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Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith and Hollywood Blacklisting

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The Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith was the first person to come into a large sum of money, almost miraculously, in the Spring of 1964 following the JFK assassination four months previously. He started to build his Christ of the Ozarks shrine and theme park in Arkansas at that time. Smith only had $5,000.00 to his name at the close of business on 12/31/1963 according to Prof. Glen Jeansonne in "Gerald L K Smith - Minister of Hate". Smith was also present at the Winnipeg Airport Incident in Canada on 2/13/1964 when Richard Giesbrecht overheard him discussing the JFK assassination and The American Mercury which was published by Smith's Hollywood Blacklisting and JFK plot co-conspirator Rev. Gerald B. Winrod of Wichita, Kansas. Richard Condon, in The Manchurian Candidate directly mentioned both Gerald L K Smith and Father Charles Coughlin as well as Hollywood Blacklisting writers like Westbrook Pegler, George Sokolosky, Laurence Dennis and Arnold Bennett of The Liberty Lobby. He mentioned them by NAME. No anagrams, no riddles, no nothing. That is why I am opening up this discussion of Hollywood Blacklisting and Gerald L K Smith. Hollywood Blacklisting was the precursor to McCarthyism and Red Baiting and the place where the eventual JFK conspirators cut their eye teeth. Trust me on this one.

An interview with film historian Reynold Humphries

Questions and answers on the Hollywood blacklists—Part 1

By David Walsh

11 March 2009

Last month the WSWS posted a review of Hollywood's Blacklists: A Political and Cultural History by Reynold Humphries [The anti-communist purge of the American film industry]


We explained: "The monograph treats a number of processes and events in some detail: the bitter union struggles in Hollywood in the 1930s and 1940s; the first round of Hollywood HUAC [House Un-American Activities Committee] hearings in October 1947, which brought about the blacklist; the committee's hearings in 1951-1953; the 'Anti-Communist Crusade on the Screen' and the consequences of the purges for its victims."

We noted that the anti-communist purge of the entertainment industry in the late 1940s and early 1950s—This disgraceful episode, in which the FBI, ultra-right elements, official liberalism and Hollywood executives all played their parts"—had "far-reaching consequences, not only for the film industry, but American society and culture as a whole."

Complex questions are bound up with the witch-hunts. As part of an ongoing process of clarifying those questions, a number of WSWS writers on film—David Walsh, Joanne Laurier, Richard Phillips, Hiram Lee, Charles Bogle and Mile Klindo—put together a series of questions for Reynold Humphries, who was generous enough to agree to an interview by e-mail. He answered at length, and we post the questions and answers in two parts, starting today.

There are obviously issues on which we do not see eye-to-eye, but we are convinced that a discussion of the historical and artistic matters at stake is critical in clarifying new generations of film artists and others.

* * * * *

WSWS: Could you say something about the immediately pre-war investigations of Hollywood, including the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) 1940 hearings and the 1941 Senate Sub-Committee War Films Hearing? What were their aims and what were their consequences, if any? Could you comment on HUAC's failure to investigate extreme right and fascistic organizations, such as the KKK?

Reynold Humphries: In 1940, HUAC's chairman was Martin Dies, a conservative Democrat from Texas. A strong opponent of Roosevelt's New Deal (on one occasion Dies suggested the expulsion of all aliens in order to solve unemployment), once he became HUAC chairman in 1938 he turned his attention to investigating such creations of that period as the Federal Theater, which he accused of using taxpayers' money for subversive purposes. As a result, Congress refused to continue to vote funds and the FT ceased to exist.


Rep. Martin Dies Two years later, Dies decided to investigate Communism in Hollywood. However, he was uninformed, unlike HUAC in 1947, which took advantage of the covert support of the FBI's J. Edgar Hoover to determine who the Communists were. Thus Dies had no proof and limited himself to discussing their political opinions with James Cagney (considered to be on the extreme Left, but not a Communist, because of his support for Socialist Upton Sinclair during the campaign for governor of California in 1934), Humphrey Bogart and Fredric March.

Always a genuine radical, March was forced to leave Hollywood for Broadway, along with his wife, by 1950. Dies gave him the following advice when it came to expressing political opinions, contributing to appeals and signing petitions: "Never participate in anything in the future without consulting the American Legion or your local Chamber of Commerce." With hindsight, this is more sinister than ludicrous.

By 1945, Hollywood was being run by a former president of the Chamber of Commerce, Eric Johnston, representative of corporate America. It was he who was responsible for the setting up of the blacklist in November 1947. The American Legion, long a major force of reaction and bigotry, distinguished itself in 1951 by pinning the Medal of Merit on the proud bosom of Generalissimo Franco, despite the fact that he had allowed Hitler and Mussolini to use Spain as a base for launching attacks on American troops.

Much of the material on HUAC and related matters is to be found in various archives and is not available to the general public. However, an indispensable publication, "A Quarter-Century of Un-Americana" (1963), informs us that various racist, fascist and pro-Nazi organisations and individuals rooted for Dies and his Committee: the KKK, the Silver Shirts, the German-American Bund, anti-Semitic evangelist Gerald L.K Smith. This support for Dies extended across the Atlantic to the Nazi propaganda Ministry headed by Dr. Goebbels, as the Federal Communications Commission wrote on February 11, 1942 (by which time the US was at war).

So Dies drew a blank and was ridiculed by Hollywood. The same goes for the War Films Hearings, set up at the request of Senators Burton K. Wheeler (of Montana) and Gerald Nye (of North Dakota) to protest against Roosevelt's supposed determination to railroad the US into a war with Germany to support Great Britain. Essentially an isolationist move, the Hearings backfired badly for the Senators. Hollywood rallied behind Roosevelt, as did the press massively. Even the most right-wing commentators, such as Westbrook Pegler, spoke out forcefully against Hitler, and the impression I have on reading the transcript of the Hearings is that things had changed radically since 1939: the overwhelming opinion was one of the danger represented by Hitler.

One must remember that Hollywood was very jittery in 1938 when Warner Brothers announced its film Confessions of a Nazi Spy, released in April 1939. Hollywood had made a great show of inviting well-known pro-Nazi director Leni Riefenstahl and Mussolini's son in the hope that the latter would agree to co-productions with Hollywood. This produced an early anti-fascist alliance between liberals, radicals and Communists to denounce such goings-on, but the studios, with the exception of Warner Brothers, were quite happy to dismiss Jews in their service in Germany so that Hollywood productions could be released. Profit was paramount (so to speak).

Although it would be quite wrong to smear all isolationists with the accusation of fascism and anti-Semitism, there is ample evidence to show that Nye in particular deliberately appealed to such elements. His meetings drew supporters of the anti-Semitic priest Father Coughlin and members of the Bund. He had only to mention the names of certain bankers—significantly he always chose Jews—for howls of execration to rise from the assembled guttersnipes.

Left-wing commentator George Seldes (later to be blacklisted, thanks to McCarthy) pointed out nicely that no mention was made of Gentile J.P. Morgan, who was a "good" American in the eyes of isolationists. Which did not prevent Morgan from participating in a failed coup d'état against Roosevelt soon after he came to the White House in 1933. In other words, Nye was wittingly flattering both the basest instincts and reinforcing the fantasy of the Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy. I do not remember coming across such anti-Semitism in the speeches of Wheeler, but he was clearly a tacit accomplice of Nye's obscene posturings.

By 1947, the climate had changed radically again, as it did between 1948 and 1951 when HUAC returned to Hollywood. In the weeks following the Hearings of October 1947, when the "Hollywood Ten" were questioned by J. Parnell Thomas (as the Republicans had the majority in Congress, a Republican automatically chaired HUAC, and Thomas had been a member in 1944 when Dies was still chairman), various remarks and incidents show anti-Semitism and fascism as dominant factors.

Thus Pegler (Los Angeles Examiner, November 7, 1947) attacked a favorite target, Danny Kaye (a leading liberal and member of the Committee for the First Amendment), who "didn't give exactly his all during the war," then indulged in a spot of anti-Semitism by giving the actor's real Jewish name. On November 10, the Hollywood Citizen News published a report of a rally for the Hollywood Ten held in Los Angeles. Organized by one of their lawyers, Robert Kenny, it drew 6,000 people. On the platform was one O. John Rogge, who had been fired by the Attorney General "for releasing without authority a report on fascist activities in the US."

On December 1, the Los Angeles Times quoted Representative McDowell (R. PA) to the effect that the sub-committee of HUAC he chaired "had failed to find any Fascist or Fascism in this country worth investigating." Three days later, the Los Angeles Daily News reported that Chairman Thomas was "irked" by this statement by McDowell, adding that HUAC would be investigating "assertedly fascistic organizations" and would be calling Gerald L.K. Smith. He was never called.

But let us return to HUAC itself and two of its members, Rep. John Rankin of Mississippi and Robert Stripling, the Committee's Chief Investigator. The former, a Democrat from the Deep South, is still an embarrassment to Cold War warriors and contemporary witch-hunters because of his over-the-top anti-Semitism. Yet he was just more extreme than most. Thus, just as Rankin defended Nazi military leaders after the war on the grounds that they were being persecuted by a "a racial minority" (i.e., Jews), so white supremacist Stripling stepped in before the war to prevent two Nazi secret agents from being deported. (And readers might be interested to learn that an earlier Chief Investigator for HUAC, Edward F. Sullivan, was sentenced to 15 years for wartime sedition, while the next Chief Investigator, J.B. Matthews, was a peddler of the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion"; later he edited the newsletter of the John Birch Society.)


Rep. John Rankin of Mississippi

The fact that Rankin was a chronic and certifiable paranoiac can be seen from the way he protested about the blood given to soldiers needing urgent transfusions, without distinguishing between Negro and white blood. This, for Rankin, was yet another attempt "to mongrelize this nation."

Lest people believe such ravings were limited to racist Southern Democrats, let us turn to Rep. Francis Walter, chairman of HUAC from 1955. A Democrat representing Pennsylvania, he co-authored with another reactionary Democrat, Senator Pat McCarran of Nevada, an Immigration Act designed to maintain "traditional racial balance." When there were protests, Walter dismissed them as "professional Jews shedding crocodile tears for no reason whatsoever."

However, it would be true to say that Southern Democrats on the Committee were the most egregious when it came to pro-fascist and anti-Semitic statements. Thus, both Rankin and fellow Southerner John Wood from Georgia, chairman from 1949 to 1953, hailed the KKK as "100% American." And in 1945, member Wood launched an investigation into "subversion" in the press. One of his criteria for defining subversion was criticism of Spain's fascist leader Franco.

As I show in my book, support for the Spanish Loyalists was the criterion for identifying radicals when HUAC returned to Hollywood in 1951. On August 20, 1955, Mississippi Senator and segregationist James Eastland, then chairman of the Senate Internal Security Committee and owner of a large plantation in a state where laws and intimidation prevented all but 5 percent of Negroes from voting, told a White Citizens Council: "You are not obligated to obey the decisions of any court which is plainly fraudulent." The "court" in question was none other than the Supreme Court, whose decisions are binding on all American citizens and which, under its chief justice, Earl Warren, had just given a ruling to the effect that segregation was unconstitutional. So Eastland was preaching sedition. Unlike the Ten and many other Communists in later years, he was not indicted.

In 1946, 22 members of Yale Law School wrote to President Harry Truman: "There are alarming signs that persecution for opinion, if not curbed, may reach a point never hitherto attained even in the darkest periods of our history. With it, we may expect racial, religious and every other kind of bigotry...." Within a year, Truman's Loyalty Oath produced precisely that.

WSWS: Do you have any thoughts on the degree to which individuals such as Martin Dies, J. Parnell Thomas and Richard Nixon, for that matter, were motivated by either ideological anti-communism or opportunism, or both? What about J. Edgar Hoover, who features prominently in your book?

RH: The philosopher Slavoj Zizek has made an interesting remark on McCarthy: the Senator was right about the danger Soviet Communism represented to US financial and political hegemony, but that was not why he made such warnings. What does this mean and imply?

As a good Lacanian, Zizek is making a crucial distinction between the content of a statement and the subjective reasons underpinning the making of said statement, between a statement and the enunciative position of the subject. In other words, we can say that McCarthy was sincere in warning American citizens about Communism, but that he launched his anti-Communist campaign with other implicit aims in mind that suited his various supporters.

These aims would include: preventing any organization of labour by radicals (= Communists, whether they were or not); blaming the Democrats for everything from WWII to the loss of China in order to brand them as incompetents at best and traitors at worst; brand as dissidence, and hence as "Communism," all attempts to defend such civil rights as free speech; drive a wedge between various ethnic and religious communities so as to pre-empt any attempt to present a coherent progressive platform in favor of social change; reinforce the business community so dear to J. Parnell Thomas (who wanted "more business in government and less government in business"). Obviously, the list could be extended, but it is indicative of the climate of the time that liberals went along with this new consensus, as if there were no discrepancy between what McCarthy said and the reasons why.

Similarly, Hollywood trade unionist Roy Brewer [right-wing official of the International Alliance of Theatrical State Employees—IATSE] opposed Communism, not because it was a threat to democracy, but because it threatened the cozy set-up within the industry that gave power to people like Brewer at the expense of the workers (and here I'm thinking of the studio hands, rather than the well-heeled actors, writers and directors). Significantly, once he left Hollywood, Brewer found a nice job, courtesy of President Ronald Reagan, with whom he had collaborated so effectively from 1947 on (to Reagan's credit, I should point out that in 1946 he was warning about the danger of fascism in America, due to attempts by an extremist Veterans' Association to discriminate in favor of WASP veterans at the expense of Negroes, Catholics and Jews).

Everything Dies said and did was arguably determined by his inherent Southern racism and opposition to the New Deal. As we know, Southern Democrats and the Republican Party saw eye to eye on this. Nixon saw which way the wind was turning and was interested solely in seizing power. By 1950, he was being wined and dined by the new Hollywood, as unprincipled and opportunist as ever. I am reminded of a remark made after Watergate to the effect that the only surprising thing about Watergate was that people should be surprised: "Nixon's been a walking encyclopedia of malodorous political practices for 25 years," i.e., since his success in prosecuting Alger Hiss and taking a leading role in HUAC.


J. Edgar Hoover - FBI Pole Rider

Hoover is a different kettle of fish. Basically he was a true conservative: any person who questioned the social and economic status quo, be they a civil rights worker, a trade unionist or a Hollywood liberal, was immediately tarred with the brush of dissidence which was but a short step from Communism. He brooked no questioning of his own all-powerful position but was perfectly ready to undermine Truman, and violate the Constitution by communicating to HUAC information illegally obtained.

As the leading expert on the FBI, Athan Theoharis, has shown, Hoover was so obsessed by the fear of radical activities that he forgot the FBI was also in the business of fighting gangsterism and instead concentrated all his energies, and those of his agency, on fighting what he saw as Communism. The paranoid activity of spying on one's neighbors to make sure they were "good Americans" was raised into the noblest of acts in the opening of the anti-Red film Walk East on Beacon (a film which Hoover helped to make), where people are encouraged to write to the FBI if they feel John Doe is behaving suspiciously.

Hoover investigated and bugged whomsoever he saw fit, and this pathology, a form of voyeurism (and I would suggest that this dimension of Hoover's character is more pertinent than the eternal gossip concerning his homosexuality and cross-dressing, inasmuch as it was part and parcel of the paranoia of the Cold War), could obviously be given full rein during WWII where there were genuine spies in abundance.

Whatever their motives, both Wheeler and Nye signed a document entitled "A Warning to America" concerning emergency legislation giving ever more power to the FBI. Others who signed included Dashiell Hammett (who went to prison rather than answer questions from HUAC that would have endangered the lives of opponents of Franco in Spain), Ernest Hemingway, Carey McWilliams (a radical who never caved in), Upton Sinclair, Donald Ogden Stewart (blacklisted during the second round of Hearings) and—Eleanor Roosevelt.

WSWS: The WSWS review of your book raised questions about the nature of the Second World War and the Roosevelt administration and the national-patriotic attitude of Communist Party members and supporters in Hollywood toward the war and the administration, reflected in their film work. Any thoughts on that?

While we're at it, what about those in the film world peddling illusions in the Democrats and Obama today?

RH: As I write in my book about the Nazi-Soviet Pact, Stalin was simply being pragmatic by signing it: he could not deal simultaneously with the open hostility of the US and Europe (Britain and France happily collaborated with Nazi Germany in the thirties, and the examples of complicity with fascism were there for all to see) and an attack from so powerful a nation as Hitler's Germany. The CPUSA had no such excuses: one could defend Stalin as a good Party member (or as a non-Party member capable of analyzing the situation) and still claim that the anti-fascist struggle had to continue. That would have been an internationalist stance.

Documents held in the Southern California Library for Social Study and Research show the ambiguity of the CPUSA. During the Nazi-Soviet Pact, they denounced Roosevelt as a warmonger acting at the behest of bankers like J.P. Morgan and against the interests of the international working class. By early 1942, they were denouncing Germany's "fascist barbarism" and calling for an all-out war against it. Most liberals, understandably, never forgave the CPUSA for this, which doesn't justify liberal cowardice at the end of the decade.

In other words, the CP in 1941 had to adopt a line that was clearly different from that adopted by Wheeler, Nye and the isolationists generally. The CP's allies, unsurprisingly, were not convinced. So the turnaround in 1941 had to be accompanied by something other than a mea culpa that would have implied that Stalin was wrong too! Thus the CPUSA became super-patriotic. This had two sides, one positive, the other negative. I know you're sceptical about this, David, but I would still insist on the emphasis on the collective in the war movies written by Communists such as Cole, Lawson and Maltz. And in the best films, such as Sahara, the collective goes way beyond the war to a political reflection on class and democracy.

At the same time, the CP played down the material needs and the very nature of social relations on the workplace in the name of the war effort: strikes were strictly verboten. Even more dubious—it is, after all, possible to ask for a collective sacrifice in the name of the struggle against fascism, provided the proletariat is not alone in making it (sounds familiar in 2009, doesn't it?... )—was the way the CP applauded the persecution/prosecution of Trotskyists who "threatened" the war effort through strikes. Within a short time, the CP was to be treated in an identical fashion, an indication of the Party's blindness towards its own objective political place in US society: claiming to be revolutionary but yearning to be accepted.

I would be careful about comparing Hollywood's Democrats in 2008 and Communists in 1942, if only because Roosevelt was right to prosecute the war against Japan and Germany. Obama is clearly going to go on perpetrating the war crimes of Bush. However, I suspect there is a parallel, but not perhaps where you see it: this would lie in an overarching need to believe in something, causing people to close their eyes to anything contradicting this. That is a religious position. Similarly, we must not lose from sight that Communists everywhere still believed that Stalin was pursuing the gains of the Bolshevik Revolution.

The ambiguity of the CPUSA during WWII finds a sort of equivalent in Hollywood today (allowing for the fact that there are crucial differences, as I have just pointed out). Thus, George Clooney can make a film such as Syriana and give the financial support necessary for Steven Soderbergh to alternate the Ocean's Eleven franchise and a remarkably committed movie on the suffering and alienation endured by working-class America today, The Bubble. Yet Clooney is in favor of the "historic compromise" of the SAG. When all's said and done, Hollywood's supporters of Obama are just too much in love with fame and fortune to see the truth.

Take the case of Spielberg. Three years ago, he came out with one of the most extraordinary movies of the decade, Munich. It was reported that he had started to make his film on Lincoln and had yet another project lined up right after. What has happened? The Lincoln movie has been postponed (despite this being the bicentenary of his birth!), and all Spielberg has done is yet another Indiana Jones movie (for his less progressive chum George Lucas).

Now, he's going to give us his version of Tintin, whose creator was a right-wing apologist of imperialism. Incidentally, I find it revealing and disturbing that Indiana Jones should be up against Communists in the latest saga, despite the fact that Communists were not active in South America in the 1950s, whereas many former Nazis had found refuge there, courtesy of the US government. Just what is Spielberg up to? What pressures have been exerted on him, both in Hollywood and without, to return to a safely conservative position and join the other sheep in the fold?

Meanwhile, the Oscar Jamboree has come and gone. Why did Sean Penn win and not Mickey Rourke? Because Hollywood needs to show it's less reactionary than those Californians still in thrall to homophobia, but also because Van Sant is gay: let's all be tolerant! Whereas poor old Mickey, trying to make a comeback like his wrestler, made some regrettable racist remarks about African-Americans some years back that provoked a violent reaction from Spike Lee. Enter Sean, exit Mickey.

