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H. Smith Richardson Foundation

John Bevilaqua

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When I just recently noticed that Bill Buckley, Jr. was the brother in law of George O'Reilly

the CEO of the H. Smith Richardson Foundation well known funder of the MK/ULTRA operations, it caused me

to revisit this lovely little operation. After all Buckley deserved a mention in Condon's Manchurian Candidate which

described possible MK/ULTRA type projects for Mind Control and Thought Control run by Hans J. Eysenck of

The Pioneer Fund and Wickliffe Draper, Buckley's nearby neighbor in Massachusetts. Buckley and his American

Mercury deserved a mention by Richard Giesbrecht, where one of the actual attendees was THE Manchurian

Candidate himself, Anastase Vonsiatsky, whose headquarters were in Harbin, Manchuria for decades. And his

home was in Thompson/Putnam, CT so it seemed probable that these guys knew each other. Just try your own

searches for H. SMITH RICHARDSON alone or with MKULTRA and see what you can find. And even Russell

Maguire from Connecticut eventually took over the American Mercury and hired George Lincoln Rockwell as

an editor at one time where Buckley was the Editor in Chief. Then I recalled that 3 classmates at nearby Brown

University in the 1940's were Rockwell, Vonsiatsky and... and... E. Howard Hunt Buckley's first mentor at the CIA.

So these bastidges all first met at Brown University when Vonsiatsky used to ride to football games in a Pierce

Arrow convertible dressed to the hilt as a Nazi according to Martha Mitchell the Brown archivist? Daz right.

The story continues...

So I says to myself... you are on to somesing here brozzer (in the heavily accented Ukrainian described

in The Manchurian Candidate) and the quest continued... E. Howard Hunt ended up in Miami often visiting

the anti Castro Cuban exiles at a CIA safehouse in Grapeland Heights near my house so I knew a little bit

about him in advance. Recently just before he died, Hunt confessed a backup role in the JFK hit confirming

what Marita Lorenz and others have been saying for decades.

From World History: Plan or Accident? "The Order of Skull and Bones"

Everything You Ever Wanted to Know, But Were Afraid to Ask.

By Kris Millegan

... snipped

Another Harriman/Bush friend, Eugene Stetson ('34), was an assistant manager for Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers, Harriman's New York office. He organized the H. Smith Richardson Foundation. The foundation, in the late 1950s, participated in the MKULTRA, the CIA's domestic covert psychological warfare operation. The Richardson Foundation helped to finance the testing of psychotropic drugs, including LSD, at Bridgewater Hospital in Massachusetts, the center of some of the most brutal MK-ULTRA experiments.

During the Iran-Contra operations, the H. Smith Richardson Foundation was a "private donors steering committee," working with the National Security Council to co-ordinate the Office of Public Diplomacy. This was an effort to propagandize in favor of and run cover for the Iran-Contra operations, and to coordinate published attacks on opponents of the program.

The H. Smith Richardson Foundation also runs the Center for Creative Leadership at Langley to "train leaders of the CIA," as well as another center near Greensboro, North Carolina, that trains CIA and Secret Service Agents. Almost everyone who achieves the military rank of general also gets this training.

This is just the tip of an iceberg. You also have eugenics and population control, suppressed history and technology, yearly retreats, profitable partnerships with brutal dictators, deals with "terrorists", the involvement of the Knights of Malta, war-mongering and profiteering, mind-control, secret societies for teens, ritual magic and more -- all spinning the dark threads in the web of conspiracy that our spinning blue ball has gotten caught in.

... snipped

© Copyright Little Red Hen, 1996

Edited by John Bevilaqua
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The Ruling Class-Sponsored Race War and the Balkanization of America (Part Two)

Added: Jul 21st, 2007 6:59 AM

by Paul and Phillip Collins


Connections to the Power Elite and the Intelligence Community

However, it would be wrong to consider Tanton the center of the onion. Behind him lurk the controlling hands of the Power Elite. While this fact can be seen through Tanton's connection to the Club of Rome by way of Ehrlich's ZPG, it can also be seen through the different tax-exempt foundations that supply a steady flow of capital to Tanton's network. Tax-exempt foundations allow the elite to shield their money from the income tax and conduct social engineering projects.

