied in his official police report on the burglars’ arrest. In actuality there were two keys involved and he removed both keys, not just one, from Eugenio Martinez. The key that he removed and disclosed was a key to the desk of a secretary at the Democratic National Committee. The key that he failed to disclose was a blank safe deposit box key that he had arranged to have placed in the secretary’s desk prior to the break-in as part of his plan to set up the burglars.

 

     I have personal knowledge about the second key. About a week before the arrests took place Carl asked me to go to a local locksmith and purchase a blank safe deposit key, which I did.  When I returned to our apartment Carl produced a one page document that had encrypted writing on it. He explained to me that the writing was gibberish. He handed the one page document to me using only his fingernails. After I took the document he asked that I fold it so that it would fit inside a white no. 10 business envelop, which he also provided to me using only his fingernails. He directed me to place the document and the key inside the envelop. As I did so I purposely pressed my thumb down hard on the document so that if it later became an issue my thumb print could be traced, as well as all my other fingerprints on the paper, key and envelop. I licked the envelop and sealed it with the encrypted document and key inside. Shoffler then directed me to insert the envelop into an inside pocket of the jacket he was wearing.

 

     Why did I purposely leave my fingerprints? Because I had begun not to trust Shoffler fully after the sudden disappearance of my close friend, Rita Reed. If something had happened to Rita because she knew too much, then I figured something could happen to me. My fingerprints on the key, document and envelop were a form of insurance for me, or so I thought.

 

          When he employed his triangulation wiretapping after June 3 he led the burglars to believe that a safe deposit key and paper inside an envelope in the secretary’s desk would lead them to a treasure trove of vitally important documents. Possession of the documents would ensure the victory of President Nixon in his re-election campaign and bestow other political benefits.

 

      Shoffler, using his wiretap triangulation, also managed to persuade the burglars to move the planned break-in date from June 18 to June 17, which was his birthday. He did so without the burglars being aware that the conversation that they had wiretapped detailing the safe deposit key in the secretary’s desk and June 17 date was a set up conversation orchestrated by him and had no connection to the offices of the Democratic National Committee. In the orchestrated conversation Shoffler indicated that the key to open the secretary’s desk was under her telephone on top of her desk.

 

      There is an open question even today whether the burglars’ wiretap operation was wiretapping the Democratic National Committee. It may be that their wiretap operation was instead wiretapping the prostitution ring being operated from an apartment in the Columbia Plaza Apartments across the street from the Watergate complex. The prostitution ring allegedly serviced referrals by telephone from someone inside the Democratic National Committee. The burglar having the most knowledge about the burglars’ wiretap operation was James McCord.

 

     After Shoffler returned to my apartment at 7 A.M. on June 17, he roused me from sleep and embraced me and kissed me. He was obviously elated. He said to me, “Thanks to you my operation was a total success. I arrested five burglars. But you must promise me never to tell what you know.” He then showed me the blank safe deposit key that he had withheld from the arrest record, which he had arranged to be planted beforehand in the secretary’s desk. He told me that Martinez was hiding both keys – the first one to open the desk and the second the safe deposit key -- in one of his hands at the time of the arrests and that he physically forced Martinez to surrender both keys. He also showed me the envelop that I had sealed earlier with the key and encrypted writing inside. It had been opened. He told me that he was going to destroy the envelop, encrypted document and key. He then left my apartment, telling me that he was going to grab breakfast at the nearby Hartnett Hall restaurant and then proceed to the courthouse to assist in the arraignment of the burglars.

 

     As the A&E video clearly shows, the investigation of the actual break-in on June 17 was given sparse attention in contrast to the thorough investigation given the cover-up that followed, whose aim was to remove Nixon from office. Howard Liebengood, Counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee, asserts in the video that “I must tell you that I am disturbed about the Watergate break-in and that I am convinced that what we don’t know about the Watergate break-in may well be more important than what we do know twenty years after.”

 

     In the months that followed the arrests, Shoffler in conversations with me would repeatedly refer to the team of burglars of Liddy, Hunt, McCord and the four Cuban-Americans as his “little duckies.”  He was especially contemptuous of Liddy and chortled when Liddy, after he was found guilty, boasted that he planned to remain quiet. In reality Shoffler was fearful that if Liddy did talk, he would provide sufficient information and clues that would lead to discovery of Shoffler’s role in setting up the burglars, a role that Liddy was unaware of. Liddy’s plan to remain quiet fit in perfectly with Shoffler’s own plan, which had duped the burglars from its beginning.

 

     He later expanded his “little duckies” pejorative category to everyone involved in the Watergate saga – President Nixon, the Senate Watergate Committee, the Watergate Special Prosecution Force, the media, etc. -- as being his “duckies.” He said, “It is like shooting ducks sitting in a pond with a blindfold on.” Since he held the ace card in clandestinely setting up the burglars, Shoffler could direct its ultimate outcome from behind the scenes. In fact shortly after he made the arrests Shoffler telephoned the Washington Post and reported what had occurred. This inaugurated a relationship with the Post. Shoffler was the primary Deep Throat, out rivaling Mark Felt in his disclosures to the Post.

 

     I believe that Mark Felt had knowledge that a planned break-in of some sort was in the works.