By refusing the Oscars to Richard Jenkins and Melissa Leo, Hollywood shows again its indifference to independent movies, especially genuinely inventive and progressive ones like The Visitors and Frozen River, both of which are infinitely superior to most mainstream products. But the most interesting decision was to reject Waltz with Bashir in favor of the Japanese movie. The latter just happens (from what I've read) to be a metaphysic musing on life and death. Like Benjamin Button. What a coincidence...! The Israeli film, on the other hand, is even more outspoken than Munich: Israel's war crimes against the Palestinians are exposed to public view, and in a movie from Israel, no less!

Mind you, the cinema has given us great works of art on "life and death" in the past: Michael Powell's A Matter of Life and Death, Ozu's Voyage to Tokyo, Peter Weir's Fearless and, especially, Hitchcock's sublime Vertigo. I would like to quote the remark the WSWS posted from an Ohio autoworker on February 23: "I have a friend who has cancer. His medication costs $5,500 a month. Where is he going to be able to find an insurance policy to cover him when General Motors cuts his health care? He might as well drop dead." That's another take on "life and death," but one that won't make it to the silver screen as conceived by Hollywood. Frozen River, however, comes close to it, despite the (deliberate?) misreading of the film by Halle Berry (see Hiram Lee's article posted February24— The 81st Annual Academy Awards: Lifeless for the most part).

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Until you fully comprehend the forces behind Hollywood Blacklisting and McCarthyism you will never be able to understand how this group of professional anti-Semites, pro-Fascists, convenient anti-Communists, Nazi sympathizers and anti-Civil Rights bigots and racists were mobilized to carry out the assassination of JFK. Never. Never in a million years. Can you see the "invisible hand" and the work of Wickliffe P. Draper present here yet? Hint: Rep. John Rankin, Rep. Francis E. Walter and Senator James Eastland were longstanding Draper cronies as well as followers of Rev. Gerald L K Smith and Father Charles Coughlin. There will be a test on this next Friday.

An interview with film historian Reynold Humphries

Questions and answers on the Hollywood blacklists—Part 2

By David Walsh

12 March 2009

Last month the WSWS posted a review of Hollywood's Blacklists: A Political and Cultural History by Reynold Humphries [The anti-communist purge of the American film industry]

We explained: "The monograph treats a number of processes and events in some detail: the bitter union struggles in Hollywood in the 1930s and 1940s; the first round of Hollywood HUAC [House Un-American Activities Committee] hearings in October 1947, which brought about the blacklist; the committee's hearings in 1951-1953; the 'Anti-Communist Crusade on the Screen' and the consequences of the purges for its victims."

We noted that the anti-communist purge of the entertainment industry in the late 1940s and early 1950s—"This disgraceful episode, in which the FBI, ultra-right elements, official liberalism and Hollywood executives all played their parts"—had "far-reaching consequences, not only for the film industry, but American society and culture as a whole."

Complex questions are bound up with the witch hunts. As part of an ongoing process of clarifying those questions, a number of WSWS writers on film—David Walsh, Joanne Laurier, Richard Phillips, Hiram Lee, Charles Bogle and Mile Klindo—put together a series of questions for Reynold Humphries, who was gracious enough to agree to an interview by email. He answered at length, and we are posting the questions and answers in two parts, the first of which was posted yesterday.

There are obviously issues on which we do not see eye-to-eye, but we are convinced that a discussion of the historical and artistic matters at stake is critical in clarifying new generations of film artists and others.

* * * * *

WSWS: Why do you suppose writers seem to have been the staunchest left-wing element in the film industry? What distinct artistic or psychological qualities did these left-wing writers bring to filmmaking?

RH: We must not forget that Hollywood desperately needed people who knew the force and value of carefully chosen words once sound came to stay. This is speculation, but I wonder if the fact that the coming of sound and the arrival of the Depression coincided was not instrumental in radicals heading for Hollywood, less to make money than to be able to address a vastly more substantial audience. The fact that they could never get anything really radical into their scripts because of the reactionary studio bosses did not prevent many of them from championing alternative views—particularly on the importance of collective action—and wangling ways of introducing working-class people into plots.

The simple fact of being a Socialist or a Marxist, and therefore rejecting bourgeois individualism as the only motivating force in society, could not but lead to a deepening of audience understanding of the social and psychic forces behind human behaviour. Directors with a genuine understanding of Freud, such as Hitchcock and Sirk, and the intellectual means of communicating this via their mise en scène, were able to transform the thriller and the melodrama. This understanding, although often less (self-) conscious, was already more than apparent in film noir throughout the 1940s and certain major examples of the genre (The Strange Love of Martha Ivers, Ruthless, Gun Crazy, The Prowler, to cite only a few) made a major use of Marx and Freud.

WSWS: We made the point in the review that many Communist Party members were sincere about their desire to change American society, but that they largely ignored critical theoretical and international questions. You know some of the blacklist victims. Do you believe they knew about the reality of the Moscow Trials and the other crimes of Stalinism, and, if so, what was their attitude toward them? Did it, in the end, have a moral and political impact on them?

RH: I'm sure ALL Communist Party members sincerely desired to change American society, without necessarily seeing that change in other than profoundly ethical, progressive terms: rights for Negroes, the right to form unions, etc. Do not forget that the Hollywood CP organised regular discussion groups around basic Marxist texts. It is revealing that future friendly witnesses found these reunions boring and unhelpful, whereas a steadfast and genuinely Marxist intellectual like Abraham Polonsky (an unfriendly witness who was blacklisted) has written of the effervescence of the period and the exceptional importance for him of the meeting of minds when people from different artistic and social backgrounds got together and collaborated. Guy Endore, novelist and screenwriter, played a major role in the 1930s in the dissemination of theory, but drifted away from the CP for religious reasons. However, he refused steadfastly to give names and remained blacklisted for the rest of his life.

Abraham Polonsky

I did ask blacklist victim Norma Barzman if she knew of the presence of supporters of Trotsky in Hollywood. The question clearly surprised her: nobody had ever raised the issue, and she was unaware of any such activity. So either supporters of Trotsky were so scarce that they remained in the closet, or else everyone put their faith in the CP and Stalin. Again, there is nothing surprising about this: I have never doubted the sincerity, even the revolutionary fervour (albeit verbal), of Hollywood's Communists.

I have one item of information that will interest you. Writer Howard Koch (who wrote the anti-fascist Sea Wolf, Casablanca and the notorious Mission to Moscow, as well as Max Ophuls's greatest movie, Letter to an Unknown Woman) makes a number of remarks in his Oral History (held by the American Film Institute, Louis B. Mayer Library). He never joined the Party, which made him a sort of liaison between the Communists (who appreciated his radicalism) and the liberals (who admired his independence). This fact made him suspect in the eyes of the ultra-reactionary Motion Picture Alliance and led to blacklisting.


Howard Koch

Koch just could not believe that those accused of treason by Stalin would admit to such crimes if they were not guilty and this seems to have been the attitude generally. Once again, it would be possible to argue that Hollywood's Communists closed their eyes to something they simply could not entertain: that Stalin was betraying the Revolution. Given that the "traitors" to the Revolution were accused of being supporters of Trotsky and that opposition to Mission to Moscow was led by the Right and supporters of Trotsky outside Hollywood, you can see how the circle was neatly squared by people like Koch.

Even that great man Paul Robeson denounced Trotskyists as fascists!

WSWS: The most complicated question, and perhaps the subject of a book (or books) by itself: the intellectual-aesthetic consequences of the anti-communist purges.

You have said, and I concur, that Hollywood filmmaking did not collapse in the 1950s. Many of the great veteran directors carried on, in some cases making their most insightful work. Nonetheless, I believe the long-term impact was devastating.

Many younger and more talented directors (Abraham Polonsky, Joseph Losey, Jules Dassin, John Berry, Cy Endfield) and numerous writers were excluded. A "lost generation" was created. The careers of Chaplin and Orson Welles were unquestionably altered. You suggest that individuals like John Huston, who sidestepped the blacklist, were never the same. Those who collaborated with the authorities, like Elia Kazan, Edward Dmytryk, Robert Rossen, were irrevocably damaged in their own fashion.

What did the blacklist remove from Hollywood in an aesthetic sense, what was lost, or prematurely brought to an end by the anti-communist witch hunts, in terms of themes explored (the critique of American society) and the corresponding heightened level of realism? Or, perhaps, what potential was lost? Was a particularly American form of neo-realism lost as a result of the blacklist?

If directors like Polonsky, Losey, Dassin, Berry and others had been allowed to continue developing their work in Hollywood in the 1950s, what impact—if it's possible to say—would this have had on the aesthetic direction of American cinema?

If you have any general thoughts, what was the impact of the virtual criminalization of socialist ideas on the arts in America in general?

RH: That "particularly American form of neo-realism" that you refer to needs to be both explained and contextualised and would require, if not a book, then at least a long article, with examples and analyses.

Arguably, there were two distinct manifestations of this neo-realism. That represented by, say, Call Northside 777, which was a purely formal matter (shooting on location = reality). And that represented by, say, Caged (women's prisons) and The Sound of Fury (lynching, but of whites by whites). In both cases the social dimension of crime, in particular the question of alienation through poverty (very forcefully analysed in The Sound of Fury), are foregrounded in a context where location shooting heightens the social rather than simply supplanting it.

Other and equally crucial examples of film noir succeeded in creating an immediately recognisable physical environment while juxtaposing both a neo-realist and a symbolic or poetic approach: Gun Crazy, The Asphalt Jungle and The Prowler. Losey's attention to the smallest detail of décor and gesture in the long sequence near the beginning of The Prowler and his brilliant use of the ghost town in the final sequence merge to offer the most complex and intricate examination of the interaction of social alienation and psychic tensions imaginable.

Joseph Losey

So the loss suffered by the departure of Dassin, Losey, Endfield, Polonsky and others was incalculable. Only Losey was able to take up where he left off with a string of remarkable movies in England up until 1961, after which (with the notable exceptions of King and Country and The Go-Between) he too easily succumbed, less to the siren song of celebrity than to the tiresome topic of British upper-class "decadence," which is not a left-wing theme by any means. You only have to compare The Go-Between and Accident to see how and how not to approach class and prejudice in England (the use of cricket matches in both films is an eloquent indication of this). The later film continued the magnificent work carried out in Blind Date/Chance Meeting, made during Losey's great period.

Just as writers and directors had to find subterfuges to circumvent censorship when it came to treating sex, so directors and directors from 1950 on—whether radical or just plain anti-conformist, itself a blessing during the 50s, that decade of complacent self-satisfaction on the part of politicians and their Hollywood sycophants—had to turn to means other than neo-realism to achieve their aims. However, there are many openly critical films in a variety of genres (dramas, war films, zany comedies) by directors such as Aldrich, Fuller, Lang, Mankiewicz, Preminger, Tashlin and others (I have already mentioned Sirk and Hitchcock).

The anxieties, whether conservative or progressive, that lay festering beneath the frothy surface often burst through to show that American society was in a very bad way indeed. Think of the remarkable series of movies made by John Ford from The Searchers on. Take a look too at horror and science-fiction movies of the decade to see just how profound and insistent that anxiety was. Ultimately, it was not Communists in the form of aliens that threatened the country, but the repression linked to the most reactionary conceptions of the family.

In other words, with the departure of Hollywood's Marxists, angst went underground. But the simple fact that Huston never again made a film that resonated quite to the extent of The Asphalt Jungle testifies to what was lost.

I do not feel competent to discuss "the arts in America in general," but for me it is a truism to state that, as from the moment you criminalize an idea, be it socialist or not, you are creating a repressive climate where art cannot flourish except via the displacement of the issues that might have been broached without such policing of minds. There most definitely was a "lost generation," but it can perhaps best be summed up by referring to Dalton Trumbo's incisive remark that those who were prevented from practising their craft for a decade or more were simply unable to adapt to shifts within the industry in the 1960s. Trumbo never stopped writing until his death, 30 years after being blacklisted.

That, however, is just one reason, and I would not want to give the idea that it is the only one. Certainly, by the time the political climate improved, it was too late for too many and, as a result, there were insufficient major talents to take up the challenge. But Hollywood in the 1960s and 70s was far more resilient, radical, go-ahead, inventive and, simply, intelligent than it has been since Reagan took over the White House.

Obviously, there are many exceptions, but the tendency to turn a given successful movie into an endless franchise or to indulge in remakes of, say, Asian horror movies is not conducive to invention. All the carefully orchestrated publicity to launch a mostly crass spectacle like Twilight thus eclipses, except for horror lovers, a genuinely original take on those living in the margins, the Swedish vampire movie Let the Right One In.

WSWS: What are some of the mistaken conceptions about the anti-communist witch-hunt—e.g., that the period was an aberration in American history, that once McCarthy was exposed, the threat was over, etc.?

RH: It was no aberration but the logical conclusion to 30 years of unbroken persecution and harassment of radicals, of anyone who stood up for workers' rights, civil rights and free speech and who was ready to be counted in the struggle against fascism, part of the long struggle against the inherently undemocratic and repressive nature of capitalism and big business. Hollywood existed to repress any mention of class, to distil the usual lies about individual success, etc.

Hollywood's Communists were not alone in highlighting poverty, injustice and the appalling consequences of the Depression and frequently managed to put over progressive ideas turning on collective rather than selfish action. But the endings were also an imaginary resolution to a real contradiction, as Lévi-Strauss put it. Thus Eric Johnston [president of the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA)] made it clear immediately on arriving in Hollywood that there would be no more films like The Grapes of Wrath that foregrounded the failures of the system: everything would be geared to propaganda, Hollywood style, in order to show the world that the US was a better place to live in than the Soviet Union.


Boozer Loser Senator Joseph McCarthy Remember that McCarthy NEVER investigated Hollywood (he was a Senator and HUAC was a Committee of Congress) and did not make his mark until February 1950. Since January 1944 right-wing intellectuals and journalists like the venomous Westbrook Pegler were insisting that the war was an interlude: once it was over the US would be forced to confront its real enemy, the Soviet Union. McCarthy climbed, with extraordinary acumen and alacrity, on a gigantic bandwagon that built up speed and force as it advanced, turning into a juggernaut crushing everything.

Liberals, of course, made sure they placed their political enemies in its path and stood by the wayside, cheering politely as the body count rose. Ultimately, they went along with the consensus and betrayed all the progressive social movements they supported, along with the Communists, before the war, putting the new consensus in the place of ethics and the most simple and basic decency. Thus liberals had renounced any social criticism before the Senator from Wisconsin came on the scene; he just carried out brutally what they had been calling for in more elegant terms, then started to wring their hands over the harm he was doing the "real" anti-Communists, i.e. themselves.

In other words, liberals agreed totally with what McCarthy stood for; he just made too visible and audible the anti-democratic values they now espoused. Liberalism as a credo quite simply ceased to exist, except for some principled individuals (such as writers Philip Dunne and Dudley Nichols in Hollywood; other liberals simply left the industry to work on the stage).

WSWS: Do you have any thoughts on why the Committee for the First Amendment, which assembled an impressive array of Hollywood stars against the HUAC hearings, collapsed so rapidly, and why the film industry left in general was so unprepared for the assault?

RH: Very complex and difficult questions.

The CFA sent representatives to Washington to attend the hearings. Basically, most of the members were liberal and therefore quickly shocked, as actress Marsha Hunt pointed out (she was a non-Communist blacklisted for standing up to the right-wing of the Screen Actors Guild led by Robert Montgomery), by the verbal violence indulged in during the hearings. Moreover, the climate in Hollywood was already changing before the hearings got under way. Johnston was in favour of eliminating Communists early in 1947. Bogart was hauled over the coals by Jack L. Warner (who never forgave the Left for supporting the union strikes of 1945-6) and backed down: his career was more important, much as George Clooney is in favour of liberal measures and statements, provided they don't threaten his huge earnings.


Birchite Lawyer and Author - Robert Montgomery

The Communists didn't see it coming, probably because they remained just as blind to what they didn't want to see as in the past. At the same time, watching non-Communist friends turn tail when they appeared must have been a sickening experience. The Communists were the victims of their own obsession with secrecy, and liberals reacted like terrified virgins when it was revealed by HUAC that the Ten had Party cards.

How did HUAC know? Elementary: the FBI had broken into the CP offices in Los Angeles and taken copies of all the evidence. That this was illegal was never discussed publicly, as the Ten's lawyers did not have the right to cross-examine witnesses. But there was much hypocrisy here on the part of liberals who reacted as in the old joke where people express horror at the fact that a woman is naked beneath her clothes! In other words, a tacit agreement ("we know you're Reds but that doesn't bother us, as long as you don't shout in on the roof-tops") was made public in sensational circumstances, and liberals, aghast at being caught in flagrante delicto, took to their heels, with right-wing anti-Communists baying in full pursuit.

WSWS: Are you familiar with Trotsky's writings on art and culture, and, if so, what do you think of them?

RH: Literature and Revolution is lying gathering dust on a shelf, along with a score of other volumes on a variety of topics. So my only contact, David, is second-hand, via your talk in Australia a decade back. The quotes from Trotsky there made me sit up and take notice because of their uncanny prescience for our day and age and their remarkable ability to pay attention to form as a necessary way in to history and such little matters as class. So I am surprised that modern Marxists will refer to Lenin without mentioning Trotsky or discuss aesthetics as if he had never existed. Is this also the heritage of Stalinism? I have indicated in private correspondence with you that we have areas of disagreement over Adorno, Marcuse and Jameson. But that's another story.


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A fiery cross throws its angry, lurid light

across an American hillside ... A crowd of

American citizens gathers in an American

street and roars anger at other Americans . . .

A storekeeper here and another there finds

his shop wrecked by hoodlums ... A group

of Americans, ordinarily peaceful folk with

no idea of living in anything hut peaceful

union with other Americans, gathers in a

hall and hears a "super-patriotic" orator tell

it to suspect, to hate, to fight not the

avowed enemies of America but other

Americans. . . .

Are these isolated, unimportant incidents?

Are they merely signs of general unrest? Or

are they part of a pattern? Are they the ele-

ments of a time bomb planned to explode at

the opportune moment to divide Amer-

ica? To tear apart the fabric of a country

which is too strong to be upset or conquered

or controlled while it is united?

The crooked cross burned in Germany . . .

Hoodlums stormed through German streets

. . . Orators set German against German

until the country could find unity only in the

slavery of fascism, and the road which led to

war and destruction.

Can it happen here? If we shrug at "inci-

dents"? If we choose the road of hatred, of

disunity, of division? If we fail to guard

against the forces of fascism that are seething

under the surface of American life?

Are there forces in this country strong

enough to divide us? What are they? And

who controls them?

This book has the answers. It exposes for

the first time the pattern of the forces which

threaten our American way of life. It also

discusses those who, without intention, en-

danger American unity and American


(Continued on back flap)

From the collection of the


r m


v Jjibrary

San Francisco, California











Att rights reserved

Second Printing


It is important to remember, in reading this book, that the

fascists, the fringe-fascists and the disruptionists have made

every effort to draw as many people and organizations as pos-

sible into their activity. Many people and organizations whose

names appear in these pages are not fascists, nor are they en-

emies of the United States. But wittingly or unwittingly they

did, where indicated as having done so here, play into the

hands of the fascists within our borders. The inclusion of their

names in these pages does not infer that they deliberately

harmed the welfare of America or American democracy.

This book is complete and unabridged, and

is manufactured in strict conformity with

government regulations for saving paper



Chapter Page



3. DYNAMITE IN DIXIE . ...... .<^ . 42

4. THE MIDWEST REDOUBT ........ 65










A list of committees and organizations whose work

upholds the traditions of democracy in the United States


















DESTINY . . 138









X-RAY .....' 147





.MERICA, for years now,

has presented to the world a strong united front. The people of

America have been busy winning, or helping to win, what most

of us hope will be its last war. Certainly most of us know that

it must be the last major effort of this kind in which Americans

engage. Most of us. Not, by any means, all of us.

Before America engaged in this war and while most

Americans were united in preparing to win this war, great

numbers of its citizens were in league with some non-citizens

and outright enemies of America in fighting another war.

Their energies and their resources were greater than

most Americans dared to believe. Their war was not fought

for America but for themselves. It took many forms. It was

fought on many secret fronts. It was fought against many

different sections of American life. Sometimes it was a battle

against American labor. Sometimes it was a battle against

American Negroes. Sometimes it was against American Cath-

olics. Through it ran the thread of a battle against American

Jews. But, on whatever front, it was a battle to tear to ribbons

the pattern of American life.