Two foundations funding the Tanton network are significant because of their connections to the U.S. intelligence community. The first is the Smith Richardson Foundation ("The Puppeteer"). The financing for Smith Richardson comes from the Vicks Vaporub fortune ("Smith Richardson Foundation"). In 1973, the Smith Richardson Foundation came under the presidency of R. Richardson Randolph. With a mind-boggling net worth of 870 million dollars, the Richardsons are one of America's richest families. We are far off the trajectory of back hill bubbas and rednecks and have entered the realm of the Power Elite.

The origin of the Smith Richardson Foundation's involves a rogue gallery that includes the Bush family dynasty, the Yale secret society of Skull and Bones, and Nazi sympathizers. Tarpley and Chaitkin explain:

The Bush family knew Richardson and his wife through their mutual friendship with Sears Roebuck's chairman, Gen. Robert E. Wood. General Wood had been president of the America First organization, which had lobbied against war with Hitler Germany. H. Smith Richardson had contributed the start-up money for America First and had spoken out against the U.S. "joining the Communists" by fighting Hitler. Richardson's wife was a proud relative of Nancy Langehorne from Virginia, who married Lord Astor and backed the Nazis from their Cliveden Estate.

General Wood's daughter Mary had married the son of Standard Oil president William Stamps Farish. The Bushes had stuck with the Farishes through their disastrous exposure during World War II... Young George Bush and his bride Barbara were especially close to Mary Farish, and to her son W.S. Farish III, who would be the great confidante of George's presidency.

The H. Smith Richardson Foundation was organized by Eugene Stetson, Jr., Richardson's son-in-law. Stetson (Skull and Bones, 1934) had worked for Prescott Bush as assistant manager of the New York branch of Brown Brothers Harriman. (77)

Tarpley and Chaitkin also point out the Smith Richardson Foundation's connections to the U.S. intelligence community:

In the late 1950s, the H. Smith Richardson Foundation took part in the "psychological warfare" of the CIA. This was not a foreign, but a domestic, covert operation, carried out mainly against unwitting U.S. citizens. CIA Director Allen Dulles and his British allies organized "MK-Ultra," the testing of psychotropic drugs including LSD on a very large scale, allegedly to evaluate "chemical warfare" possibilities. In this period, the Richardson Foundation helped finance experiments at Bridgewater Hospital in Massachusetts, the center of some of the most brutal MK-Ultra tortures. These outrages have been graphically portrayed in the movies Titticut Follies.

During 1990, an investigator for this book toured H. Smith Richardson's Center for Creative Leadership just north of Greensboro, North Carolina. The tour guide said that in these rooms, agents of the Central Intelligence Agency and the Secret Service are trained. He demonstrated the two-way mirrors through which the government employees are watched, while they are put through mind-bending psychodramas. The guide explained that "virtually everyone who becomes a general" in the U.S. armed forces also goes through this "training" at the Richardson Center.

Another office of the Center for Creative Leadership is in Langley, Virginia, at the Headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency. Here also, Richardson's Center trains leaders of the CIA. (77-78; emphasis in original)

The second contributor to the Tanton network is Richard Mellon Scaife. The SPLC Intelligence Report documents this relationship:

Tanton's most important funding source for the last two decades may well have been the Scaife family, heirs to the Mellon Bank fortune. Richard Mellon Scaife, a reclusive figure, has been instrumental in establishing right-wing organizations like the Heritage Foundation and supporting causes like the "Arkansas Project," an effort to dig up dirt on President Clinton. Scaife family foundations, including those controlled by Scaife's sister, Cordelia May Scaife, provided some $1.4 million to FAIR from 1986-2000. (No pagination)

Scaife's attacks on Clinton might lead many to believe he is a genuine crusader against elite criminality. However, Scaife's skirmishes with the Clintons amounted to little more than factionalism in the ranks of the oligarchs. Richard Mellon Scaife's elite pedigree is impeccable. Like most bluebloods, Scaife has a fixation with eugenics. Robert G. Kaiser and Ira Chinoy report:

Scaife has long favored abortion rights, to the chagrin of many of those he has supported. In the first years of his philanthropy he stuck to a pattern set by his mother and sister and gave millions to Planned Parenthood and other population control groups, though most such giving stopped in the 1970s. (No pagination)

In addition to supporting eugenics, Scaife also attended the 1964 Bohemian Grove retreat, a major blueblood gathering (Kaiser and Chinoy, no pagination). Scaife is also connected to the U.S. intelligence community. Richard was, at one time, the head of the publishing organ Forum World Feature, which was publicly named as a CIA front organization ("Richard Mellon Scaife," no pagination). However, Scaife's intelligence connection is even deeper. Edward Spannaus goes into this connection:

Dickie Scaife is what one might call a second-generation ``OSS brat.'' During World War II, Dickie's father, as well as a number of his father's close business and familial associates, occupied high positions in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS)--America's wartime intelligence service. Alan Scaife, his father, was a lieutenant colonel in the OSS. A number of cousins of Dickie's mother, Sarah Mellon Scaife, also had very high positions in the OSS.