 

      It was he who directed FBI Agents Tucker and O’Connor to visit and quiz me about the rumor they had picked up that I knew something about a planned break-in. Their visit came a day or two after I informed Shoffler and his two associates on June 3 of what Rita Reed had told me. Why did Felt and the FBI agents never acknowledge their prior knowledge that a break-in had been in the offing? I strongly suspect they felt that their doing so would lead directly to me and once I became a central figure in Watergate I would be forced to disclose to the investigative authorities the numerous crimes that I had committed under the FBI’s COINTELPRO. Disclosure of these crimes might have meant Felt, Tucker and O’Connor would have faced prosecution for directing these crimes be done. (As it turned out, Felt was later indicted in 1978 and stood trial for certain activities that he had engaged in as part of COINTELPRO.) So it was in the interest of the FBI that I remain silent and out of the public spotlight after the break-in case broke on June 17.

 

     In viewing the video, special attention should be given to Shoffler’s eye movements, facial expressions, body language, and oral statements. He boasted to me on numerous occasions that, as a military intelligence agent, he had been trained to lie without being detected. However, a careful watching of him being interviewed shows that he was not a total master at doing this.

 

     In his burning quest to become the celebrity known as the most famous policeman in the world, Shoffler designed a secret plan that forced a sitting president from office, destroyed the faith of the American people immeasurably in their system of government, and launched a bitter political partisanship that has divided the country ever since. It boggles the mind that a single individual could have so changed the course of history, but this is what Shoffler, in his own way an evil genius, accomplished.

 

 

 

 

 

Edited by Douglas Caddy

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Hi Doug - finally read your article in full. A couple of questions:

How could Judge Sirica Deep six the Huston Plan doc so that a Congressional subpoena cannot gain access? Easier to understand how it might be classified and kept out of public hands via FOIA.

The bigger question of course is the third Nixon meeting and the letter delivered to Kissinger. Most people would dismiss this out of hand, claiming that no way could a powerful alien technology be kept secret. I’m not sure I agree, so I try to keep an open mind about this possibility. I’m not sure what my question is exactly. It’s frustrating that proof of the letter is not forthcoming. Everything else you write about your history is believable. When you enter the UFO alien tech world we have to suspend our disbelief. 

I can see several YouTube videos with Merritt. Which one are you referring to from 2018 in which he discusses Nixon’s message?

Edited by Paul Brancato

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Paul: I  included the link in my article in which Dark Journalist interviewed Robert Merritt in Feb. 2018 about his three meetings with Nixon in July 1972. But here it is again:

https://www.darkjournalist.com/s-merritt.php

Courts are empowered to seal cases, documents and other related legal matters. This is a common practice. Congress can request that a matter in question be unsealed but the court has complete discretion in deciding whether to grant the request or not. John Dean could have taken his copy of the Huston Plan and delivered it to Congress. Instead he delivered it to Chief Judge John Sirica. This was because both Dean and Sirica were central figures in the implementation of the Huston Plan. By giving it to Sirica and not to Congress Dean knew the Plan would be put under court seal where it sits undisclosed today. Dean also knew Sirica would appreciate what he did because it protected the Judge from exposure and accordingly Dean was treated with kid gloves by the judge and served about four months "incarceration' for his crime in covering up Watergate. Dean's "incarceration" brings to mind the "incarceration" that the Florida judge imposed on Epstein in which he was only "locked up" at night and was free during daytime. Dean, too, enjoyed being free in the daytime but was "locked up" at night.

I believe Nixon, a Quaker, was a mystic and did take his order from above and followed it to the T. Nixon was following the order when he used Merritt as the person to get his envelop to Kissinger in 1972. The other envelop, the one hidden in the White House Library by Nixon in 1972, bore on its outside "To be opened in 2018,." which was when it was discovered and opened. Merritt, fearful he was dying, used me and my autobiography to get the story told publicly of what Nixon had said to him and of the two envelops.

Merritt lost faith in the FBI when the agents he was assigned to work with forbade him in the spring of 1972 to attend his mother's funeral in West Virginia. He defied their order and attended her funeral. At the time the FBI was concentrating all is resources on capturing the leaders of the Weather Underground and did not want Merritt to get distracted from this assignment  by going home to West Virginia to his mother's funeral. It was this that led to the break between him and the Bureau.

Merritt told me that for eight years thereafter he cursed God every day for taking of his mother from him. Then one day he was seated on the steps of St. Mathews Cathedral in Washington and had the urge to enter it. Once inside he saw a statue of Christ on the cross and above it a bush. As he watched the bush came alive as if on fire and he heard his mother's voice. She told him in a gentle but stern voice to get over her death. She said his life had an important purpose and he should get on with his life and fulfill that purpose. Then her voice ceased and the bush returned to its normal state.

I have known only one other person who had a similar experience. He was a detective with the New York Police Department and was known to be scrupulously honest and dedicated in his work.

All of this is foreign in conception to most people in this day and age. However, if next year is to be cataclysmic for America and the world then one might expect a mystic such as Nixon to make such a prediction. Cataclysmic means violent change or upheaval.

We shall not have to wait long to see if Nixon's early warning about 2020 comes true.

 

 

Edited by Douglas Caddy

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I am attempting to verify the quote below from The New York Times.

I remember reading in1962 a speech by General MacArthur that was reprinted in U.S. News & World Report in which he declared that the next great war would be fought in outer space.

"We deal now not with things of this world alone. We deal now with the ultimate conflict between a united race and the sinister forces of some other planetary galaxy."

General Douglas MacArthur
New York Times
June 1962

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