For what? For whom? Primarily, all wars are fought


for power, for money or for control, which brings power and

money. Some captains of this inner warfare in America wanted

no more than greater control over the people who worked for

them. Their fight was against labor. Some of them wanted

nothing less than mastery of the country. A gigantic dream,

but they had seen it work in Italy, in Germany; they had seen

it work nearer home, in South America, in Argentina. All the

steps had been revealed to them. The technique was estab-

lished. They applied the technique here. The worst of them

published newspapers to which the term "hate sheet" has now

been applied. Hate sheets are aimed at segregating and de-

nouncing minorities, for the first step is to turn group against


Some of them published more circumspect literature. This

was aimed against labor. For the next step is to turn class

against class. Some were even more subtle, and found fault

with nothing except the trend of government. For the last step

is to turn the people against the government.

As time went on, as they learned to master the tech-

niques, they also learned to work together. Each of them be-

came a specialist in his field. Each of them learned his task

well, and while many of them had little in common except

their desire for power or their interest in changing America

as we know it, all of them soon learned that they could work

best if they leagued together against our kind of America.

When war came, some of them were stunned. Some

went underground. Some the outright aliens and spies were

deported or jailed. But most of them continued to work, and

are working now. Most of them are planning now for success

soon after the war's end. And, as the final victory becomes

more and more certain they draw together, hoping and expect-

ing that some postwar split in American unity will give them

the chances they worked for, planned for and now await.

Separately, some of them are inconsequential. Separately,

too, some are not even fascists; just reactionary citizens

who unwittingly play into the hands of, or are "taken in" by

fascists. Separately, some of them seem to be seeking harmless

ends. Together, they comprise the greatest menace in this


country since the rise of fascism in the world for together they

represent a cancer-like danger to a democratic America.

Separately, Americans do not always recognize their

work. But the pattern of their work does not merge on the sur-

face. Their efforts merge, as this book will show, on lower

levels. For example, the reactionary ( though not fascist ) Com-

mittee for Constitutional Government, which operates almost

exclusively in the field of "education" by bombarding a large

section of the American people with books, pamphlets, radio

programs and other means of propaganda, has seemingly only

one aim to "educate" the American people against the dangers

of State control, of too much power in the hands of the

Federal government, of "Stateism."

But the Committee for Constitutional Government is

ideologically linked with such organizations as The Christian

American which, as a later chapter will elaborate, is "out to

get" unions, and which in turn has ideological links with Klan-

dom, which disseminates the lower class hate propaganda.

The "educational" Committee for Constitutional Govern-

ment is linked with another polished organization called

Spiritual Mobilization, Inc. which once attempted to recruit

its followers through such a hate sheet as The Defender,

published by the notorious Gerald Winrod, a defendant in the

so-called Washington Sedition Trials of 1945.

Group after group, linked one with the other, works

upon different segments of the American people, sometimes

using each other's propaganda, sometimes seeming to be fol-

lowing different policies. But, unknown to most of America,

they work together. Together they await the day when they

can explode into a national force which they hope will throw

the country into their hands. Together, they represent a time

bomb, with explosive charges carefully set throughout all

America ready to be ignited to explode when disrupters think

the moment is right, when they think America is weaker,

when they think they have undermined American unity suf-


Their pattern for conquest crisscrosses the country. It

winds in and out to return upon itself. There is only one way


to look at it, one way to get the complete picture. That is to

examine it section by section, tracing each deadly charge to its

point of origin, and each individual to his base of operations.

The subsequent chapters trace this pattern and expose the


In these pages many of these individuals will be identi-

fied by the simple general term of "fascist" where the facts

presented indicate they are of such stripe.

"Fascist" is a label some of them openly adopt. It is a

label many of them squirm to avoid, denounce in outrage, or

try to explain away with confusing statements in elegant


One of the dangers to America is that most Americans,

too, resist the use of this label. Most Americans do not recog-

nize an American "fascist" when they speak to him, when they

read his pamphlets, when they listen to his propaganda.

Most American writers hesitate to denounce fellow citi-

zens as fascists. That, too, is part of the fascists' strength.

Therein lies a great measure of their danger. Until they are

named and denounced, they have more freedom to work.

This book will name fascists as fascists but, in a sincere

effort to avoid mere name calling, let us define the kind of

person we mean.

Perhaps the best and the most objective definition of

fascism has come from the U. S. War Department in a state-

ment issued for the guidance of members of the armed ser-

vices. The following quotations are from that statement, issued

on March 24th, 1945:

"If we don't understand fascism and recognize fas-

cism when we see it," the War Department statement

reads, "it might crop up again under another label

and cause another war.

"Fascism is government by the few and for the few.

The objective is seizure and control of the economic,

political, social and cultural life of the state. Why?

The democratic way of life interferes with their methods

and desire for: (1) conducting business; (2) living

with their fellow-men; (3) having the final say in

matters concerning others as well as themselves. The


basic principles of democracy stand in the way of

their desires; hence democracy must go! Anyone who

is not a member of their inner gang has to do what he's

told. They permit no civil liberties, no equality before

the law . . . They maintain themselves in power by use

of force combined with propaganda based on primitive

ideas of 'blood' and 'race/ by skillful manipulation of

fear and hate and by false promise of security."

Further in the statement the War Department gives:


"Fascists in America may differ slightly from fascists

in other countries, but there are a number of attitudes

and practices that they have in common. Following

are three. Every person who has one of them is not

necessarily a fascist. But he is in a mental state that

lends itself to the acceptance of fascist aims.

"1. Pitting of religious, racial, and economic groups

against one another in order to break down national

unity is a device of the 'divide and conquer' technique

used by Hitler to gain power in Germany and in other

countries. With slight variations, to suit local conditions,

fascists everywhere have used this Hitler method. In

many countries, anti-Semitism (hatred of Jews) is a

dominant device of fascism. In the United States,

native fascists have often been anti-Catholic, anti-Jew,

anti-Negro, anti-Labor, anti-foreign-born. In South

America, the native fascists use the same scapegoats

except that they substitute anti-Protestantism for anti-


"Interwoven with the 'master race* theory of fascism

is a well-planned 'hate campaign' against minority races,

religions, and other groups. To suit their particular

needs and aims, fascists will use any one or a combina-

tion of such groups as a convenient scapegoat.

"2. Fascism cannot tolerate such religious and

ethical concepts as the 'brotherhood of man.' Fascists

deny the need for international cooperation. These ideas

contradict the fascist theory of the 'master race/ The

brotherhood of man implies that all people regardless

of color, race, creed, or nationality have rights. Inter-

national cooperation, as expressed in the Dumbarton

Oaks proposals, runs counter to the fascist program of

war and world domination. . . . Right now our native


fascists are spreading anti-British, anti-Soviet, anti-

French, and anti-United Nations propaganda . . .

"3. It is accurate to call a member of a communist

party a 'communist/ For short, he is often called a

'Red.' Indiscriminate pinning of the label 'Red' on peo-

ple and proposals which one opposes is a common

political device. It is a favorite trick of native as well

as foreign fascists.

"Many fascists make the spurious claim that the

world has but two choices either fascism or commun-

ism, and they label as 'communist' everyone who re-

fuses to support them. By attacking our free enterprise,

capitalist democracy, and by denying the effectiveness

of our way of life they hope to trap many people."

The fight against labor is also part of the fascist technique.

Here is what the War Department says about this:


"Deprived of their unions, the working people could

be driven to work longer and harder for less and less

money, so that those who subsidized and ran fascism

could grow richer. By wiping out all internal competi-

tionespecially the small and medium-sized business

firms profits were increased still higher for the handful

on top. In some cases, the fascists then gobbled con-

trol of the top corporations. The living standards of

the masses of the people declined, of course. As they

earned less and less, they were able to buy less and less

of the goods they produced ...

"Once the fascists were in control of the government,

not even the gang on top was safe from its own mem-

bers. There would be more loot and power per fascist

leader if some fascist leaders were eliminated. Some

of the party Trig-shots' and some of those who had

helped them take over were therefore 'purged.' Many

would-be partners in the dictatorship, including some

industrialists, wound up in jail, in exile, or dead."

These are the techniques American fascists have learned.

These are the techniques they use. These are the tech-

niques by which they hope to explode their time bomb. Only by

calling them what they are, only by naming them and knowing

them and routing them out can America protect itself.

14 "

And only by recognizing their strength and the extent

of their influence can the protective measures be taken swiftly

and sternly enough.

The fact which escapes most Americans is that fascism

is not beaten. We have defeated it in open battle. We have

beaten its armies but we have not beaten the idea, we have

not defeated all the fascists, nor all the people who would

like to see fascism dominant in our own country.

Unless we defeat them, they may defeat us. And they

can easily grow strong enough to do it. It has been estimated

by Dr. L. M. Birkhead, an outstanding authority on the sub-

ject, that some sort of fascist propaganda has been, in the past

few years, placed in the hands of at least one American out

of every three.

Since that estimate was made, fascist literature has con-

tinued to pour off presses, to be spread throughout the land.

To be sure, the fascists have not had a free hand dur-

ing wartime. They have been held back to some extent by

public opinion, to a greater extent by fear of prosecution.

But they haven't given up. And right now, today, they

exert an influence over millions of Americans. Some of them

have followers numbering tens of thousands.

It is not possible in this book to give membership figures.

Some fascist outfits claim more than they actually have, some,

fearful of public opinion, claim less.

Then, there are the fringe groups not fascist, but with

fascist leanings which might easily be swung into the out-

right fascist columns. All are dangerous and all are numerous.

Our defense against them is to name their leaders and

reveal their true purposes. This book does that. The rest is

up to the people of America and to the force of public opinion.




HEN war came to

America some of the fascists operating in the United States

ran to cover. Some were indicted, convicted and jailed; some

were indicted but not convicted for various reasons; some

continued, and do continue, their work underground. Some

are merely biding their time, organizing seemingly harmless

groups, waiting until they can bring them out into the open

once more.

Many of the outright fascists are now known to us. This

book will name many more who have not yet been revealed

and identified in America. But apart from these are other

groups who compose one of the strangest and most dangerous

alliances America ever faced within its own borders.

These are organizations whose outward forms, appeals and

programs are not outright fascist. But they, or their leaders

or supporters, or, in some cases, all three, are linked with,

often meet and work with, the most peculiar groups and indi-

viduals in American life. How shall we classify these? How

shall we assay their impact upon, or even their danger to,

American democracy? How shall we gauge where mere dis-

sidence ends and fascism begins?


Before we deal with actual fascists, let us examine three

phenomena and try to judge for ourselves where their objec-

tives fit into the pattern which today endangers American


Connections of the Committee for

Constitutional Government

Let us first consider the now fairly well-known reactionary

Committee for Constitutional Government, and the various

offshoot or outgrowth committees which it so prodigally

spawns. The Corrimittee for Constitutional Government was

organized in 1937 by Frank Gannett, reactionary publisher of

a string of small town newspapers.

Mr. Gannett and his aides have persistently maintaine4

that the Committee is an educational organization. Senator

Wright Patman branded it as "the most sinister lobby ever


Who is right?

If we examine the educational activities of the Committee

we find that since its founding it has performed the tremen-

dous task of distributing or helping to distribute 82 million

pieces of literature, booklets, pamphlets, reprints of editorials

and articles, and especially-addressed letters to specific groups.

It has distributed more than 760,000 books, more than 10,000

transcriptions of 15-minute radio talks on national issues,

besides sponsoring frequent national hook-ups for representa-

tives of the committee. It has sent more than 350,000 tele-

grams to citizens, attempting to influence their action on

national issues. It has sent countless thousands of releases to

daily and weekly newspapers and has run full page advertise-

ments in 536 newspapers with a combined circulation of

nearly 20 million.

All of this activity was against labor, against the New Deal,

against social welfare legislation.

The leaders of the Committee for Constitutional Govern-


ment are: Frank Gannett, Dr. Edward A. Rumely, Sumner

Gerard, Treasurer, and the Rev. Dr. Norman Vincent Peale,

Chairman. Among the members of the Advisory Board are:

Samuel Pettingill, Senator Edward H. Moore, S. S. McGlure,

ex-Senator Edward R. Burke,

Dr. Edward A. Rumely last appeared in Who's Who in

America in the 1918-1919 edition. According to the biographi-

cal material there, he was born on February 28, 1882, in

La Porte, Indiana. He was educated at Notre Dame Univer-

sity and from there went to Germany where he studied at the

University of Freiburg, graduating in 1906 with a degree

equivalent to Doctor of Medicine. In Who's Who Dr. Rumely

listed himself as a manufacturer and educator, but actually

his major activity was newspaper publishing. He had pur-

chased the old New York Evening Mail, "fulfilling an old am-

bition of his," according to a publication of the Committee for

Constitutional Government, which gives Rumely 's background.

However, when Rumely appeared before the Minton Com-

mittee of the Senate in 1938 and was re-questioned about

this, he said that he had made the purchase because "there

was a great deal of resentment against the biased reports that

were coming [from Europe] and that bias I had recog-

nized was due to absence of a news flow from the Central

Powers." A stock broker named Walter Lyons of the firm of

Rennskorff and Lyons had introduced Rumely to Dr. Hein-

rich Albert, a German financial agent. Dr. Albert encouraged

Rumely to purchase the Evening Mail, and somehow, with

$1,301,700 transmitted to this country through German diplo-

matic channels, the sale of the paper to Rumely was completed.

Rumely had been indicted in 1918 for violation of the

Trading With The Enemy Act, and sentenced to a year and a

day in prison for this offense. Later, when Coolidge became

president, Rumely was completely pardoned after serving

30 days in jail.

Rumely then dropped from public attention until 1933

when he appeared as executive secretary of the Committee

for the Nation. This committee was organized by James H.

Rand, Jr., president of Remington-Rand, Inc. Its headquarters


were at 205 E. 42nd Street, New York, which is the present

address of the Committee for Constitutional Government. The

general program of the Committee for the Nation seemed to

be to sponsor inflationary measures. Robert Harriss, a member

of the committee, conferred with Father Coughlin on October

23, 1932. Father Coughlin, on the air and in Social Justice,

engaged in a campaign for monetary inflation.

The Committee for the Nation was short-lived, but Rumely

again turned up as a committee-man when he began working

for Gannett's committee.

Ex-Senator Edward R. Burke of Nebraska is an active

member of the Committee for Constitutional Government and

other Gannett political projects. He was among those who

attended the first conference of the group, headed by Harry

Woodring, which met in Chicago in February, 1943 to form

the American Democratic National Committee. Another

organizer of this group was William Goodwin, who became

National Treasurer. Mr. Goodwin is a friend of Father

Edward Lodge Curran (a leader of the Coughlinites in the

East), and at one time also had his own party, the American

Rock Party, composed of Coughlin followers. He is the man

who once told John Roy Carlson, "There is nothing wrong

with fascism. Hitler has done a good job in Germany."

Burke himself was an active member of the Khaki Shirts of

America during the short period of its existence from 1932 to

1933. For three months he paid rent for the Omaha head-

quarters of this semi-fascist outfit, one of whose organizers

was "Major" L. I. Powell, a former aide of William Dudley

Pelley, leader of the Silver Shirts. (Dies Committee Report

Vol. Ill, P. 2348.) Later, the Khaki Shirts group ran into

trouble and changed its name to American Nationalists.

In 1938 Burke returned from a trip to Germany. The New

Yorfc Herald Tribune, in reporting the story, used this head-

line: "Senator Burke praises Hitler and Nazi's rule as he


The Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, official organ of

the German-American Bund reported in its issue of October

6, 1938:







(New York Herald Tribune)

"Senator Edward R. Burke, Democrat, of Nebraska,

who is a vigorous foe of the national labor relations

act, returned last night on the United States Line Man-

hattan from a seven-week unofficial study of labor

conditions in England, Germany and other Continental

countries. He praised without stint the accomplish-

ments of the Nazi regime in Germany. He saw Chan-

cellor Adolf Hitler as even 'a greater man than Bis-

marck/ "

The Committee itself, and its various splinter committees,

work on a somewhat subtler level, though the Committee to

Uphold the Constitution (forerunner of the CCG) did not

balk at enlisting the services of Coughlin in one of its cam-

paigns, according to Representative Keller, who said on July

27, 1939:

". . . There is a man who walks the halls of the

Capitol building by the name of Alfred Davies, an

employee of Frank Gannett, the notorious tory pub-

lisher. Mr. Davies is the Washington representative

of the National Committee to Uphold the Constitution.

He boasts that he and Frank Gannett 'are the Com-


"He (Davies) further stated that they were trying to

get Father Coughlin to speak against the bill (the

lend-lease bill) this coming Sunday."

On July 31, 1939 Father Coughlin's Social Justice carried an

article entitled "Lend-Lease Spree Means Bankruptcy."

Through its various offshoots the committee also has con-

nections with other less subtle groups. Samuel Pettingill, who

succeeded Gannett as Chairman of the Committee in 1940,

toured the United States as late as 1941 speaking for the

America First Committee. In 1943, Pettingill, addressing the

Chicago Rotary Club said, "If I were asked today I would

say that inflation is our No. 1 enemy, not Hitler." With or


without his permission, Pettingill is extensively quoted in such

un-American sheets as Social Justice, America Preferred,

Beacon Light, X-Ray, The Defender and Roll Call.

In March, 1944, a leaflet signed by Pettingill was distributed

by America's Future, Inc., the organization in whose name

certain sponsors of the Committee for Constitutional Gov-

ernment printed and distributed such literature as Smoke

Screen, The Right to Work, etc. (The Right to Work theory

is the basis of the anti-labor bill which The Christian Ameri-

can (see Chapter III) and Senator W. Lee "Pappy" O'Daniel

have now succeeded in getting through 11 legislatures in the

south. ) The leaflet purported to be a "true conversation" with

a Negro maid in a Detroit hotel. Its purpose, obviously, was

to smear the late President Roosevelt and to show that "Roose-

velt relief" was a vote-catching device. To quote from it:

"Me an' my husband has always been on Mr. Roose-

velt's relief and Mr. Roosevelt wants us folks to work


FOR KEEPS. Dat's all we have to do, jus' vote for

Mr. Roosevelt and all those same kind of Democrats

Mr. Roosevelt is . . ."

Q. "Was there enough money to get a drink of gin,

now and then?"

A. ". . . Mr. Roosevelt brought likker back and he

says it's alright for us to have a dollah or two a week

out of our .relief money for likker and beer . . ."

(The Newspaper PM, 4-7-44)

In September, 1943, when rationing and the restriction of

food supplies made it easy to play upon the public's fear of

scarcity and famine, Frank Gannett called a Food Confer-

ence in Chicago. The conference urged legislation which

would do away with government control of farm prices and

farms, and asked for prices set at market value and the abo-

lition of subsidies. The weapon employed by the confer-

ence was the cry that famine threatened. Conspicuously

present were Senator Harlan J. Bushfield of the powerful

Senate Food Committee, bitter New-Deal foe; Senators

Thomas, Brooks and O'Daniel ( O'Daniel called for legislation


forbidding unions the closed shop demand); Robert M. Har-

riss, Father Coughlin's financial advisor; and Wheeler

McMillan, editor of the powerful Joseph M. Pew's Farm

Journal. An outstanding feature of the conference was a state-

ment by Senator Bushfield which was tantamount to an

implied approval of black markets and inflation.

In September, 1944, the Committee for Constitutional Gov-

ernment was summoned before the House Campaign Expense

Committee, which requested a list of the Committee's con-

tributors. It was refused. Chairman Anderson thereupon

issued a subpoena for the records, observing, "We found that

$112,000 was raised in one state and that one man got $10,000

for soliciting it. If this marks a trend it becomes a matter of

public interest to investigate it." (Wash. Daily News, 9-20-44.)

But it is obvious from the scope of its activities and the

gigantic size of its mailings that the CCG has sizeable re-

sources. And when special occasions have spurred them,

members of the committee have found it possible to con-

tribute to and help to obtain contributions to other causes.