For example: Paul Mellon (a cousin of Dickie's mother and a rabid Anglophile) was recruited in London to the OSS by his brother-in-law, David Bruce. Paul trained with British troops, became a major in the OSS, worked under Allen Dulles in Berne, Switzerland, and commanded a unit responsible for conducting propaganda operations behind disintegrating German lines.

David Bruce, husband of Paul Mellon's sister Ailsa Mellon Bruce, was designated by OSS head William Donovan to oversee all OSS operations in Europe from his base in London. (Although some say, with justification, that it was Bruce who was designated by the U.S. banking-establishment families to oversee Donovan.) Another OSS cousin was Larimer Mellon, who likewise worked on Allen Dulles's staff in Berne. David Bruce (a direct descendant of the Scottish Bruce dynasty) later divorced Ailsa and married his second wife, Evangeline, an OSS secretary whose father had been a special liaison to British intelligence from the U.S. State Department.

It is reliably reported that these Anglophilic OSS circles around Scaife's father were the crucial influence on steering Dickie into intelligence-related ``philanthropy''--i.e., the private funding of joint British-U.S. intelligence projects which were commonly mis-identified as ``CIA'' projects or fronts. (No pagination)

Funding on the part of the Smith Richardson Foundation and Scaife makes it quite possible that the Tanton network is an intelligence project meant to foment race war. Would intelligence groups such as the CIA be interested in manufacturing such chaos? During an interview with William Norman Grigg, former DEA agent Michael Levine recounted a discussion he had with a CIA spook. The discussion, which occurred in Argentina in 1979, suggested that this is the case:

"There was a small group of us gathered for a drinking party at the CIA guy's apartment. There were several Argentine police officers there as well; at the time, Argentina was a police state in which people could be taken into custody without warning, tortured, and then 'disappeared.'"

"At one point my associate in the CIA said that he preferred Argentina's approach to social order, and that America should be more like that country," Levine continues. "Somebody asked, 'Well, how does a change of that sort happen?' The spook replied that it was necessary to create a situation of public fear -- a sense of impending anarchy and social upheaval..." (No pagination)

Such a "situation of public fear" could be incited by agent provocateurs within the ranks of white supremacists. If the idea of intelligence agents working within white supremacist groups seems foreign, consider the following report by John Hooper:

Germany's most notorious postwar neo-Nazi party was led by an intelligence agent working for the British, according to both published and unpublished German sources.

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Although often associated with the passel of foundations that buttress the American right-wing—including, among others, the Scaife, Castle Rock, and Bradley foundations—the Smith Richardson Foundation (SRF) donated the vast majority of its nearly $170 million in grants during 1996-2005 to educational institutions and scholarly endeavors. Its two largest grantees during that period were Yale and Harvard, both of which received more than $7 million. However, coming in at a not-so-distant fourth place was the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), a cornerstone think tank of neoconservatism, which received just under $6 million during the period.1

Created in 1935 by H. Smith Richardson, son of medicine entrepreneur Lunsford Richardson, the inventor of Vicks VapoRub, the foundation is managed by members of the Richardson family, whose various drug companies have created a number of well known products, including Clearasil, Nyquil, and Oil of Olay cream.2

The foundation’s mission is to “contribute to important public debates and to help address serious public policy challenges facing the United States. The Foundation seeks to help ensure the vitality of our social, economic, and governmental institutions. It also seeks to assist with the development of effective policies to compete internationally and to advance U.S. interests and values abroad.”3 The foundation’s International Security and Foreign Policy Program, according to its website, has in recent years “sought to assist the policy community’s efforts to combat global terrorism by supporting projects on critical issues, such as improving intelligence gathering. Because the battle against terrorism will also be fought on the ideological front, the Foundation has supported projects on improving U.S. public diplomacy in order to promote democracy and to give foreign publics a better understanding of U.S. policies.”4