In 1944, the Rev. Norman Vincent Peale of the CCG helped

to organize, in Pawling, N. Y., a group called Guideposts

Associates, Inc. This was nothing more than a political organi-

zation which favored Thomas E. Dewey and wanted to

defeat Roosevelt. Prominent members of the "confidential

advisory board" were Captain Eddie Rickenbacker, Frank

Gannett, Branch Rickey, Lowell Thomas, Joe Pew, Walter

C. Teagle and the Rev. Dr. James W. Fifield (Founder and

Director of Spiritual Mobilization, an allied Gannett CCG

group which operates on a religious level, enlisting the sup-

port of ministers and other moral leaders to "fight Stateism").

The first leaflet published by Guideposts Associates was an

attack on the Political Action Committee of the C.I.O.,

charging that "Communist minded propagandists possess the

largest budget for ideological agitation ever assembled."

To fight this, Guideposts Associates asked a selected group

of individuals for $100,000 as an initial contribution. In his

confidential memorandum and invitation, sent to a selected

list of clergymen and laymen, enlisting support and funds,


Dr. Peale stated that he and Gannett (among others) had

each contributed $1,000.

Such allied drives have, of course, a purpose. The purpose

may be exclusively political, as that of Guideposts Associates

or the Committee for Constitutional Government itself. It may

be to hinder the extension of progressive legislation, or on the

other hand to obtain a financial plum for the big-money

group. Examples of the two last-named activities are: The

National Physicians Committee and the CCG fight for the

"22nd or new income tax amendment,"

The National Physicians Committee was organized in 1939.

It has a board of trustees composed entirely of doctors and its

executive director is John M. Pratt, a Gannett associate. Pratt

was formerly director of the Physicians for Free Enterprise,

which was dissolved in 1939 when a number of stormy inci-

dents occurred. One of these was at a meeting when Dr.

Bernard Denzer told his colleagues what he knew about

Rumely, connected the group to Gannett and exposed its

political aspects.

The National Physicians Committee has been primarily

engaged up to this writing in attacking the Wagner-Murray-

Dingell bill which it consistently misinterprets. A significant

commentary on NPC is taken from the conservative West-

chester, N. Y., Medical Bulletin, which, in an editorial entitled

"Plain Talk on the NPC," published in the spring of 1944,


"Together with most of our lay friends, we find in the

genesis and tactics of the NPC a cynical element of

pretense and trickery which is offensive to the intelli-

gent citizen and does the utmost to discredit the

ideals traditional to our profession."

The example of financial plum gathering is the amendment

sponsored by the CCG to limit taxes on inheritance, gifts and

income to 25 per cent. Already 16 states have passed the

resolutions necessary to pave the way for a federal constitu-

tional amendment to establish this curious taxing idea.

Obviously the passage of this "millionaire" amendment would


save the wealthy huge sums in taxes and make it necessary

for the less fortunate either to pay higher taxes or to see the

government stripped of its ability to serve them as effectively

as it has been serving. On May 11, 1944, Representative Wright

Patman warned in Congress .that if the 25 per cent tax limit

is adopted the wealth of the country would be concentrated

in the hands of a few and "we won't be able to take care of

our veterans or their widows and children." He also claimed

the proponents of the amendment were "a fascist group/'

Whether or not Representative Patman is right is difficult to

judge. The so-called "Gannett committees," and especially

the Committee for Constitutional Government operate on a

comparatively high political level and with strong financial

backing. Their literature and activities are reactionary and

disruptive but not outright subversive.

Yet we must remember that in every country where fascism

has succeeded there has been a group of suave, wealthy re-

actionary "respectables" which has been anti-labor, which has

condemned progressive movements as "red" and "communist,"

which has shadow-boxed the "red menace" as a means of pro-

tecting its own vested interests and tearing down the strength

of labor and other common people's movements.

And in every country where fascism wrested power, en-

trenched reaction has had contact with, and allies in, the more

outspoken camp of outright fascists. The time has come for

us in America to recognize the danger of such alliances. It

matters little which group uses the other, which thinks it uses

the other. The menace is that, at many points, they have

common objectives, which endanger American democracy.

Now let us look at other of the phenomena and at some of

the strange alliances in America and judge the danger.

The Involvements of Edward Lodge Curran

In Brooklyn, New York, Edward Lodge Curran is ener-

getically active in a number of causes. He was ordained a

priest in the Roman Catholic Church in 1922 but he does not


confine himself to religious matters. Father Curran has proven

himself to be a vigorous and sometimes powerful influence

in other directions.

After ordination, Father Curran became a professor at

Cathedral College, Brooklyn, where he remained until 1932.

In 1933 he became a parish priest at St. Stephen's Church in

Brooklyn and on June 27, 1941, transferred to St. Joseph's

Church, Pacific Street, between Dean and Vanderbilt Ave-

nues, where he remains today.

At St. Joseph's Curran succeeded Father Francis Joseph

Healy. Healy had been editor of the diocesan weekly, The

Tablet, which supported Father Coughlin, the Christian

Front, isolationist and anti-war leaders. He was the brother of

ex- Judge Leo Healy, lawyer for the seventeen Christian Front

members who were once placed on trial for allegedly plotting

to overthrow the government. Father Healy died in December,

1940. No pastor was appointed until June, 1941, when Father

Curran succeeded him.

Earlier, in 1932, Curran had become president of the Inter-

national Catholic Truth Society, an old Catholic organization.

Under his presidency it has distributed hundreds of thousands

of anti-war pamphlets and booklets. The Society also pub-

lishes a monthly magazine, Light, of which Father Curran

is the editor.

Father Curran's journalistic activities branch out to include

the writing of a weekly column, By The Way for the Gaelic

American of New York City, a publication which has been

an ardent follower of Father Coughlin. The column appears,

too, in The Leader, another weekly published in San Fran-

cisco, which has also followed the Coughlin line. And Father

Curran has written on several occasions for Coughlin's Social

Justice, which was charged by the Post Office with being

"obviously seditious."

He is an energetic and persuasive speaker, capable of

rabble-rousing in the best tradition and with a flair for cap-

turing meetings. Often before speaking he will strut down

the center of the aisle, flanked by important-looking indi-

viduals, obviously pleased with the adulation of the crowd.


When addressing meetings he usually begins with a quip

about the Irish "race," a reference to George Washington, and

then he plunges into his real and earnest diatribe against

whatever is his subject for attack that night.

Curran's activities in the field of propaganda began soon

after the Spanish Civil War broke out in the summer of 1936.

He carried on an active campaign in behalf of General Franco

and against the "communist menace" of the Spanish Republican

Government. In that year, he published a small pamphlet,

Spain in Arms, through the International Catholic Truth So-

ciety. Parts of this pamphlet were reprinted in a report, Part III,

published by "Orville Brisbane Good, Lecturer, U.S. A.-

Europe." Part I of this report, "The Truth About Spain," had

been printed by the official Nazi propaganda agency, Welt

Dienst (World Service) in Erfurt, Germany, and distributed

throughout the world. In 1938 Curran wrote another pro-

Franco article for Social Justice, and later in the same year

a similar article, defending Franco, for the one-shot publica-

tion, The Patriot Digest, which also published articles by such

obvious fascists as Gerald Winrod and a Canadian, Adrian

Arcand, interned by the Canadian government when that coun-

try went to war.

On January 19, 1939, Curran wrote to Merwin K. Hart,

another notorious Franco-phile, and expressed agreement that

another meeting in support of Franco Spain should be held

by the "American Union for Nationalist Spain." A month later

Curran was a member of the General Committee, which held

a "Pro-American Mass Meeting" at the Seventh Regiment

Armory, New York, at which the official Franco film, Spain

In Arms was shown for the first time in that city. Allen Zoll,

prominently aligned with the Christian Front and an organ-

izer of the American Patriots, was under-cover organizer of

the meeting. Other members of the organizing committee

were Patrick Scanlon, Managing Editor of the Brooklyn

Tablet, John Eoghan Kelly, convicted in 1943 as an unregis-

tered agent of Franco Spain, and Joseph Kamp, of the Consti-

tutional Educational League, which we shall examine later.

Curran's activities on behalf of Franco then began to lead


him deeper into the morass of native reaction.

On October 30, 1938, he was one of the two main speakers

at a "Pro-American" rally held at the Biltmore Hotel, New

York City, the purpose of which was to endorse a resolution

urging Congress to appropriate more funds for the Dies Com-

mittee. The other principal speaker was Elizabeth Billing,

author of Red Network, leader of "Momism" groups and

one of the group named in the indictments for alleged

seditious conspiracy handed down by a Federal Grand Jury

in Washington, D. C.

This meeting, too, was organized by Allen Zoll, under the

auspices of The American Patriots and the participating

groups and individuals were:

American Patriots, Inc. Allen Zoll

American Women Against Communism Mrs. Cressy Morrison

International Catholic Truth Society Edward Lodge Curran

N. Y. State Economic Council Merwin K. Hart

Patriotic Research Bureau Elizabeth Billing

Protestant War Veterans Edward James Smythe

The International Catholic Truth Society was undoubtedly

drawn into this meeting by Father Curran. The other organi-

zations were notorious for their disruptionist activities. The

meeting was advertised in the Deutrcher Wechkruf und

Beobachter, official German-American Bund paper in the

United States.

Shortly after this meeting, Father Curran addressed another

mass meeting (in Becember, 1938) at the Manhattan Opera

House to protest against the "conspiracy" to keep Father

Coughlin off the air. This time he shared the platform with

Major General George Van Horn Mosely, the man who was

selected to lead the fascist march on Washington at a con*

ference attended by such fascists as William Budley Pelley,

James True, and George Beatherage in Asheville, North

Carolina, in 1936.

This period marked perhaps the high-water mark of

Curran's activities or association with clearly revealed groups.

In 1939, when the Bies committee was investigating un-

American activities, the following letter from Silver-Shirter


George Deatherage to James Campbell, who was Mrs. Leslie

Fry's assistant, was introduced into the records. Mrs. Fry

and Deatherage were working then for the union of American

fascist groups under one leadership. Mrs. Fry, who was

strongly pro-German, operated from Southern California.

"Dec. 14, 1938. Dear Jim . . . The mass reaction will

follow the leader when they are hurt bad enough.

Now, we must have State and county leaders all

over the Nation that we know without a shadow of a

doubt, are men who will stick under any kind of

fire. . . . You will note from the General's speech

(Mosely), a copy of which was sent you, that the plan

is to do this job peacefully, and by force if it becomes

necessary. ... He does not yet quite realize the tre-

mendous force against him, but after his speech in

New York on the same platform with Father Coughlin,

he will be attacked from every quarter, this alone

showing him the strength of the enemy. . . . Right

after the first of the year it is the intention to call a

small conference, say about 25, in some place such as

Chicago, quietly, and discuss the matter of what we

are going to do about this thing. These will not be

organization leaders, but leaders of the main groups

throughout the Nation Father Coughlin, Winrod,

Lodge Curran, John Frey of the AFL, Homer Chaillaux

of the Legion, as well as other veteran leaders . . .

men who are heads of large groups on our side of

the fence "

(Dies Committee Reports, Vol. V, pp. 3277-79)

In a release dated April 10, 1939, the Paul Revere Sentinels,

a rabidly anti-Semitic, anti-war group operating in New York

City, released the news that a delegation had gone to Wash-

ington, D. C. to appear before the Senate and House Foreign

Relations Committees to demand the passage of a "real"

neutrality law. Listed among the members of the delegation


Edward Lodge Curran

George U. Harvey

John Cecil

Herbert A. O'Brien

William A. Goodwin

This is the same Goodwin who was, in 1944, to become

National Treasurer of the American Democratic National

Committee, already discussed as a reactionary outfit with

many points of contact with the Gannett Committee for

Constitutional Government. This is the same Goodwin who

ran for Congress on the Social Justice Ticket in 1936, who ran

for Mayor of New York in 1941, backed by his own American

Rock Party, and who spoke from the same platform then with

Bernard D'Arcy, the New York distributor of Coughlin's

Social Justice.

In November, 1939, Curran went to Pawtucket, R. I., to

speak at a Christian Front meeting organized by Francis

Moran, who was the Christian Front leader for the Boston

area and one of the most outspoken anti-Semites in that part

of the country. Moran was also a distributor of the notorious

Flanders Hall books (Flanders Hall was the publishing outfit

sponsored and financed by George Sylvester Vierick, con-

victed Nazi agent) and a collaborator with Deatherage, Pel-

ley, Billing and Edmondson (all defendants in the Washing-

ton trials for alleged sedition).*

In January, 1940, seventeen members of the Christian Front

were indicted and placed on trial for allegedly plotting to

overthrow the government of the United States. Immediately

Front forces swung into action and organized a "Parents'

Defense Fund Committee" to collect money and hold rallies

on behalf of the defendants. At a monster rally held on March

1, 1940, at Prospect Hall, Brooklyn, to raise money for defense

expenses, Bernard T. D'Arcy presided and Curran was one of

the keynote speakers. In a pre-meeting press statement, Cur-

ran decried "trial by newspapers" and declared that he was

". . . happy to accept the invitation ... in this attempt to

secure funds so that justice may be done. I only hope

that my words may succeed in enabling the . . . Com-

mittee to secure the full amount necessary for the

cause of justice. The sympathy and the prayers of

every fair-minded American citizen should go out to

* The Nation, 3-31-32. Pg. 334.


the parents and loved ones of these defendants in their

hour of suffering." (The Brooklyn Tablet, 3/2/40)

During the summer of that year most of the seventeen in-

dicted were dismissed whereupon Curran wrote to Attorney

General Jackson demanding an investigation into the trial

and asking who "tricked" the Department of Justice into the

proceedings. When, later, the remainder of the indictees were

dismissed, the Parents' Defense Fund Committee held a "vic-

tory rally" on February 2, 1941, at the Columbus Club,

Brooklyn. Again D'Arcy presided. Nine of the defendants,

including John Cassidy, National Director of the Christian

Front, sat on the platform while Curran and ex-Judge Healy,

defense lawyer, spoke.

Following the Front trial, both Frontist and Coughlinite

activities either went underground or switched over to the

intensive anti-war campaign which was then urging the coun-

try not to fight the European fascists. Curran also began to

speak against war and foreign entanglements but continued,

too, his defense of Coughlin.

When the mailing privileges of Social Justice were under

fire, and Coughlin had to stop publishing to prevent further

investigation, Curran sent the following telegram to Coughlin

on April 28, 1942:

"As a fellow-priest and a fellow-American I assure

you of a constant remembrance in my Masses and

prayers during these trying days. May God bless you."

(Gaelic American, 5-2-42)

In his anti-war campaign, Curran was inevitably drawn into

America First activity and during the six months prior to

Pearl Harbor made frequent speeches attacking Russia, En-

gland and the late President Roosevelt. The most inept was

one delivered in Jersey City at a Pro-American Rally of the

Civic Educational Council on October 27, 1941 in which he


"Arousing fear is the method dictators use to get

complete power over their country that is how Roose-


velt and the war party are creating a political and

military dictatorship that will extend right into your

homes . . . Egging on innocent Japan . . . This pagan

irresponsible dictatorial war party does not represent

the people, it is destroying and disuniting the country

by treachery and dishonesty . . . This Roosevelt war

party is completely subversive to, and run from Lon-

don." (Jersey City Pro- American Rally of the Civic

Educational Council, 10-27-41)

During the war years Father Curran has contented himself

with shadow-boxing with such diversified opponents as Britain,

Russia, Civilian Defense, and the Roosevelt Administration.

But he has consistently carried the flag for Coughlin and

on April 30, 1944, appeared at the Columbus Club in Brook-

lyn as a speaker at a meeting. He was preceded on the plat-

form by William Grace, a Chicago "nationalist" whose

activities will be discussed later. In his speech Grace said:

"I am an isolationist, a nationalist, too another word

for it. I am anti-British, anti-Russian, anti-Japanese,

anti-German, anti-everything that is anti-American

and wants to hold that flag down . . . Everywhere in

government offices are Communists pledged to destroy

our way of life and our God."

Following Grace's general blast, Father Curran took the

floor. He began with a slur on Walter Winchell for demand-

ing an investigation of Father Coughlin. Curran stated:

"The purpose of this meeting is to impress our

people with the dangers of totalitarianism in the U. S. A.

When asked whether the purpose of this meeting was in

securing the air waves for the use of Father Coughlin,

I said that was not the specific purpose of the meet-

ing, but I went on to assure him [the reporter] that

Father Coughlin has more right to the air waves of

this country than Browder or Winchell." (Great ap-

plause.) "As far as I am concerned, and as far as

you are concerned, we'll do everything in our power

to bring him back."

On June 28, 1944, Curran held his annual Mass to com-

memorate the ordination of Father Coughlin, and declared:


"For the past twenty-eight years, Father Coughlin has devoted

his spiritual and intellectual and oratorical and literary tal-

ents to the cause of defending America against all anti-

Americans and all anti-Christians." And ". . . we shall beg God

to hasten the day when once again his voice may ring out

over the airways to protect our church, our country, our

priesthood and our fellow citizens/' At the end of the meeting,

a collection was taken up to send to Father Coughlin for

"his work."

After this Mass, small groups gathered on the church steps.

One group gathered about a woman, a former worker in the

cause of the Christian Front, who delivered an extemporane-

ous speech on the "conspiracy for world government" and the

"Anglo-Jewish conspiracy" . . . She also reported that Roose-

velt was in the third stage of syphilis, that 50,000 men had

been killed in the first two days of the battle for Normandy

and that 15,000 was one day's toll at Tarawa. The woman then

took names and addresses of those who wanted to receive

"her bulletin."

Until recently Father Curran has refused to admit any

direct connection with the Christian Front, which has had

such a stormy, unsavory history and been so identified with

anti-Semitism, rabble-rousing, hate-inciting and subversive

activities. But on April 9, 1945, 700 people attended a meet-

ing sponsored by the St. Augustine Branch, Ladies Catholic

Benevolent Association, No. 1287, of South Boston, at the

New England Mutual Building, Boston.

Mrs. William B. Gallagher, wife of the notorious Boston

Christian Front leader, was chairlady. She introduced Father

Daniel J. O'Leary, a good looking young priest who in turn

introduced Father J. F. X. Murphy. Father Murphy then made

a long laudatory speech introducing Father Curran.

Curran attacked the entry of the United States into the war

and declared that Russia, England, China and France were

all Russia First, England First, etc., and in the war at the

expense of the United States for their own aggrandizement.

Then he came to the Christian Front and said:

"Christian Front is another sacred term that our

enemies have lampooned. (Applause.) But by my

baptism, by my later confirmation, by the holy fact of

my ordination, I believe in the sanctity of the Christian

Front. As I told a Jewish friend in Brooklyn who

moaned to me about the Christian Front, 'Haven't you

got a Jewish Front? What do you call Sidney Hillman

and his PAC Front? If you can have a Jewish Front,

why can't I belong to a Christian Front?' "

When Father Curran uttered this obvious nonsense, he was,

whether he realized it or not, paralleling one of the doctrines

which the Nazis used from the very first, that of setting up

falsely the straw man of a Jewish Front (or conspiracy) and

then attacking it. Or using it as a point of departure for other

attacks. And whatever direction his future activities take,

whether toward a revived Christian Front or a continued sup-

port of Father Coughlin, Curran is obviously a man to watch

as the network of dissension and the pattern of disruption

grows. It is unlikely that he will return to the praise of fascist

Franco. It is certain he will not be quoted again in Nazi

pamphlets. But America will do well to remember that spokes-

men for disruption have identified him as a man on their

"side of the fence."

The threads which link together the strange alliance are

sometimes tenuous and finely drawn. But follow only one

and you will soon find yourself led from one group to the

next. Let us take a typical case and see how quickly we are

drawn into the whole maze.

Rev. Norman Vincent Peale is Chairman of the Committee

for Constitutional Government. He is also a member of the

Advisory Committee of Spiritual Mobilization (which, inci-

dentally, advertises in The Defender, published by Gerald

Winrod; alleged seditionist, one of the defendants in the

Washington trials).

Rev. Norman Vincent Peale once appeared on the same pro-

gram with Mrs. Elizabeth Billing, a co-defendant of Winrod's

in the trial for alleged sedition, notorious anti-Semite, a mem-

ber of the National Emergency Committee (formed by the


pro-fascist Gerald L. K. Smith [see Chapter IV]), and leader

in the "Momism" racket, (see Chapter VII), a woman whose

activities link her with fascist groups throughout the country.

On the same program that day (October 30, 1938) was Rev.

Fr. Edward Lodge Curran, in his capacity as President of

the International Catholic Truth Society.