Together with the Olin and Bradley foundations, Smith Richardson has been a key supporter of AEI since the Ronald Reagan presidency, when the think tank emerged as an influential policy shop.5 SRF also helped foster the work of early neoconservative figures like Midge Decter, Norman Podhoretz, and Irving Kristol through its support of the various institutions they have been helped lead, including The Public Interest, Commentary, and the Committee on the Present Danger.6

Today, despite its support for centrist-oriented think tanks like the Brookings Institution and the Carnegie Endowment,7 the foundation remains a major financier of neoconservatism, funding several other organizations frequently associated with that political faction, including Freedom House, the Hudson Institute, and the Manhattan Institute.8

From Reagan to Today

Leslie Lenkowsky, SRF’s director of research in the early 1980s who later served as head of the Corporation for National and Community Service in the George W. Bush administration, once said of the foundation’s work, “We don’t create ideas, we nurture them, a bit like fertilizer. … If the sprout is there, we make it grow into a mighty oak.”9 In particular, Lenkowsky thought that Podhoretz’s and Kristol’s ideas would “have a long-term impact” on how people thought about public affairs.10

Building on this support, Kristol helped convince Smith Richardson to back Jude Wanniski’s research on supply side economics. Wanniski’s publications served as a guide for Ronald Reagan’s economic policies when Jack Kemp, convinced of the theory’s merits by Kristol, brought it to Reagan’s attention.11

Lenkowsky also oversaw SRF’s efforts to fund college newspapers, including The Dartmouth Review, where a young Dinesh D’Souza got his start. As editor-in-chief, D’Souza used the newspaper to out homosexual students by investigating subscribers,including their parents. Files from the university’s Gay Student Alliance, apparently stolen, appeared in the paper, some of which contained “names and parts of letters written by lonely students.” D’Souza went on to be a key crusader against the so-called liberal bias in universities, beginning with his book Illiberal Education. SRF joined with other conservative foundations to fund much of this work.12

Devon Gaffney Cross succeeded Lenkowsky as SRF’s director of research, serving two years in that post during the mid-1980s. Gaffney Cross, the sister of Reagan-era defense official Frank Gaffney Jr.—head of the hawkish Center for Security Policy—has also served as a director of the neoconservative advocacy group the Project for the New American Century and worked as an advisor to the Lincoln Group, the controversial “strategic communication management” firm that was awarded a Pentagon contract to work in Iraq in 2004, “after military officials concluded that the United States was failing to win over Muslim public opinion.”13

In 1981, SRF provided seed money for the Friends of the Democratic Center in Central America (Prodemca), a hardline group involved in implementing U.S. foreign policy in Central America. In 1986, a member of Prodemca’s executive committee, Penn Kemble, an early neoconservative trailblazer, told the Washington Post that the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), another SRF grant recipient, had given his group $400,000. According to Sidney Blumenthal, Prodemca had been “funneling most of the money to opponents of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua.” Prodemca spokespersons denied using NED-supplied monies to secure newspaper ads supporting U.S. funding for the Contras.14

Also in the early 1980s, Smith Richardson teamed up with other conservative foundations to support the Capital Legal Foundation, which in 1984 was involved in defending Gen. William Westmoreland in his suit against CBS for a documentary made about his Vietnam years. The lawsuit turned political when Westmoreland’s lawyers complained that the law firm CBS employed was creating an unequal playing field in the courtroom. CBS lawyers countered that conservative philanthropies such as Scaife (the largest backer), Olin, and Smith Richardson were “using the general to advance their own objectives: to legitimize the Vietnam War, intimidate the media, and lower the legal obstacles to libel judgments.”15

In 2000, SRF provided startup funds to the Dui Hua Foundation, an International Republican Institute-sponsored organization that addresses issues concerning Chinese political prisoners. Also regarding China, SRF sponsored a RAND study that analyzed hypothetical scenarios were the United States to defend Taiwan against a Chinese attack.16

SRF has also been a major backer of controversial domestic policy programs and causes. It supported the Center for Individual Rights (CIR), which has litigated free speech cases and advocated against “political correctness” codes—most notably by defending professors accused of sexually harassing students. Said CIR’s director of research, Robert R. Detlefsen, “Many of our clients would be white male college professors because these are the folks who find themselves victimized by political correctness.”17

The foundation supported the American Enterprise Institute-Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory Studies, a research initiative created to assess the business impact of environmental regulations which in 2001 was given the dubious distinction of being named the Clean Air Villain of the Month by the Clean Air Trust. Described as a “polluter friendly” organization, the Trust accused the center of trying to associate smog cleanup operations with higher cases of skin cancer among the population.18 Then-AEI president Christopher DeMuth was a contributing analyst to the project; Robert W. Crandall and Clifford Winston represented Brookings.19

Legal Problems

In November 2003, Connecticut Attorney General Richard Blumenthal opened an investigation into the funding practices of Smith Richardson and The Beinecke Foundation—both based in Connecticut. The Boston Globe reported that SRF’s top executives—Peter Richardson, Marin Strmecki, and Robert L. Coble—had their vehicles paid for by the foundation. Richardson, whose annual salary at the time was $364,000, drove a $63,000 Audi A8 luxury sedan, while the other two, whose annual salaries were $225,000, owned an Audi station wagon and Jeep Cherokee, respectively, which each cost roughly $36,000.20

Reported the Boston Globe: “In an interview, Richardson said he could not recall how the cars were approved by the foundation, which funds public policy research. Of his Audi, Richardson said, “I wanted to get a safe sedan.” Smith Richardson also spent $6,700 for a portrait of a family benefactor, $2,600 on a chair, and bought four lamps at $1,300 a piece.”21


1. Mediatransparency.com, “Smith Richardson Foundation Grant Recipients,” http://www.mediatransparency.org/recipient....php?funderID=6.

2. Dana Canedy, “H. S. Richardson, 79, Dies; Heir to Vicks Cold Remedies,’ New York Times, July 31, 1999.

3. Smith Richardson Foundation, “Mission,” http://www.srf.org/mission/ (accessed February 10, 2008).

4. Smith Richardson Foundation, “History”; Smith Richardson Foundation, “International Security and Foreign Policy Program,” http://www.srf.org/grants/international.php (accessed February 10, 2008).

5. See Irving Kristol’s comment on the importance of Olin and Bradley to AEI, in Irving Kristol, Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an In Idea, Free Press, 1995, page 33.

6. Bernard Weinraub, “Institute Plays Key Role in Shaping Reagan Programs,” The New York Times, January 14, 1981; Bernard Weinraub, “Foundations Assist Conservative Cause,” The New York Times, January 19, 1981; Kathleen Teltsch, “400 Intellectuals Form ‘Struggle for Freedom’ Unit,” The New York Times, February 19, 1981

7. Foundation Center, Smith Richardson Foundation 990 IRS Form, 2007, http://dynamodata.fdncenter.org//990pf_pdf...00712_990PF.pdf

8. Foundation Center, Smith Richardson Foundation 990 IRS Form, http://dynamodata.fdncenter.org//990pf_pdf...00712_990PF.pdf

9. Bernard Weinraub, “Foundations Assist Conservative Cause,” The New York Times, January 19, 1981

10. Bernard Weinraub, “Foundations Assist Conservative Cause,” The New York Times, January 19, 1981

11. David Shribman, “Washington Talk; Neoconservatives and Reagan: Uneasy Coalition,” The New York Times, September 27, 1981; Walter Goodman, “Irving Kristol: Patron Saint of the New Right,” The New York Times, December 6, 1981

12. Dudley Clendinen, “Conservative Paper Stirs Dartmouth,” The New York Times, October 13, 1981; Evan McKenzie, “Right-wing Money Creates a Political Issue,” St. Petersburg Times Florida, June 26, 1991

13. Jeff Gerth and Scott Shane, “U.S. Is Said to Pay to Plant Articles in Iraq Papers,” The New York Times, December 1, 2005; Devon Gaffney, Research Director, Engaged to Marry Jay Cross in June,” The New York Times, April 9, 1989.

14. Sidney Blumenthal, “Grantee of U.S. Endowment Funds Sandinista Opponents; Group’s Advertisements Urge Aid for Rebels,” The Washington Post, March 19, 1986

15. David Margolick, “Westmoreland V. CBS: Legal Drama Intensified by 2 Contrasting Lawyers,” The New York Times, May 31, 1984; George Lardner Jr., “Pittsburgh Millionaire Financed Westmoreland’s Suit against CBS; Scaife, of New Right Causes, Paid Much of $3 Million Tab,” The Washington Post, February 28, 1985