During the same winter of 1938-39, the Rev. Edward

Lodge Curran served on a committee of Merwin K. Hart's

American Union for Nationalist Spain. On the committee with

Father Curran were: John Eoghan Kelly, Patrick F. Scanlon,

Lester M. Gray, Mrs. Catherine W. Baldwin, Robert Caldwell

Patton, editor of the pro-Franco Patriot Digest and Joseph

P. Kamp, of the Constitutional Educational League.

The Literary Activity of Joseph P. Kamp

Joseph P. Kamp was also on a committee which sponsored

General George Van Horn Mosely along with Allen Zoll,

Mrs. A. Cressy Morrison, Fred R. Marvin, John Cecil, Major

William Lathrop Rich and again John Eoghan Kelly.

As Director of the Constitutional Educational League, Kamp,

the last of the three phenomena, has distributed millions

of pieces of literature, most of it used and highly praised

by various disruptionist, semi-fascist and pro-fascist groups.

According to Kamp himself, he disposed of 2,200,000 copies

of one booklet, Join the C. I. O. and Help Build a Soviet

America, and he claims that between 1937 and 1940 he dis-

tributed a total of 10,000,000 pieces of literature.

How were these used? A few instances are indicative.

1. On May 5, 1939, Kamp's Headline's Bulletin was dis-

tributed at a meeting of the "American Patriots," an organiza-

tion created by Allen Zoll, notorious Coughlinite and anti-

Semite, who *was subsequently indicted by a New York Grand

Jury for alleged attempted extortion in offering, for the pay-

ment of a stated sum of money, to withdraw Coughlin's

pickets from the front of the premises of a New York radio



Zoll had been associated, also, with Merwin K. Hart and

Father Curran in their pro-Franco activities and with Eliza-

beth Billing who spoke for Zoll's "American Patriots/'

2. Kamp's literature has been advertised in Winrod's The

Defender, and significantly, two of the Kamp pamphlets, The

Fifth Column in Washington and The Fifth Column in the

South, were advertised as available for sale at the offices of

The Defender publishers in Wichita, Kansas. Winrod once

boasted in his publication that as a result of "prominent

mention" in The Defender, thousands of Kamp's pamphlets

were sold.

3. In November, 1940, the Fiery Cross, monthly publication

of the Ku Klux Klan, carried a large advertisement of the Kamp

pamphlet The Fifth Column in the South and the same

issue contained an article by Joseph P. Kamp on "Reds" in

our government.

4. In 1940, Joe McWilliams, New York's then number one

native Nazi, who was later indicted by a Washington grand jury

for alleged seditious conspiracy, permitted F. Guy Juenemann

to sell copies of Kamp's literature at meetings of the "Ameri-

can Destiny Party."

5. In March, 1942, literature of the Constitutional Educa-

tional League was sold at a meeting of the "Patriots of the

Republic," a violent "Christian Front" organization which

operated out of Brooklyn, N. Y., until its leaders decided that

the continuing of its activities might result in an indictment

for sedition.

6. On August 19, 1942, Elizabeth Billing sent out to her

mailing list a post card announcing that there were now

available on sale at her office ( The Patriotic Research Bureau )

copies of Kamp's Native Nazi Purge Plot. One portion of

the post card stated that the booklet was "fascinating, factually

dynamite . . . Get it! Read it! Push it! Lend copies to

friends and neighbors before election time."

Subsequently Billing made it clear that she was selling

these books in order to help raise a defense fund for herself

as one of the defendants in the "Washington sedition case."

7. Kamp literature has been distributed by the "American


Women Against Communism" (see Chapter VII) and copies

of Kamp's booklet, What's Cooking were received by peo-

ple who were on the mailing list of Coughlin's Social Justice.

They have been spread by fifth columnists all over America

and they are still available to any fascist in America who

wants to use them.

For Joseph P. Kamp still has an office at 342 Madison

Avenue, New York City, and according to the stationery of

the Constitutional Educational League, it also has offices at

the following addresses:

"National Headquarters" "Midwest Headquarters"

631 Chapel Street Pioneer Building

New Haven, Conn. Madison, Wisconsin

"Southern Department"

Protective Life Building

Birmingham, Alabama

The Constitutional Educational League is a Connecticut

corporation and though it maintains an office in New York

County, no certificate authorizing it to do business is on file

in the County Clerk's office or in Albany.

Kamp claims that the League is "educational" and has made

every effort to keep its records from public investigation. In

1937 he and Chester A. Hanson, Secretary-Treasurer of the

League were subpoenaed to appear before the LaFollette

Civil Liberties Committee and to produce "all records, docu-

ments, correspondence, etc." pertaining to the League's busi-

ness. Kamp failed to appear.

On November 19, Chester A. Hanson did appear, but failed

to produce the records, explaining that on November 14, five

days before the hearing took place, Kamp had "taken" the

files out of the cabinets at the New Haven office and with him

on an "auto trip." The weight of the files was about 150


Hanson was questioned and revealed a startling ignorance

of the Constitution of the United States. This, together with

Hanson's description of the League's activities, caused Senator


Elbert D. Thomas of Utah to remark, "I can judge quite cor-

rectly from what you say, then, that the word 'Constitutional'

does not have any meaning in your Constitutional Educational

League . . . and the word 'educational' has no meaning."

More recently, Kamp had another occasion to tell legislators

about his League and to put information about it on the

open records. He was summoned, in the fall of 1944, by the

House Campaign Expenditures Investigating Committee. On

October 5, 1944, he refused, for a second time, to turn over

his records to the committee, and on October 8, the Committee

cited him for contempt Later, on November 10, 1944, the

U. S. Attorney General's office charged Kamp with "wilfully

and deliberately" refusing to turn over records to the Com-

mittee, and on December 21, a Federal Grand Jury indicted

Kamp on that charge.

Strangely enough, he has not, up to this writing, been

brought to triaL

Kamp has often boasted of "close contacts" in various gov-

ernment agencies. He has told friends that he has a connec-

tion in the Department of Justice (of course he offered no

proof) and has frequently referred to his friendship with

congressmen (which he has been able to prove). He used

to boast of his assistance to ex-Congressman Martin Dies' In-

vestigative Committee, and said in October, 1943, "Martin

Dies and I have been playing ball for years." Kamp's former

secretary, Hazel Hoffman, was employed for a while, by

the Dies Committee.

At one time, when the Committee was still active, Kamp

advised "patriots" not to give information to J. Edgar Hoover

and the FBI, but to give it, instead, to Martin Dies and him-


Representative Clare E. Hoffman, of Michigan, has praised

Kamp's litera'ture (see Chapter IX), and told of distributing

it himself, at his own expense. Representative Paul Shafer, of

Michigan, has also publicly endorsed Kamp's writings.

Yet, in the summer of 1942, Kamp's Constitutional Educa-

tional League was named in the Washington indictment for

alleged sedition as one of the agencies through which the de-


fendants sought to carry out the charged conspiracy to under-

mine the morale of our armed forces.

And, according to a newspaper report of August 24, 1942,

Kamp was busy raising a fund for the defense of the twenty-

eight who were then indicted for the alleged conspiracy.

This report stated that Kamp was raising his defense fund

through the sale of a booklet which he called Maloney's

Moscow Trials. (William P. Maloney was the first Govern-

ment prosecutor in the case.)

Up to the present time, all this does not seem greatly to

have injured Kamp's standing nor to have curtailed his


However, this is not very strange in the light of what Kamp

has been able to do in the past, and of the background which

has not seemed to hinder him.

Joseph P. Kamp was born in Yonkers, N. Y., on May 3, 1900.

His father was Joseph Kamp, a tailor who was born in Ger-

many and had come to America shortly before Joseph P.

Kamp's birth.

The younger Kamp went to school in Yonkers, evidently

graduating from grade school there. He entered the Yonkers

High School, but at the end of one six-months' term, left, ap-

parently of his own accord.

Little is known of him until 1933 though he spent some

time as a process-server after his high-school days. In 1933,

according to the records in the New York County Clerk's

office, a business certificate was filed, on December 7th, for

The Awakener Publishing Co., 11 W. 42nd St., New York

City, with Joseph P. Kamp and Harold Lord Varney as the

owners. Varney was a well-known pro-Mussolini propagandist.

Soon after that a bank account was opened in the name of

The Awakener and Joseph P. Kamp at the Banca Com-

merciale Italiana in New York City.

Besides Kamp and Varney, The Awakener listed as an "As-

sociate Editor," Lawrence Dennis, self-styled brains of Ameri-

can fascism, later indicted by the Department of Justice on

charges of taking part in a Nazi conspiracy.

In 1937, in the face of rising criticism, The Awakener dis-


continued publication, but Kamp revealed, in a letter to one

of his followers, that its work would continue.

He wrote: "The Awakener is dead, but the work is being

carried on, and you wih 1 receive, in return for your stamps,

some recent booklets and pamphlets of the Constitutional

Educational League . . ."

On July 29, 1937, a business certificate was filed in the New

York County Clerk's Office for the Raakamp Publishing Co.

The address furnished for this company was 78 W. 55th

Street, New York City, which was the home of a Mr. Bentley


The present address of the Raakamp Publishing Company

is 342 Madison Avenue, New York City, and its co-owner,

along with Mr. Raak, is Joseph P. Kamp. The Raakamp Pub-

lishing Company is supposedly inactive, but it carries an active

bank account at the Irving Trust Company, Empire State

Branch, 5th Avenue and 34th Street, New York City.

Since Mr. Kamp is reticent about the finances of the Con-

stitutional Educational League, and since the address of the

Constitutional Educational League is also at 342 Madison

Avenue, New York City, it may interest some of the League's

contributors to learn what they can about Raakamp Publish-

ing Co.

An associate of Kamp in the Constitutional Educational

League was A. Cloyd Gill, a man with a record going back to

the infamous Asheville Conference. (In 1936 Gill had helped

to arrange the conference in Asheville, North Carolina, at-

tended by leading American anti-Semites and pro-Nazi propa-

gandists, where, for the first time, a program of political anti-

Semitism was laid out on a national scale. )

According to the sworn statement of a former close asso-

ciate, Gill received, in 1938, $600 from a Mr. T. Ono of the

Japanese Chamber of Commerce. This was the price, accord-

ing to the affidavit, for inserting in the Counsellor, a Gill publi-

cation, a pro-Japanese article, entitled "Communism in the

Far East."

Gill and Kamp worked closely together, until 1943. Then,

early in the morning of April 7, Gill was found dead in the


offices of the Constitutional Educational League. According

to the coroner, the death was due to "natural causes."

The source of Kamp's funds is difficult to find. Kamp claims

that the League's chief source of funds is donations from in-

dividuals and associations, though he has also boasted, on

occasion, that he has received financial backing from indus-

trialists, and reactionary-minded business men.

Whatever his backing, the books, the pamphlets, the leaflets

are still streaming out of the League offices. Recently Kamp

published one called, From the Secret Files of the FBI

though the Federal Bureau of Investigation has issued a

statement that these pamphlets were printed without the

knowledge or consent of the FBI. Incredible as it seems, the

activities of Joseph P. Kamp go on, help to continue and to

build up the strange alliance.

And the strange alliance is linked with other groups, all

over the country. There are threads which can be picked

up and followed, person to person, group to group. Not all of

these individuals and groups operate in the same way. Some

may be said to work on a high level, others on a lower, but

they all constitute part of a drive against the safety of Ameri-

can democracy. Individuals meet with one group and then

another, propaganda moves freely between them on low

levels and high.

Lately, as we will show in subsequent chapters, they have

drawn closer. Some of them have now openly banded together

in committees. But whether they act openly in concert or

not, they are much the same voices in different key; they

are the voices of hate; hate the administration, hate the Jews,

hate the Negroes, hate the Russians, hate the "reds," hate

labor, hate the "international bankers" but don't hate the

fascists, not the Nazis (be kind to them in defeat), don't hate

Franco, don't hate the betrayers of American democracy.

Is it strange that America listens to their voices? Is it

strange that Americans allow Elizabeth Dilling to say, as she

did recently,

"You are well aware, I know, that Jewry's most

perfect responsive instrument, has left us. He is con-


tinuing his 'fireside' chats, it is reported, with Old

Nick in a new location. The chief mourners' long faces

have matched their noses. . . .

"He milked the country of blood and supplies to

build world imperialism for Red Jewry. . . ." (The

Newspaper PM, 5-27-45.)

Perhaps not so strange when the so-called respectable press

has urged on many of these hatreds. Not long after the death

of Franklin D. Roosevelt the people of New York City, or that

portion of them which reads the New York Daily News, were

treated to a strange and shocking exhibition of newspaper

good taste. In an editorial the Daily News linked the death of

Roosevelt with that of Hitler and Mussolini to remark that no

man is indispensable.

While Gerald L. K. Smith was doing his best to discredit

the San Francisco Conference, John O'Donnell, Daily News

columnist, called the conference "as phony as a seven-dollar


Nor is it strange when one considers how little the Ameri-

can public is told about the disruptionists, the spreaders of

hate, and disunity. Only a small section of the press reports on

their activities and only a few radio commentators with large

audiences exposes or checks them. A newspaper such as PM,

a commentator such as Walter Winchell, are notable for their

interest in blocking the dissensionists, disruptionists and hate-

mongers. And if it were not for Winchell, in his column and

on the air, there would not be a truly powerful voice in

America raised against the disruptionists with anything like

the consistency of their own brazen bleatings.

Until they and their activities are revealed and exposed and

constantly shown to the public, they may continue to grow.

Until every ramification of their activity is traced, until every

element and every fuse that leads to the time bomb of fascism

is discovered and stamped upon, America will remain in


In succeeding chapters we will examine other phases of

their activity and discover in what other parts of the country

they meet and work and cooperate.



JTlCK up a telephone in

Houston, Texas, and dial Capital 2526. Whoever answers will

be speaking from the headquarters of one of the most power-

ful fascist-minded organizations in the country, an active

center for spreading hate, dissension, and anti-labor propa-


The Houston telephone directory lists the organization as

"The Christian American" but trade unionists throughout the

South will give you a different label. They will tell you grimly

that its proper designation should be "Un-American, Inc."

They will warn you about its apparently limitless funds for

its anti-union work. Negroes below the Mason-Dixie line

will give you still another name "Streamlined Klan, 1945


Both have the same thing in mind, for both fear the power

and the influence of the organization which calls itself The

Christian American. And both have reason to, for even now

there is a battle on in the Southland. The chips are down and

the stakes are high. They are nothing less than complete

control of a rich section of the country, rapidly industrialized

by the war with big profits for those who can assure them-

selves of cheap labor, held in iron domination. And the

backers of The Christian American are playing for keeps.


To get the picture of how operations are conducted in the

South, to see the pattern which may undermine and split

American democracy if unchecked, let us look at two seem-

ingly unrelated incidents in the South during the last two

years, and see how significantly they fit into the pattern.

We will begin on a warm June day in 1944, in the small,

war-booming town of Beaumont, Texas. Incident number

one: On June 17th, at approximately 3 P.M., the Negro resi-

dential and business section of Beaumont was going about its

affairs as usual when, along the streets, pedestrians were

suddenly frozen in their tracks. The wail of police sirens

split the air of the Negro community and white motorcycle

cops tore through the streets, shouting, "Get off the streets!

Get off the streets!" Beaumont Negroes did not wait to ask

why. They ran for cover. Instinctively, they knew what was

coming. Shortly after the motorcycles tore off, a mob of

whites stormed into the Negro area.

What happened in the next 24 hours left the nation shocked.

When the white hoodlums were finished, the Beaumont

Negro business and residential section lay in embers. The

nearby shipyards all but stopped war production. Local

war plants shut down. Men lay dead, and the hospitals and

jails were filled. State police who were rushed to the scene

had arrested 80 whites as ringleaders of the atrocity, and

on the night of June 18th the still-burning embers lit the

skies above the Texas war town with a figurative warning:

"n, stay in your place!"

Incident number two: Approximately a year earlier, on

March 4, 1943, one of the bitterest debates in the history

of the Arkansas State Legislature raged on the floor of the

House in Little Rock. A handful of representatives were fight-

ing a losing battle to prevent the passage of a bill which has

since become sinisterly familiar in the legislatures of at least

twenty southern and borderline states.

This is the bill widely sponsored by The Christian American

as the "Right to Work" amendment. In Arkansas, the few

courageous legislators who .opposed it fought what they

knew was a losing battle, because they also knew how thor-


oughly the bill's sponsors had set the stage for its passage.

Tens of thousands of dollars had been spent in Arkansas to

win support for it. Farmers, businessmen and union-hating in-

dustrialists had been brought together to fight for it. Not a

newspaper in the state had been overlooked in distributing

a widespread paid advertising campaign. Time was paid

for on radio chains. Even some churches were swung into

line. Now, in the legislature itself, the heat was on in earnest

for its passage. And holding the torch was The Christian


As the debate raged to a heated climax at Little Rock, a

harassed opponent of the bill summed up the portent of its

passage in forthright language. He was Representative Cham-

bers, of Columbia, Arkansas. He was frank about the way

he was going to vote, even though he had fought the measure

from its introduction. Turning to his fellow Representatives,

he said he now intended to vote for passage only because the

county he represented had been so completely organized

by The Christian American agents that he had no alternative.

Then, turning in anger to the gallery, Representative Cham-

bers looked at a tall, sallow man sitting impassively among

the visitors. This man was Val Sherman, reactionary, union-

hating Texan, Associate Director of The Christian American.

Sherman had come to Little Rock well supplied with funds to

see to it personally that the bill went through. Pointing to

Sherman, Representative Chambers shouted, "I'm not brand-

ing Mr. Sherman as a disciple of Hitler, but he's a graduate

of his school. Hitler would be glad to charter a submarine

to Texas and solicit his services!" (Arkansas Gazette, March

4, 1943.)

The bill passed the House by a vote of 62 to 29. Later the

Senate set it aside "temporarily." But The Christian American

resumed its fight for passage, and at this writing the issue

is not yet settled.

What is the aim of the The Christian American, and what

is its interest in sponsoring passage of the "Right to Work"


To begin with, the "Right to Work" amendment is only part


of an entire anti-union plan, which comes wrapped in three

deceitful packages, and which The Christian American group

hopes to sell to the entire 48 states. The packages are:

1. "Anti-violence in strikes" law. Under this law it would

seem that all an employer need do to break up a labor union

is to get any member of the union or any employee to charge

that union officials, union members, or pickets have threatened

(not necessarily committed) violence "to deprive him of his

right to work." Heavy sentences and fines against union

men could then be levied which could easily put the unions

out of business. Everybody who opposes this law is accused

by its proponents of upholding the right to riot. A neater

and more vicious attack on union rights has never been


2. The "Right to Work" measure which is being sponsored

now in individual states and which is offered as an amend-

ment that can some day be incorporated into a national Con-

stitutional amendment. This flanking operation attacks an-

other part of union organization. It seeks to kill off unionism

by abolishing the closed shop. It "upholds the right" of an

individual to work in an open shop even though the majority

vote may favor a certain union and a closed shop and even

though only one dissenter may be the only worker who

chooses to work in an open shop. Obviously, under its pro-

tection anti-union organizations, or employers, can easily

smash unions even where they have now been accepted by

the majority of workers in any plant or business.

3. By pushing through the "Right to Work" amendment

the Wagner Labor Relations Act would be, to all practical

purposes, repealed. Later official repeal of it could be easily


Such a program obviously appeals only to the arch-enemies

of labor. It can benefit only those who propose to use and

to exploit and to create cheap labor. It would mean the end

of all unionism and the unbridled mastery of labor by over-


Yet, both the "Right to Work" amendment and the "anti-

violence in strikes" law have been introduced in a number of


southern states and one or the other has been passed in many

of them with the help of The Christian American and the

reactionary Texan, W. Lee "Pappy" OTDaniel.

Where does their passage and the terror in Beaumont link

up? Where does the battle of Little Rock and the hoodlumism

in Beaumont tie in?

The burning of Beaumont was the last overt act, up to the

time of this writing, by the old-school rope and faggot adher-

ents of the Ku Klux Klan technique. It was a final desperate

effort to stave off what the Klan considered was a ground-

swell of liberalism in southern states. It was the Klan's

challenge to the CIO and AFL. It was a threat to Negroes,

who looked to the unionists and FEPC for some measure

of protection and for some hope of equal economic rights.

It didn't work Beaumont's Negroes, though understand-

ably frightened, were not completely intimidated. They re-

built their homes and their shops. They went back to their

jobs and continued to produce die sinews of war. Of course

they had the economic strength (occasioned by available war

jobs ) to resist intimidation. And they had the courage ( backed

by the knowledge that they were needed in wartime) to

return to their homes and their work. The fact that America

was at war against foreign enemies was a measure of pro-

tection to them.

So the outrage in Beaumont was not repeated. There was

no further incident.

The men who propound the philosophy of white supremacy,

knew then that the fiery cross was, for the time being, an un-

satisfactory weapon.

The Christian American's Plots and Planners

But others were at work. There were other lines of attack.

There is more than one way to strike at labor and to bring

it to terms: attack in the legislative field when the lower strata

temporarily abandons force; set up a long-range program. It


may take longer, but it can be made to work. How?

First, by weakening and then breaking entirely the back-

bone of a growing liberal movement in the South. Then fascism

after (1) the legislative program weakens the trade unions,

(2) liberals, Southern educators, public office holders, clergy-

men and other progressives have been outmaneuvered, and

(3) the Southern Negro has been forced into a weaker position

than he is today.

The big figures behind The Christian American organiza-

tion, such as W. Lee O'Daniel, Senator from Texas, Lewis

Valentine Ulrey, wealthy Texas realtor and Christian Ameri-

can chairman, Val Sherman, giant ham-fisted Vance Muse,

Senator O'Daniel's right-hand man and secretary of The

Christian American these men and their rich contributors

who own or represent a number of Texas industries, are fight-

ing it out in the legislatures.

They fought it out in Arkansas. They have fought it out

and won in eleven southern states. They plan to capture, if

possible, every other southern state and many border states.

In the meantime, the Klan and other kindred nightshirt

organizations throughout the South are reviving and strength-

ening. Such Klan outfits are not using physical terror for

the time being. They are quietly but steadily building up

underground hoodlum groups, keeping them ready until the

signal is given to go. That signal will be given when the

"enemy," the progressive, the labor, the liberal forces have

been sufficiently "softened up." Then, unless these liberal

forces knuckle under, unless labor and the Negro are content

to see "white supremacy" established, to witness a return to

the old feudalism of the South, watch for terror to ride again.

That does not mean that there is no danger in the South

even today. The Christian American, in its flanking attack

on the South's body politics is distributing violent anti-Negro

tracts, is encouraging divisive, racial theories, is spreading

disunity and building toward the unchallenged establish-


ment of "white supremacy," which of course means "Gentile

white supremacy."

National headquarters of The Christian American is lo-

cated in the Kirby Building in Houston, Texas. The organiza-

tion itself evolved from another outfit called the Jeffersonian

Democrats, which was set up in 1936 by the late John H.

Kirby, Houston millionaire.

Tycoon Kirby was one of the richest men in the South.

He was also a confirmed believer in drastic, hard-fisted

methods to keep labor down, in suppressing all forms of liberal

thought and above all, in seeing that Negroes could not rise

above the social, political and economic levels set for them

by the "white supremacist" rulers of the South.

Through Vance Muse and other reactionaries in the South

and in Congress, Kirby funneled a fortune into any move-

ment which promised to preserve the status quo. He could

well afford this. He was chairman of a petroleum company,

president of an investment company and president of a

lumber company. He is described in a piece of Christian

American literature as "foremost industrialist of Texas and the

South and for many years ... his state's wealthiest citizen."

As an outstanding southern industrialist he flaunted his Tory

views and openly espoused and occupied a post as member

of the executive committees of the Sentinels of the Republic

and the Order of American Patriots, both thinly disguised

organizations for disseminating race hatred and union busting


Vance Muse, whose residence is at 2708 Werlein Street,

Houston, worked for Kirby as the Jeffersonian Democrats'

ideological leader and lobbyist. Backed by the Kirby millions,

he succeeded in spreading disruptive anti-New Deal, anti-

labor propaganda throughout the South. When Kirby died,

Muse formed The Christian American, taking the name from

a "hate sheet" magazine published by a crackpot white su-

premacist group with whom Muse was then connected.

Muse was soon joined by Val Sherman, whose address is

6623 Brompton Street, Houston. The pair worked together


to build The Christian American outfit, to organize branches

and to attract big money.

The record of Vance Muse indicates clearly where he is

headed. His appearance and brains make him a dangerous

man. A six-foot-four giant, his towering figure is regularly

seen in the top money crowd with men who are willing to

spend generously to smash the unions and "put the n

back in his place/' Muse hobnobs, too, with state and federal

legislators, with extreme tory businessmen who consider Muse

and his spiritual mentor, "Pappy" OTDaniel, the white-haired

boys and potential saviors of the white supremacy tradition.

Muse's wife is his paid secretary, and is as rabid as her

husband in their chosen mission of making the South "safe"

for reaction and white supremacy. Recently, in an ex-

tremely frank moment, Mrs. Muse told an interviewer that

for the present, "The Christian American cannot afford to

be anti-Semitic, but we know where we stand on the Jews

all right! It does not pay us to work with Winrod, Smith,

Coughlin and those others up north; they are too outspoken

and would get us into trouble." (Though they are clever

enough to avoid open meetings with such notorious figures,

Muse and other chiefs of The Christian American have met

privately with Gerald L. K. Smith and Winrod.)

Now in his early 50's, Muse has had long experience in

spreading race hatred and battling for reaction. Back in 1920

he organized the Southern Tariff Association, a high-pressure

lobby financed by northern Republican industrialists and

bankers who wanted to keep southern labor in the low income

brackets. Later Muse organized the Southern Committee

to Uphold the Constitution, a typical reactionary outfit which,

under the guise of its praiseworthy name, sponsored anti-

New Deal, anti-labor literature and propaganda.

In 1935 Governor Talmadge worked with Muse to promote

the notorious "Grass Roots Convention" at Macon, Georgia,

which was intended as a spearhead against progressive, social

service and labor legislation sponsored by the late President

Roosevelt as part of the New Deal.

Muse proved himself an expert lobbyist, as his present


activities with The Christian American illustrate. He was

'equally effective on behalf of the Southern Committee to

Uphold the Constitution. In effect his activities had become

so disruptive that he was ordered to appear before the Senate

Special Committee to Investigate Lobbying Activities, which

met during the second session of the 74th Congress on April

15, 1936.

Under cross-examination by the then Senator Hugo Black,

Muse admitted that his Committee was responsible for print-

ing and distributing literature showing Mrs. Roosevelt in

the company of Negroes, and quoting Mrs. Roosevelt as

stating that Negroes were welcome and frequent visitors at

the White House, Muse also admitted being the originator of

vicious literature, aimed at stirring up race hatred, and claimed

that Governor Talmadge had urged its distribution.

When Senator Black demanded of Muse whether Kirby's

Order of American Patriots had anything to do with the dis-

tributions, Muse defied the Senate Committee and declared:

"I won't talk about my fraternal connections. I am not

going to talk when I've sworn on the flag and Bible that I

am not going to discuss these things." (Incidentally, the Klan

oath is also taken upon the flag and Bible.) Later, under

cross-questioning, Muse shouted: "I am a southerner and I am

for white supremacy!" During the same hearing, this south-

ern "patriot" admitted meeting with fascist Gerald L. K.

Smith in an Atlanta hotel.

Interviewed in 1942 by a reporter from the Houston

Chronicle, Muse boasted of The Christian American's connec-

tions with big money and power political circles, stating, 'There

are 25 responsible men spread through twelve southern

states whose names are not to be revealed for obvious reasons."

Vance Muse works with enormous energy as well as de-

termination. There is not a legislative hall or big business

circle in the South which has not felt the impact of his per-

sonal presence and activities. Sometimes following and some-

times trailblazing for Senator O'Daniel (who has addressed

most legislative bodies in the South on behalf of The Chris-

tian American's union-busting bills) Muse has helped to


secure the passage of the "Anti-Violence" Statute in Texas,

Arkansas, Florida, Alabama, Colorado, Kansas, South Dakota,

Minnesota, Idaho and Wisconsin.

In his barnstorming trips, meeting with legislators and busi-

nessmen, he has publicly stated that the present objective of

the CA in the current campaign is to get the CA-sponsored

anti-union laws on the statute books of the entire twenty

states of the South and West which are predominantly agricul-

tural and where unions are still weak. Muse has listed these

states as Oregon, Montana, North Dakota, Nebraska, Colo-

rado, New Mexico, Kansas, Minnesota, Iowa, Arkansas,

Florida, North Carolina, South Carolina, West Virginia, Mary-

land, Texas, Tennessee, Georgia and Oklahoma. Nor is this

an idle hope or a mere organization wish. It is the planned

program of The Christian American ( with resources and brains

behind it) to stampede every one of these states into pass-

age of both the "Right to Work" measure (with its provision

calling for a federal amendment outlawing federal labor

rights) and the "Anti-Violence" Statute.

Other Christian American leading lights have just as inter-

esting backgrounds as Vance Muse.

According to a Christian American leaflet, Maco Stewart,

Sr., who was born in Galveston, Texas, "was generally con-

sidered to be the greatest title lawyer in the South. But he

was more than a lawyer, for he was also a financier and man

of affairs. . . . About eight years ago, Lewis Valentine Ulrey,

a university-trained man of wide learning and experience,

a former Democratic State Senator in Indiana, a geologist,

engineer and oil producer, who had gone to Galveston for

his health, became 'Geologist and Consulting Engineer' for

Maco Stewart and Son, and also took charge of their anti-

radical activities. Senator Ulrey still serves the Stewarts."

Lewis Valentine Ulrey also won fame in open-shop circles

by advocating the twelve hour work day. Lewis Valentine

Ulrey once took over distribution of Gerald Winrod's hate

propaganda in the South, after Winrod was indicted by the

Federal Government on charges of alleged conspiracy with


the German Nazi Party to overthrow the United States Gov-

ernment. Lewis Valentine Ulrey was a contributor to Gerald

Winrod's The Defender in 1937-1939, and in an article which

appeared in The Defender he once wrote:

"Into this bedlam and chaos in Germany Adolf

Hitler injected himself as a new . . . messiah, to lead

the ORDERLY GERMAN from political confusion to


"Hitler succeeded in breaking the Versailles treaty,

recovering the Saar Basin, effecting anschluss with

Austria and re-arming the nation without firing a

single shot except at some recalcitrant followers . . .

"Hitler put it up to the Germans to decide between

the Jewish ownership and domination of the country,







HITLER . . .






Maco Stewart, whom Ulrey "serves," in 1944, contributed

$2500 to W. Lee "Pappy" OTDaniel's campaign against the late

President Roosevelt. Stewart is a member of the Committee

for Constitutional Government, and was also active in the

Texas Regulars' plot in the 1944 campaign.

John Crocker and E. E. Townes, both Houston lawyers,

were among the important leaders of The Texas Regulars

and were influential forces at the May 1944, Harris County

Democratic Convention. Vance Muse and Val Sherman, As-

sociate Director of The Christian American, were both dele-

gates to this same convention. Other delegates to the conven-

tion were Martin Dies and "Pappy" O'Daniel.

Both Crocker and Townes, incidentally, are leading figures

in the Committee for Constitutional Government. "Pappy"

CXDaniel is considered throughout the South as the mouth-

piece of The Christian American. In a letter to Vance Muse

from an Arkansas Legislator, Merle B. Smith, there was this

sentence: "Thanks also for bringing Senator W. Lee O'Daniel


When Mrs. O'Daniel was asked by an investigating com-

mittee last year who helped in editing the W. Lee O'Daniel

News, she listed Samuel Pettingill as one. This is the same

Pettingill who is a member of the Committee for Constitutional


Another backer of The Christian American is an executive

in one of the biggest oil and refining companies in Texas.

He tipped his hand recently when he ordered printed an

"educational" pamphlet to be distributed among the com-

pany's employees to warn them against borrowing. This

"educational" booklet carried a picture of a loan shark which

was a caricature of a Jew in fine Goebbels style.

Houston, Texas, supporters of The Christian American have

their prototypes in many of the other big cities of the South.

The Christian American has succeeded in lining up behind

its program important southerners ranging from congressmen

and bankers to clergymen and educators. But its financial

support does not come from the South alone. While Muse

maintains that individual contributions range from only five

dollars to five hundred dollars, The Southern Patriot, a liberal

southern newspaper, charged (without proving) that a list

of contributors to The Christian American includes such names

as the duPonts; the Armour meatpacking family; Philadelphia

bankers George D. and Joseph E. Widener; John J. Raskob;

Howard C. Hopson; E. W. Mudge of Weirton Steel Co., Wall

Street lawyer Ogden Mills and Alfred P. Sloan.

Of itself, The Christian American might be able to pass

muster, A man or an organization is not necessarily fascist

because he is anti-labor or because he tries to restrain labor

activities. Nor is the race-baiting facet of The Christian

American unusual in the South. What, then, besides the sinis-

' 53

ter fact that southern legislatures have passed almost identi-

cal bills sponsored by The Christian American against labor,

constitutes a danger to America in The Christian American


The fact is that The Christian American supports one of

the basic principles of fascism to divide minorities; to weaken


As good a commentary as any on this phase of the activities

of The Christian American ( and, incidentally, a hopeful sign )

is this resolution which was passed some time ago by the

Legislature of Louisiana:

"WHEREAS HITLER has boasted and emphatically

stated that it will be a simple matter in our country

to set capital against labor, Negro against white,

Catholic against Protestant, and Christian against Jew,

"WHEREAS, RECENTLY, in the Heidelberg Hotel,

a public headquarters was announced for an associa-

tion known as Christian American, which association

is domiciled and located without the state of Louisiana,

and has boasted and advertised the fact that they

have come into the state of Louisiana for the purpose

of seeing that our legislature would enact laws, which

laws would create animosity, antagonism and unrest

among the employers and employees of this state and

interfere with the harmonious relations of capital and

labor in this state,

"BE IT RESOLVED that the legislature of Louisi-

ana do request the FBI and the Dies Committee to

investigate the source of revenue, general activities, the

personnel and the objectives of The Christian American

Association of Houston, Texas, to ascertain and deter-

mine whether or not said association is conducting

subversive activities in the United States."

According to a story in The New Republic of July 20, 1942,

in sponsoring the "Anti-Violence" bill in Louisiana, a spokes-

man for The Christian American said: "White men and women

have been forced into unions with black African apes whom

they must call 'brother' or lose their cards and their jobs."

The Christian American considers itself the center of


finances and ideological preparation for the South's postwar

explosion against labor, Negroes and all liberal thought.

To tear apart unity is the first step. Then the storm troop

movement moves in. Let us look at some of the disruptionist

movements which could play this role:

There is the Commoner Party of Georgia, the Ku Klux

Klan, the Talmadge Vigilante Movement, We The People,

Anglo-Saxon Federation, Order of American Patriots, Old

Age Limit League, American Ideals Association and The

Texans (of San Antonio).

These are outright hate organizations. Some are reincar-

nated Klan groups which have adopted new names and colora-

tion, but they are more forthright in their aims.

The Commoner Party

Consider first the Commoner Party. It brazenly advertises

its organizing campaign for "the formation of a Gentile Politi-

cal Party to combat the Jew and Negro racial blocs now

active in the political affairs of the nation." Headquarters of

the Commoner Party is at Conyers, Georgia. President is aged

James L. Shipps, flint-eyed lynch advocate who lives on a large

farm he acquired about the same time he launched his fascist

movement. This estate, known as the Rockdale Farm is about

three miles outside Conyers. Recently he bought a second

farm in the neighborhood.

Shipps' working mate is Charles E. Emmons, formerly of

Atlanta and now residing at Conyers. He is secretary of the

party. Shipps, a blatant, arrogant white-supremacist and anti-

Semite, makes no bones about telling all "Commoners" that

he and Emmons are merely "fronts for a group of Atlanta

businessmen and politicians." In a private conversation early

in 1945 in an Atlanta hotel, Shipps revealed that in addition

to the men behind the Commoner Party already mentioned,

two extremely wealthy men, one in New York and another in

California, are supplying the money.


Shipps and Emmons have enough financial support to have

printed 200,000 copies of a 32-page "Plan" of the Commoner

Party for distribution throughout the state and throughout the

country as far north as New York Ciy. Page four of this "Plan"

declares "The white people of the South will not forget that

this is a White Man's Nation and that they intend to continue

to be the ruling class in any racial contest."

The Commoners bluntly call for the disfranchisement of the

Negroes and urge measures "to combat the International Jew

penetration into American business and politics." Page 27 of

the Plan recounts the tragic lynching of a young Atlantan, Leo

Frank, and eulogizes the lynchers, declaring "they kept the

record straight and protected the proud name of Georgia from

the humiliation of a miscarriage of justice".

In addition to their own Plan, Shipps and Emmons dis-

tribute a virulent anti-Catholic booklet titled The Conflict

of the Ages.

Shipps claims he met with an important elected state official

of Georgia shortly before this was written and reported later

that this official had told him that he and Talmadge don't

intend to sanction the Commoner Party openly and become

members "until the European phase of the war is over." Dur-

ing that same report on the talk with this state official, Shipps

boasted that when the European phase of the war ended "the

fur will flyl"

Among other influential friends of Shipps and Emmons is

a vice president of an Atlanta bank (who Shipps claims sup-

plies him with names of wealthy people "who might be inter-


Emmons, who also makes important contacts, went to De-

troit early in 1945 where Le claims to have talked with Wil-

liam J. Cameron, editor of Henry Ford's defunct anti-Semitic

newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. The Commoner

Party chiefs have established contacts with scores of people

in every sizeable town in the state. Talking recently to an

interviewer, Shipps produced an advertisement which ap-

peared in the Atlanta Journal on February 11, 1945, which



"Christians: Wanted, members and workers for a

national organization. Send names to Mrs, Mayme

Kirby, 2324 Clerendon Avenue, Bessemer, Georgia."

"She's one of our agents," said Shipps.

Similar ads have appeared in various local newspapers in

the state.

In January of this year, Shipps told friends in Conyers to be

sure to get a copy of the then forthcoming issue of Talmadge's

paper, The Statesman, and read an editorial which would go

all out in attacking the Negroes. In the issue of January 22nd

The Statesman carried a blazing editorial reminiscent of the

Klan days following the Civil War.

Though it obviously has other sources of income, the Com-

moner Party does not overlook the opportunity to take in

money along with recruits. Indeed they seem to realize that

the two activities go well together, one bolstering the other.

On page 30 of the "Organization Plan", this item appears:



"The Commoner Party is confronted by a condition

that can be most successfully met by a Party news-

paper that can devote all its space to the Organization

Plan. There will be other running expenses that should

not be left to a few loyal supporters. If we have not

misjudged the feelings of the American people, the

necessary funds will be forthcoming."

Support and funds may be forthcoming. Its peculiar plans

will appeal to some people. For instance, its demand that the

15th Amendment to the Constitution be repealed and that

Negroes be dis-enfranchised with their only opportunity for

again receiving the franchise being "Franchise Courts" to

which they could apply and to which they would have to sub-

mit proof of voting qualification.

In promoting this idea, the Commoner Party booklet says:

"The management of this Government and the guar-

antee of its destiny is a white man's job and cannot be

left to theoretical political distortions."


The anti-Semitism of the Commoner Party may also appeal

to some. A paragraph like this may bring in recruits:


"Only 23 per cent of the Jews who went over to

Palestine went 'rural' to do the 'physical labor/ The

other 77 per cent went into the cities to 'farm the

farmers/ A Jew Nation is unthinkable to a Jew. That

is the reason they prefer to dwell in nations of Gentiles.

The Gentiles go out and produce the wealth and the

Jews stay in cities with their profit-taking system to

grab it as the Gentiles bring it in."

Such an obvious, Nazi-like libel, will have a strong appeal

to the fascist-minded. It may add to Commoner Party


And the bitter fact is that such outfits as the Commoner

Party are rising in the South today, gaining strength, converts

and financial support. Some information on the others is pre-

sented in the following pages. But in the months ahead, re-

member the Commoner Party. And, if the South does suffer a

postwar civil explosion, watch the Commoner Party!

Plans of the Klan

Anyone under the illusion that the Ku Klux Klan is dead has

only to ask enough people on the streets of any town in the

South when and where the next local Klan meeting takes

place, and eventually he will be told when and where such a

meeting will be held. Or, if he prefers to engage in what may

seem almost schoolboyish melodrama, he can go into any center

where men congregate and speak to as many men as he can,

interspersing his conversation with the word "ayak." Before

long, one of his listeners will reply "akai." The first word stands

for "Are you a Klansman?" and the second is the answer. "A

Klansman am I."