16. Julie Chao, “China Invites Activist to Discuss Prisoners,” The Atlanta Journal and Constitution, May 1, 2000; Ching Cheong, “U.S. Think Tank Tests Out War Scenarios,” The Straits Times (Singapore), December 1, 2000; Rosenberg, “John Kamm’s Third Way,” The New York Times, March 3, 2002

17. Evan McKenzie, “Right-wing Money Creates a Political Issue,” St. Petersburg Times, June 26, 1991; James Andrews, “Conservative Law Groups Adopt Liberals’ Model,” Christian Science Monitor, October 3, 1994; Davidson Goldin, “Law Center Wages a Fight against Political Correctness,” The New York Times, August 13, 1995

18. Cindy Skrzycki, “Bringing Brainpower to the Commentary on Rules,” The Washington Post, October 9, 1998; Clean Air Trust: Clean Air Villain of the Month, November 2001


19. Cindy Skrzycki, “Bringing Brainpower to the Commentary on Rules,” The Washington Post, October 9, 1998; Clean Air Trust: Clean Air Villain of the Month, November 2001


20. Francie Latour and Beth Healy, “AG In Conn. Begins Probe: 2 Foundations for Charities are Eyed,” The Boston Globe, November 11, 2003; Francie Latour, “Spotlight Report / Charity Begins At Home; Costly Furnishings Come at Charities’ Expense,” The Boston Globe, November 9, 2003

21. Francie Latour, “Spotlight Report / Charity Begins At Home; Costly Furnishings Come at Charities’ Expense,” The Boston Globe, November 9, 2003

22. Smith Richardson Foundation, Our Mission, http://www.srf.org/mission/

23. Smith Richardson Foundation, Board of Trustees, http://www.srf.org/people/Trustees.htm (accessed February 11, 2009); Smith Richardson Foundation, Program Staff, http://www.srf.org/foundation/staff.php (accessed February 11, 2009).

24. Smith Richardson Foundation, Board of Governors, http://www.srf.org/people/Governors.htm (accessed February 11, 2009); Christopher Demuth, “Think-Tank Confidential: What I learned during two decades as head of America’s most influential policy shop.” Wall Street Journal, http://www.opinionjournal.com/extra/?id=110010718

25. Foundation Center, Smith Richardson Foundation 990 IRS Form, 2007, http://dynamodata.fdncenter.org//990pf_pdf...00712_990PF.pdf

26. Smith Richardson Foundation, Program Staff, http://www.srf.org/foundation/staff.php

27. Foundation Center, Smith Richardson Foundation 990 IRS Form, 2007, http://dynamodata.fdncenter.org//990pf_pdf...00712_990PF.pdf


* Allen,M.P. The Founding Fortunes. 1989 (296)

* Aufderheide,P. Beyond PC. 1992 (91)

* Bellant,R. Old Nazis. 1989 (39)

* Blumenthal,S. Rise of the Counter-Establishment. 1988 (191-2)

* COHA. Resource Center. NED: A Foreign Policy Branch Gone Awry. 1990 (13, 38, 64)

* Council on Foreign Relations. Annual Report. 1988 (134)

* Covert Action Information Bulletin 1991-#38 (47-8)

* Diamond,S. Spiritual Warfare. 1989 (152)

* EIR. Dope, Inc. 1992 (622)

* EIR. The Ugly Truth About the ADL. 1992 (96)

* Executive Intelligence Review 2006-06-16 (72)

* Herman,E. O'Sullivan,G. The Terrorism Industry. 1989 (101)

* King,D. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism. 1989 (400)

* Millegan,K. Fleshing Out Skull & Bones. 2003 (19)

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* National Reporter 1985-W (34)

* New Federalist 1994-02-21 (3)

* Parapolitics/USA 1981-05-30 (4)

* Peake,H. Reader's Guide to Intelligence Periodicals. 1992 (188)

* Quinde,H. Affidavit. 1992-01-20 (9, 26)

* Rampton,S. Stauber,J. Banana Republicans. 2004 (24, 113)

* Saloma,J. Ominous Politics. 1984 (24-5, 34-5)

* Smith,J. The Idea Brokers. 1993 (182)

* Tarpley,W.G. Chaitkin,A. George Bush. 1992 (77-8, 389-90)

* Texas Observer 1991-05-31 (7)

* Washington Post 1983-03-19 (B6)

* Washington Post 1985-02-28 (A14)

* Washington Post 1986-03-19 (A30)

* Wilcox,D.A... The Right Guide. 1993 (188)

Edited by John Bevilaqua
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