On page 641 of the 1945 World Almanac, the address of

the Klan in Atlanta is listed as 278 E. Pace's Ferry Road* Sec-

retary, J. Floyd Johnson, Box 1204, Atlanta, Georgia.

If you go to the Mason Building on Marietta Street and

wait long enough, you will likely be there when a meeting

takes place. The guard at the door will tell you that the men

attending the meeting belong to the "Fact Finders" and then

he will ask you to get the hell about your business. The Fact

Finders is composed of KKK rebels who threatened to vote

against the decision of James Colescott, Imperial Wizard, to

lay low until V-E Day. These men wanted action earlier.

"X-Ray" on January 1, 1944, carried an ad of the Knights of

Ku Klux Klan stating "Urgent matters demand immediate

action by Klan Number Four. Signed, James A. Colescott,

Imperial Wizard, Box 1204, Atlanta, Georgia." In November,

1944, advertisements appeared in an Atlanta Newspaper, pro-

moting the sale of a book titled Ku Klux Klan by a Col. Winfield

Jones. The people of Atlanta were probably not surprised,

because the continued existence of the Klan is an open secret

despite the national publicity given to the proclamation of

James Colescott in June, 1944, that the Klan was disbanded.

Actually the Klan never entirely "disbanded." On June 5, 1944,

an Associated Press story in the New York Times quotes Cole-

scott as saying: "This does not mean that the Klan is dead.

We simply have released local chapters from all obligations,

financial and otherwise, to the Imperial Headquarters. I still

am Imperial Wizard. The other officials still retain their titles,

although of course the functions of all of us are suspended.

We have authority to meet and reincarnate at any time." To-

day, under one name or another the Klan is being reincarnated.

The man interested in the reorganization of the Klan in

Georgia is not Colescott, however, but Dr. Samuel Green,

with offices in the Peters Building in Atlanta, who is desig-

nated as "Grand Dragon" of the KKK in Georgia. It is Green

who engineered Colescott into his present post as Imperial

Wizard. A few years ago, when Dr. Green began distribution

of copies of what is called Protocols of the Elders of Zion



long ago proven a forgery, Green was told that this type of

literature was harmful to the war effort.

One of the men who spoke to Dr. Green at that time made

this statement:

"A friend of mine and myself called on Dr. Samuel

Green with the object of asking him to discontinue the

distribution of the Protocols. We explained to him

how untrue they were and that they were forgeries.

He was not ready to accept that statement as being

true. He said that they were not proved to be false

to his satisfaction.

"The war (in Europe) was then on, and we gave him

all the reasons why they shouldn't be distributed. He

finally said he would discontinue distributing the

Protocols until after the war, 'for the sake of unity'."

In Birmingham the old Klan leadership is still present and

is now being reorganized by a prominent attorney of that city.

In recent months this lawyer has written a number of articles

inflaming opinion against Negroes. In Houston there is a group

which still uses the name Ku Klux Klan. As a matter of fact,

throughout the entire South, in villages and towns, and in

the larger cities, the Klan is being reorganized. The name is

not always the same, but the menacing program is.

Other Southern Views

The burning of Beaumont can be repeated again and

again. If The Christian American can tear apart the fabric of

democracy and liberalism, if it can weaken labor, promote

dissension, there will be a time for the Klan to ride again.

Then beatings, burnings and lynchings can bludgeon democ-

racy out of existence in the South. Then labor will be glad

enough to work for what little it can get, then neither Negroes

nor Jews nor Catholics nor poor whites will dare to ask for

more than is offered them and then America will witness

fascism within its own borders.


To be sure, force and terror may not always ride as the

Klan. Some leaders consider the name in disrepute, even dan-

gerous. They are recruiting and organizing Klan-like groups

under different names.

Eugene Talmadge, editor of the anti-labor, anti-Negro, anti-

Semitic paper, The Statesman, which blatantly demands

white supremacy and fights the liberal democratic state ad-

ministration of Governor Arnall of Georgia, is organizing a

group called the Vigilantes. John Goodwin, a Talmadge hench-

man, does the paper work for this group. Its aims, its rolls

are secret. But anyone who knows the Talmadge record, who

reads the Talmadge paper, need not wonder long about its


In Atlanta there is another organization called We The

People, which claims to substitute for the Klan. During the

Georgia state elections in 1944 an Atlanta attorney named

Vesper Ownby campaigned for the state legislature. He

openly boasted of his affiliation with the Klan and named We

The People as a group which also sponsored him.

In Houston, Texas, where The Christian American organiza-

tion is central and strong, there is a group which calls itself

American Crusaders and boasts, in Houston alone, a member-

ship of 5,000 and a full company, equipped with rifles, which

the Crusaders claim engages in military training and drill-

ing. The purpose of this patriotically-named band is "vigi-

lante." It aims to "rid the country of the 'niggers' and the

Jews after the war."

In the same city, a group with a similarly patriotic-sounding

name, is planning to organize the veterans when they return.

This calls itself The Order of American Patriots. It was

formed about a year and a half ago.

The organization's emblem is a miniature silver wing. It

meets secretly in a building on Main Street, between the 3200

and 3300 block, and while its present membership is reported

in the thousands, its secrecy masks the actual number. Its

members, however, are quite willing to talk about the organiza-

tion and its purposes. They declare that one of the requisites





Corps Are* of . _. ,.

I hereby voluntarily apply for enlistment in the Order of American Patriots.

I do seriously declare, upon my honor, that I believe in God. unqualified allegiance to tlv laws and the

Constitution of the United States of America and my Flap, the Fiars and Stripes. I do solemnly promise to

preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, bequeathed to US' by our Patriot Fore-

fathers. I will aid and assist our fighting forces upon their n 'urn to stt-ure jobs they so justly deserve

I am a white male citizen of the United States, of po<-d morals and respectable vocation, and I am nut

now, nor will I engage in any occupation prohibited by law or decency.

Should I be accepted, I pledge my loyalty to the constitution of the Or,der of American Patriots, and as

a soldier in its ranks, I promise upon my sacred honor to conform to its laws, ideals and principles.


Signed ..

Residence Address .._ r



W* hereby certify that we are personally acquainted with Mr.

and recommend him for enlistment.

Patriot Patriot

My donation accompanies this application. Date .

The Order of American Patriots is actively recruiting veterans through-

out the South.

If you are an ex-serviceman and walk into any bar, club or social

gathering in the Texas cities of Houston and Austin especially, or in the

cities and towns of Georgia and Alabama, you are quite sure to be

approached and asked to sign up with the Order of American Patriots.

Jews are strictly prohibited. The "Order" is organized along military

lines. You don't "join." You "enlist" Then you are assigned to the

"corps area" in your region.

A Major Benjamin C. Richards is active head of the "Order" in Texas

and makes his headquarters in Dallas. W. E. Elliot is chief of the

Houston branch. The Houston outfit some months ago opened an office

and recreation lounge for servicemen in the basement of the Savoy Hotel

in Houston.

Major Richards joined the U. S. Marines shortly after Pearl Harbor

and resigned in March, 1942. The "Order" has 1,700 members in Houston

and several thousand additional members in various other southern cities.

Major Richards served a term for forgery in 1930 and was later pardoned.

He is at present a Major in the Texas State Guard. This outfit bears



of membership is the ownership of sidearms, and that recently

one of the "inspectors" of the organization began a tour of the

homes of all members to examine side-arms to be sure that

they are in good shape.

Already active in recruiting returning veterans, their ap-

proach is, "While you were away the Jews have taken over.

Now you will be able to find neither a job nor a business."

In groups such as these potential danger lies. Out of any

such group the explosion, or first series of explosions, might

come. In addition to brains and money, in addition to wide-

spread disunity and dissension throughout the country, fas-

cism needs a mailed fist to help it take over. And some are

willing and ready to supply it





.N the huge, throbbing in-

dustrial heart of America, in the cities which produced and

pumped a stream of war supplies throughout the land and

the world, in the cities which America must count on for post-

war production and peace, the network of fascism has been

spun widely and tightly.

The two major operational centers are Chicago and Detroit.

The great, teeming metropolis of Chicago is, in many ways,

the "hub of America." It ties in the vast rail networks that

link traffic east and west. Since Pearl Harbor it has also be-

come the hub of another network, of the Fifth Column, of

the dangerous fascist forces which threaten the heart of


There are two chief reasons for this: First, what isolationist

sentiment still persisted in America after it was forced into

war, was strong in the midwest and would naturally be con-

centrated in the midwest's biggest population center. Second,

that curious force which is Colonel McCormick's, British-hat-

ing, Russian-hating, Chicago Tribune, the newspaper which

has the largest circulation in the midwest and modestly refers

to itself as "The World's Greatest Newspaper."

The Chicago Tribune offers a respectable rallying-ground

to many groups, ranging from mild isolationists to the rabid


dispensers of disruption, disunity and hate, the outright fas-

cists. In addition to its continuous anti-British, anti-Red, anti-

Roosevelt, anti-New Deal fight, the Chicago Tribune has en-

gaged in many another dubious battle. In 1940, McCormick

and the Tribune defended the seventeen members of the

Christian Front who were then charged with conspiracy to

overthrow the U. S. government (see Chapter II) as "Amer-

icans who recognize the communist menace for what it is/*

The ability of the Tribune to see red at every turn has also

led it, more recently, to a similar defense of the 33 who were

defendants in the Washington sedition trials of 1944.

Not long after Hitler came to power in Germany, the col-

umns of the Chicago Tribune carried articles by the German

consul, who "explained" National Socialism to Tribune read-

ers. McCormick praised the notorious and much-discredited

Red Network of Elizabeth Dilling when it was published.

He has quoted frequently as "an authority on communism"

Harry Jung, general manager of the American Vigilant Intel-

ligence Federation, ex-labor spy and strike breaker, and one-

time collaborator with the Silver Shirts, run by William

Dudley Pelley, who is now serving a jail sentence for sedition.

It may not be Colonel McCormick's fault, he may not have

planned it this way, but he is the idol of the "nationalists" who

have turned Chicago into a city seething with dangerous


Chicago is the home or operational headquarters of Com-

mittees, Plans and Institutes, which are not tightly knit organ-

izationally, but which are close-knit in that each group

cooperates with the other, shares the same speakers and fre-

quently turns out for the others' meetings. All of them have

essentially the same program: They are against world cooper-

ation, the Jews, racial equality, the Four Freedoms and feed-

ing the world (though they do want to feed Germany). They

are for a "nationalist" America, and for proving, even now,

that Roosevelt put us into the war. They are rabidly against

"communism" and everybody who opposes them or their pro-

gram is a communist.

One of the foremost of these nationalist groups is the Citi-

zens U. S. A. Committee, headed by William J. Grace. Grace

is a smooth, stocky, red-faced Chicago lawyer, a friend of

ex-Senator Nye, who addressed one of the rallies of the Com-

mittee in May, 1943. The committee was originally known as

The Citizens Keep America Out of War Committee. It

changed its name after Pearl Harbor but retained its original

policies. Its secretary is Earl Southard ( See John Roy Carlson's

Under Cover, p. 515) who is also active in Gerald L. K.

Smith's America First Party.

The committee holds meetings weekly, on Friday, though

Grace sometimes intersperses these with meetings of the

Republican Nationalist Revival Committee, which is a political

arm of The Citizens U. S. A. Committee. In fact, the "Revival

Committee" was launched at the meeting of The Citizens

U. S. A. Committee on May 20, 1943 at which Gerald Nye

was principal speaker.

This meeting was also distinguished by the attendance of

Elizabeth Billing and Joe McWilliams, both defendants in

the so-called Washington sedition trials, and both of whom

distributed their literature on that occasion.

Depending upon his speakers for the evening, Grace either

holds a meeting of the Citizens U. S. A. Committee, or of the

Republican National Revival Committee. Speakers have

ranged from such "respectables" as Representatives Paul

Shafer, Stephen Day and Chauncey Reed, to such super-

patriots as Gerald L. K. Smith, Carl Mote, Indiana utility

magnate, a close friend of Gerald L. K. Smith and a contrib-

utor to his paper, The Cross and the Flag, John E. Waters,

midwestern representative of Joseph Kamp of the Constitu-

tional Educational League (see Chapter II). Other speakers

were Miss Vivian Kellems, the Connecticut manufacturer who

gained notoriety by advising fellow-Americans not to pay

their income taxes, and A. H. Bond, a consulting engineer

from Wisconsin, who said at a meeting of March 23, 1945:

"I am glad to know that the majority of you are Christians

because of what I am going to say . . ." Then he attacked the

Roosevelt administration, the Allied war effort and said:

"When a nation gets so rotten (referring to the United States)


so low, that nation must disappear."

At this meeting, Grace followed Bond on the platform and

declared: "If the people of this country had enough courage

they would not have obeyed H.R. 1776 (the lend-lease act)

and there would have been a rebellion here ... a little Lex-

ington, and there probably wouldn't have been a war."

At that same meeting, Grace also said:

"We realize that life in the United States is jeopar-

dized by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his adminis-

tration. They have done all they can to destroy this

country that we love and are going to fight to keep

alive ... it looks like the mob spirit that prevails in the

United States will be behind us in our work, and then

we can expect some marvelous results and progress."

In the meantime, the Republican Nationalist Revival Com-

mittee contented itself with booming Colonel McCormick for

President and with holding meetings which spread the gospel

of "nationalism," which continue to stir up dissension and

promote disunity in Chicago and which are the spawning

ground of small-time fascist leaders who untiringly extend

the network of fascism through the midwest.

Closely allied to the Grace committees is The Institute of

American Economics, formerly known as the Midwest Mone-

tary Federation. Two of the incorporators of the Institute,

Otto Brennerman and Donald McDaniel, were indicted and

stood trial in the Washington case for alleged sedition. Its

forerunner, the Midwest Monetary Federation once employed

the notorious fascist, Joe McWilliams ( also a defendant in the

Washington sedition trials) as "an elocution teacher," and

advertised his nomination for that post in Social Justice.

Ralph Franklin Keeling, aided by Willis Overholser, runs the

"Institute." Keeling is the man who furnished McWilliams'

cash bond when McWilliams was arrested by federal authori-

ties for, violating the Selective Service Act, on June 15, 1942.

The Institute holds its own meetings and also cooperates

with the two Grace committees, and despite Keeling's known

record he has been able to get even so-called "respectables" to

address his group. Representative Clare Hoffrfran, for one,


appeared before the group. Keeling also has close ties with

Mrs. Lyril Van Hyning of We, The Mothers Mobilize for

America (see Chapter VII).

This Van Hyning outfit, in addition to its pro-fascist

"momist" activities, is also a connecting link in the network

between the Institute and The Constitutional Americans,

whose headquarters are at 2607 Lawrence Avenue, Chicago.

George T. Foster, leader of The Constitutional Americans,

attended the Peace Convention sponsored by We, The

Mothers Mobilize for America and in turn praised the

"mothers" as "American Patriots." "The Mothers" have also

frequently had Joe McWilliams as a guest speaker, have fol-

lowed the pro-fascist Billing line and have not only asked for

a negotiated peace in 1944, but have also actively engaged in

trying to sabotage the peace, insisting that "none but Chris-

tians should participate" in the peace conference.

Foster himself follows the Coughlinite, anti-Semitic line,

and his wife, Mary Leach, who works with him as one of the

group leaders, was Elizabeth Dilling's secretary. Elizabeth

Billing has spoken frequently at The Constitutional Americans

meetings. At one of them she told the audience that Franco is

a nice "Christian man and that Roosevelt is a Communist

controlled by the Jewish International bankers." She also

revealed, at other meetings, that Franco's fascists had been

very kind to her; having furnished her with a car and gasoline

and "all special privileges."

The Constitutional Americans group itself has organized

trips to Royal Oaks, Michigan, so that its loyal Coughlinite

followers could confer with Father Charles E. Coughlin.

Though, in its recent literature, it has outstripped even the

regular Coughlinites in ability to find Jews and Communists

on every hand. It announced that Thomas E. Bewey had sold

out to the Jews, the Communists and the "international


"Tommy the Cantor," Foster calls Bewey, because the New

York Governor once "was engaged to sing in a Jewish syna-


Crude as the Foster technique seems, it works with The Con-


stitutional Americans audiences. At one meeting, held at Kim-

ball Hall on March 15, 1944, Foster held aloft "photostats" pur-

porting to contain evidence that "Roosevelt is an international

banker and is on the board of directors of a German bank."

At another Kimball Hall meeting, on January 31, 1945, he

claimed that he "had a long talk with Senator O'Daniel in

the Senator's apartment in Washington during the Inaugu-


The network spreads, from group to group. It doubles back,

as on the occasion when Ralph Keeling introduced Joe McWil-

liams to Alice Rand de Tarnowsky, Chicago socialite. Mrs.

de Tarnowsky at that time financed McWilliams in his organi-

zation of The Serviceman's Reconstruction Plan, the McWil-

liams bid for veteran support. The "Plan" offers each returning

soldier $7,800 in governments bonds assuming that McWil-

liams becomes the government.

The McWilliams-de Tarnowsky axis published a booklet

on the "Plan" and also issued a mimeographed newsletter,

called The Post-War Bulletin. They held their own meetings

and frequently attended Grace's rallies. But, judging by their

literature and activities, they set their sights on the returning

veterans whom they hoped to win into a fascist storm-troop

set-up with nothing more than their fantastic promises.

Another speaker at the Grace meetings was George Wash-

ington Robnett, who runs the Church League of America.

Robnett is a friend of Elizabeth Billing and of Harry Jung of

the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation. Robnett's

principal campaign as executive secretaiy of the Church

League and editor of its publication News and Views, is to

fight "communists" whom he "finds" everywhere. Included in

his roster of "communists" or communist-controlled "radicals"

were the Dean of Canterbury, Leon Henderson and the late

William Allen White. He even considers the Quakers "dan-

gerous radicals."

At his own meetings, which attract large audiences, and at

others at which he speaks, he also tells his audiences that this

country is not a democracy and that democracy is un-



There are active shuttles tying in the network. There are

the kind who speak at Grace's meetings and those on a higher

level who devote themselves to the "nationalist" line.

Frederick Kister holds meetings at which he gives "book

reviews." His "reviews" are always about "communism" and

its menace. Both Kister and his wife ( who works for We, The

Mothers Mobilize for America ) are friends of Joe McWilliams

and Alice de Tarnowsky. Both of them attend meetings of

the Grace groups and The Constitutional Americans.

William H. Stuart, one time political advisor to William

Randolph Hearst, runs Round Table Luncheons and edits a

bulletin, Heard and Seen, which announces all the important

"nationalist" meetings held in Chicago, plugs the right "na-

tionalist" leaders and generally keeps the "nationalist" move-

ment informed. Stuart has appeared on the platform of the

Citizens U. S. A. Committee and his own group has been

addressed at one of its noon luncheons by Congressman Paul

Schafer, who then spoke that night at a Republican Nationalist

Revival Committee meeting.

Albert P. Haake has addressed the Citizens U. S. A. Com-

mittee, but his own activities as head of the American Eco-

nomic Foundation have been directed more toward warning

the country of the dangers of democratic social gains. Haake's

suave approach takes the line of ridiculing Henry Wallace for

his "quart of milk a day" plan and then pleading that food be

sent quickly to defeated Germany.

A more forthright outfit is the Anglo-Saxon Federation

which has headquarters at 3069 Washington Boulevard,

Chicago, and is run by A. S. Ackley. Official organ of the

Federation is Destiny magazine, published in Haverhill,

Mass., by Howard Rand.

The Federation has followed the anti-Semitic line in its

house organ, has distributed copies of the phony Protocols of

the Elders of Zion, has plugged Major General George Van

Horn Mosely, who was once put forward by the fascists for

the role of American Fuehrer. Before the war, Destiny was

anti-British and anti-Russian. It continues its abuse of dem-

ocracy and Jews, and in a recent issue stated "... a democracy,


therefore, is a form of government in rebellion against

God . . ."

Editor of Destiny is Howard B. Rand (see John Roy Carl-

son's Under Cover, pp. 208-9, 450). The name of William J.

Cameron, voice of Henry Ford's Sunday Evening Hour and

former editor of the anti-Semitic Dearborn Independent, once

appeared on the masthead. Cameron was also formerly Presi-

dent of the Federation and Chairman of its Publication


On February 4, 1945, a man who was introduced as "Doctor"

addressed a typical federation meeting. His topic was "Or-

dained Arrows." After a prayer, he began to speak. Selecting

excerpts from both the Old and New Testaments, he inter-

preted present-day events and declared. "Hitler and Mussolini

were ordained by God to punish the tribe of Judah for their

wrong doings on earth." Then quoting from the Bible that the

"ordained are to have the power of roaring sea and swiftness

of light," he interpreted this to mean that Hitler's blitzkrieg

was ordained by God. He went on to say that "England and

America and other Judah nations have come to the aid of

Judah by declaring war on Germany and Italy." The meeting

closed with hymns!

At 30 North La Salle Street in Chicago is the Gentile Co-

operative Association, run by Eugene R. Flitcraft. This group

was started some time in January, 1944, officially dedicated to

a "Gentile Peace," a "Buy Christian" campaign and the re-

turning of "Gentile" servicemen to their old jobs.

Flitcraft is no novice in the field of publicity. He has been

associated with several advertising and publishing firms.

Gentile News, the official organ of the Association, is very

cleverly handled. It cannot be accused of anti-Semitism. But

in a strange kind of reverse anti-Semitic double-talk it gets its

point across. It urges "Gentile" ownership and control of

business, civic, social and cultural groups. It announced that

the first issue of the Gentile Business Directory has appeared.

Potential members of the Association are asked to sign a long

statement which says, in part:

"I believe all GENTILE interests may best be


Si m





served with a GENTILE peace after victory is won by

the United States. I believe my GENTILE interests

will best be served by helping return GENTILE serv-

icemen back to their old jobs or new ones equally as

fine. I believe my GENTILE interest will best be

served by my boosting my worthy fellow GENTILE.

I believe my GENTILE interest will best be served by

boosting GENTILE products," etc., etc.

In May, 1945, PM disclosed that the mailing lists of the

American Beauty Products Co., 2228 N. Racine Avenue,

Chicago, had been used for the distribution of two "inflamma-

tory anti-Semitic publications, the Gentile News, a monthly

tabloid of hate against the Jews, published by Eugene Flit-

craft, and the Jew Refugee, the product of a virulent Jew-

baiter, Ainslee E. Homey."

PM further reported that the pamphlets were received by

beauty parlors throughout the country during the same

periods as literature for the company's products.

It is an interesting commentary on the ethics of the com-

pany that on May 21, 1945, the Federal Trade Commission

disclosed that the company had entered into a stipulation to

refrain from making false claims for its vitamin compounds.

PM reported that:

"The company's stipulation with the FTC says that

American Beauty Products will cease from represent-

ing that its anti-grey hair and nail vitamins can restore

the natural color of hair, enable one to get rid of

gray hair, improve the texture of the skin, the elasticity

of the fingernails or the complexion; that gray hair is

a sign of vitamin deficiencies or that the vitamin

method of restoring natural color to the hair has been

successful in 88 per cent of cases."

Riddled as Chicago is with the "nationalist" movements,

with the network of outright fascists and the "fringe

groups" which encourage them, the city of Chicago is still

not the greatest danger spot in the Midwest Redoubt. To

Chicago, as speakers for the Citizens U. S. A. Committee and

similar outfits, come rabble-rousers and leaders of other, and

worse, groups from Detroit.


Their activities have made Detroit a spot to watch, a city

boiling with the elements of dissension and strife, which may

burst into explosion at any moment. \

Even a year and two years ago the implications of the

Detroit fascist movements had affected our national life and


When American soldiers in the Pacific stormed the ramparts

of Manila, wrested the city from the Japs and brought it once

again under the Stars and Stripes, they got many a hearty

laugh as they read old copies of Tokyo-controlled Manila

newspapers which they found amid the shambles of war.

^ The Manila press, under Jap domination, had made great

efforts to win over the Filipino population. What amused

the Yanks were the accounts in some of these papers which

soberly reported that the U. S. Pacific fleet lay at the bottom

of the Pacific and that San Francisco had been bombed.

But there was one story which did not amuse them. There

were old copies of Manila papers with banner headlines re-

porting the bloody riots of Detroit in June, 1943. There were

pictures of the rioting, which the Japs had smuggled out of the

United States and there was one picture, familiar to Ameri-

can newspaper readers, which the Japs played particularly

strongly. It showed a mob of white rioters clubbing a bleeding

Negro to his knees.

In the Jap-controlled papers throughout the Greater East

Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere that picture was worth more than

years of propaganda activities, more than millions in gold to

the Japanese High Command.

When American troops were blasting their way through the

Rhineland in the Spring of 1945, they picked up thousands of

leaflets left behind by the Nazis bearing the same photograph.

The Nazis aimed this leaflet propaganda particularly at Negro


The people of America, too, were aroused by the Detroit

riots. The citizens of Detroit and Michigan themselves felt an

investigation was in order. There were two: one by a special

four-man committee set up by Governor Harry Kelly and the

other by the Detroit Bureau of the FBI. Neither could find


that any particular organizations or individuals had any re-

sponsibility for the rioting.

But many a citizen of Detroit knew that actual "rehearsals"

for the June, 1943, riots had taken place earlier, during clashes

between Negro tenants of the Sojourner Truth, low-cost hous-

ing project and armed whites, who were later shown to have

acted under leadership of the fifth-column National Workers

League and known Klansmen.

The June rioting is symptomatic of the situation in Detroit,

a forewarning of what may happen soon again in America's

arsenal city. For the same forces which worked up a riotous

frenzy among a dangerously large section of Detroit's citi-

zenry by their unending barrage of fifth-column, race-hate

literature and disguised Klan meetings is still operating in

Detroit, day in and day out, around the clock!

And, contrary to the opinion of many Americans who have

followed the treacherous activities of America's fifth column,

the danger in Detroit does not come primarily from the oper-

ations of the two best-known Detroit fascists, Gerald L. K.

Smith and Father Coughlin.

These two have no sizeable mass following in the city.

Smith is better known in Chicago and in cities such as Buffalo

and Baltimore. Coughlin's mass strength is in the East, in

New York, in Brooklyn, in Boston, in Philadelphia and west-

wards through Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.

They are considered in this chapter because they use

Detroit as an operational base. At the present writing Father

Coughlin is contenting himself with building up the strength

and finances of the Church of the Little Flower (which also

has been so helpful indirectly in building up the fortune of

the Coughlin family) and with enrolling servicemen in his

Guild of St. Sebastian.

The St. Sebastian activity is significant for the postwar

political force it could easily become and because of the pos-

sibilities the Guild offers for a powerful postwar pressure

group. This is discussed in Chapter VIII.

Gerald L^K. Smith, on the other hand, has not ceased his

open activities and his latest move was to sponsor the first




October 20, 1942

Staff Sgt.

Camp Lee, Va.

Ity dear Sgt.-

You are better aware than I am of the

solicitude your friends entertain for your welfare.

Because of this solicitude, your name waa

sent to me with the request that we at the Shrine say

some prayers for your safety.

So here is the story: At the Shrine there

is a beautiful altar dedicated to St. Sebastian, the

patron of soldiers. The names of all the boys in the

army, navy or air service -- that is the names sent to

me are printed legibly and fastened to the marble

walls of St. Sebastian's altar. Every Tuesday a Mass

is said for the safekeeping of these men. Every day

thousands of school children and others are asked to

pray for that same cause.

I thcught you would like to know about

this, namely, that we stay-at-homes recognize the

sacrifices and danger that are yours; and that we are

praying for you with all our might.

God bless and preserve you!

Cordially TOUTS,



P.S. If there are any other men in your outfit who

want us to enroll their names at St. Sebastian's

altar, feel free to send them along, together

with address of nearest relative.

father Charles E. Coughlin began concentrating his attention uprn

servicemen back in 1941 and 1942 after he formed an organization known

as the St. Sebastian Brigade, later changed to the St. Sebastian Guild.

The above letter illustrates his method of recruiting within the armed

forces as far back as October , 1942. Obviously, Father Coughlin also

has his post-war plans.


open amalgamation of heretofore "independent" fascist or-

ganizations and leaders.

Early in 1945, Gerald L. K. Smith, who has never masked his

ambitions, trumpeted a call for united action. It was in the

form of a letter headed:



Addressing the recipients as "Dear Fellow Americans,"

Smith stated: ". . . Today Nationalism is stronger than it has

ever been before." Then, after citing as proof of this that the

"Internationalists are desperate" because they realize that

Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt have all blundered and that

if the Atlantic Charter is a fake (who had so denounced it?)

that no agreements similar to it could be trusted, Smith

launched into the real message. He continued:

"I have been in conversation with a member of the

U. S. Senate who believes that we should demand of

our President and our State Department a complete

definition of war aims and peace aims. We are rapidly

becoming the most hated people on earth.

"I have contacted important Nationalists all over the

United States in and out of Congress. They are willing

to cooperate with me in a strategic program demand-

ing that the real purpose of this war be explained


"If the President and the State Department, in

cooperation with the Senate cannot give a satisfactory

explanation of the purpose and aims of this war, then

our boys should be brought home alive, immediately.

"If we swallow this fakery (referring to the Atlantic

Charter) then there is no hope. But I have encourage-

ment for you. The pot is boiling in Washington as it

has not boiled in years. Men like U. S. Senator Burton

K. Wheeler are prepared to blow off the lid and de-

mand a show-down.

"I am not interested in hearing from weaklings and

cowards, but I say to you, if true Nationalists will

stand with me now, we can win within the next 60 to

90 days a Nationalist victory, which may last for 25

years. If I can raise the money to finance the mildest






International politicians from all over the world are now in Washington trying to persuade

Congress to finance the world. It is up to every good American to see to.it that our National

Treasury is not raided to satisfy the post-war ambitions of the International Bankers, the In-

ternational Politicians, and the alien-minded conspirators. AMERICANS COME FIRST. WE


There will be no money ten to take care of the Veterans and the unemployed during the

emergency. Wire or write your Congressman, insisting that he consider the welfare of

American workers and American Veterans first.

Jhe fimsJuza J-JMJt fauMtde tiduocaleA . . .

1. $1000 cash to every Veteran when mastered out plus unemployment bene-

fits until he gets a fob.

2. $100. to $200 per month for every unemployed worker's family during the

period of readjustment

(Be (Deceived . . .

Foreign propagandists will tell you all sorts of lies about the America First Party and its na-

tional leader, Gerald L. K. Smith. Why do so many vicious forces fight Smith and the Ame-

rica first Crusade? It is because he and his followers believe that American workers and

American Veterans will be more important than the citizens of any foreign country when

this war is over.

The enemies of America hate. Gerald L K. Smith and his followers because the America

First Crusade advocates bringing our boys home after this, war is over instead of keeping

them on the foreign battlefields to police the world for the benefit of the International


At (his very moment (he International Bankers are drawing up a program which, if

adopted would (urn billions and billions and billions of dollars over (o foreign coun-



The day the European war ends, from 10 to 20 million Americans will lose their jobs. Thus,

far nothing has been done to meet this crisis.

ftfc OU Want Sofa...

But if unemployment does come, we must not permit the Internationalists to loot our public

treasury and leave our people to starve.

A sample of the dissensionist propaganda issued by Gerald L. K. Smith's

America First Party. This particular job is a large paper poster, designed

to be tacked up in meeting halls and in public places. Notice the headline.

From a few feet away the one prominent line is, "War Is Over." This

poster was issued at the height of the conflict against Hitler's Germany.


plans I have in mind we can bring high pressure to

bear on every important Congressional Committee

involved in this fight, and we can accomplish the fol-

lowing victories:

1. Defeat the Dumbarton Oaks conspiracy as pre-

digested and handed to us by the British and the


2. Defeat the plan for an International Police


3. Defeat the scheme of the British to continue

Lend Lease after the war and make us the tax-

slaves of their Empire.

4. Defeat the scheme to get us into a sort of

Super State, equivalent to rejoining the British


5. Obtain a satisfactory outline of peace aims from

the U. S. Senate which will put America First.

6. Result: If we accomplish the above, and I be-

lieve we can, it will save our country 100 billion

dollars and the lives of a million of our boys.

Here's my plan:

1. I want to call a conference immediately of lead-

ing Nationalists from all over the U. S. to meet in

some central point for the purpose of planning this


2. We will form an emergency committee.

3. I will visit the proper members of both Houses

of Congress, while at the same time we will place

literature and enlightening information in their


4. We will inspire radio programs.

5. We will inspire Nationalists to write their Con-

gressmen and Senators.

6. We will urge that meetings be held all over

the U. S."

The letter wound up with a long appeal for funds to help

finance this meeting and instructed that contributions were

to be sent to:

Gerald L. K. Smith

America First Crusade

Post Office Box 459

Detroit 31, Michigan


Obviously Smith was optimistic. The next 60 or even 90

days did not bring any "nationalist victory" but a man who is

asking for money is likely to take a little leeway. What did

happen afterward, however, has far greater significance, and

is more interesting.

On February 14, 1945, Smith sent out a letter, inviting re-

cipients to a meeting in the Jade Ballroom of the Detroit-

Leland Hotel on February 26, 1945, at 8 o'clock to hear a

Dean E. Smith, recently returned from the Orient, who "be-

lieves that the Bretton Woods Conference was a conspiracy

to steal America's money. He believes that the Dumbarton

Oaks Conference was a conspiracy to steal American liberty."

The letter went on to state:

". . . the meeting is part of the strategy of the National

Emergency Committe in preparing to fight the legis-

lative program of the Internationalists in Washington.

There is much to do and time will not wait."

The letterhead on which this appeared was headed:

National Emergency Committee

A Mobilization of Nationalists for the Preservation

of American Sovereignty

Post Office Box 697 Detroit 31, Michigan

and it listed under the heading: "Advisory," the following

names which are identified here for the reader. Mr. Smith, of

course, did not bother to include the biographical back-


Carl H. Mote, 5685 Central Avenue, Indianapolis, Indiana, who

has been publishing the monthly anti-Semitic, anti-democratic

magazine America Preferred. Mote first became active in the pro-

fascist movement in 1939 when his book, The New Deal Goose

Step was published and won the praise of Gerald Winrod,

Charles Hudson and James True, all named in the Washington

indictments for alleged sedition. Mote also wrote for William Dud-

ley Pelley's Roll Call Pelley, leader of the Silver Shirts, was con-

victed of sedition and jailed shortly after Pearl Harbor. Mote is

President of the Northern Indiana Telephone Company and Com-

monwealth Telephone Corporation.

George T. Foster, 2607 Lawrence Avenue, Chicago, Illinois,


director of The Constitutional Americans, an openly Coughlinite

and anti-Semitic group.

Mrs. David Stanley and Mrs. Sue Braun who are president and

secretary of "United Mothers of America," Clevland, Ohio, which

continued to demand a peace with the enemy up until the Nazis'

final, shattering defeat. Mrs. Stanley was one of Mrs. Billing's

lieutenants in the March on Washington, held by the Mothers'

groups in 1941 against the Lend-Lease Bill. Smith's publication,

The Cross and The Flag for October, 1944, said Mrs. Stanley

gave "one of the finest American First speeches" she ever heard at

Smith's America First convention, held in August, 1944, in Detroit.

Charles Madden and Mrs. Marie Lohle direct the "Defenders of

George Washington Principles" of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, which

issues pamphlets warning against the dangers of "World Gov-

ernment" schemes of the "fourth termers and New Deal Socialists."

Gerald Smith calls Madden "One of the pillars of the America

First Party."

Harvey H. Springer, who publishes the Fundamentalist Western

Voice from Englewood, Colorado, is an old friend of Gerald Win-

rod, t}je Kansas pro-Nazi under indictment for alleged sedition

to overthrow the government, and was active in raising funds for

the defense of Winrod and his co-defendants.

Mrs. Elizabeth Dilling, notorious fascist, also a defendant in the

1945 Washington sedition trial. A well-known veteran leader of

the "Mothers" and "Womens" groups in the United, States.

Ruben Rindler, Greenville, Ohio, a leader in the Farmers Guild,

reactionary agricultural group headed by Carl Mote. Along with

other leaders of the Guild in the Greenville area, such as Harry

Romer and James Mannix, Rindler helped organize a meeting

for Gerald L. K. Smith at the county fairgrounds, June 3, 1944.

Although fairground officials refused permission to use the grounds

if Smith spoke, the farmers took matters into their own hands and

Smith reported he spoke before 7,000 people. Smith and other

leaders were then invited to the Rindler home.

Mrs. Flo Scriver of Minneapolis, friend of the Silver Shirts and of

William Dudley Pelley.

Emma Wacker, Garner, Iowa, is a "crusader" for "constitutional

money" and a "prohibitionist." She used to write letters explain-

ing her views to Publicity, the editor of which was indicted for

alleged sedition. Last year she attended the America First Party

Convention in Detroit.


Joseph Stoffel, president of the Economics League, Buffalo, N. Y.,

one of the money "reform" groups in the country. He is a fol-

lower of Coughlin, and in a leaflet distributed by the League, cites

Coughlin as one of his sources. Stoffel presided at an America

First Party meeting, held in Buffalo, May 24, 1945, at which

Gerald L. K. Smith spoke.

S. O. Sanderson, Rochester, Minnesota, another money reform ad-

vocate. He writes for the magazine, Money, edited by John G.

Scott in New York, on the need for "constitutional money." Prior

to Pearl Harbor, Sanderson wrote letters to Coughlin which were

published in Social Justice, denouncing the international bankers

and the warmakers. He is currently distributing the pamphlet by

T. W. Hughes, Forty Years of Roosevelt. These pamphlets have

recently been distributed by Mrs. Stanley's "United Mothers of

America." One of the original group which helped to set up Smith's

first rally in St. Paul-Minneapolis, Sanderson also was present and

spoke on monetary reform at the America First Party Convention

in Detroit in August, 1944.

Ralph Baerman was head of the Resolution Committee, which

drew up the platform at the America First Party Convention in

August, 1944, in Detroit. Baerman has spoken for the Citizens

U. S. A. Committee.

Catherine V. Brown and Mrs. Lillian Parks, leaders of the "Na-

tional Blue Star Mothers of America," which has headquarters in

Philadelphia. See Chapter VII.

Mary E. Kenny, 1746 Harwood Street, Lincoln, Nebraska, friend

of Gerald Smith. She announced in the summer of 1944 that she

was forming the "Women of America," with a platform described

by Smith as "full of old-fashioned crusading, God-guided Ameri-


L. L. Marion, pastor of the Christian Temple of Pontiac, Michigan,

of which Gerald L. K. Smith is a member. He is a frequent speaker

for Smith's meetings and was Smith's America First Party candi-

date for Governor of Michigan in the 1944 elections.

Mrs. Rufus Holman of Oregon, wife of the ex-Senator Holman who

was defeated in the 1944 spring primaries for renomination. She

was formerly married to the late Senator Lundeen of Minnesota

who was chairman of two pro-Nazi-propaganda organizations,

"Make Europe Pay War Debts Committee," and the "Islands for

War Debts Committee," both financed by Nazi agent George

Sylvester Viereck. Many of Lundeen's speeches were also written


by Viereck. When she was Mrs. Lundeen, she made speaking tours

with Smith, defending her husband's activities and Smith re-

printed them in his Cross and Flag.

Charles ]. Anderson, Jr. ran for Congress in the Sixth Chicago

Congressional district last November on a platform against the

"bolshevistic wild-eyed planners in Washington" and to "bring

the boys back home." He was enthusiastically endorsed and sup-

ported by Mrs. Dilling and the Women's Voice. Although he ran

as a Republican, that party repudiated him and he was defeated.

Mrs. Dilling claimed it was the Jews who were responsible for his


Harry Romer of St. Henry, Ohio, Gerald Smith's candidate for the

Vice-Presidency in the 1944 elections.

Donald J. McDaniel, a Chicago dentist who was indicted for

alleged sedition in 1942. He is a friend of Mrs. Dilling and other

leaders of the pro-fascist groups, and his anti-Semitic cartoons

were widely known and distributed by them.

George Vose, America First Party candidate for Lt. Governor in

the State of Michigan last November. He is a veteran of

World War II and directs his attention to veteran support for

Smith's policies and activities. See Chapter VIII.

Almond G. Blanchard, America First Party candidate for Auditor

General of Michigan.

Kenneth Goff, now of Englewood, Colorado, disciple of Rev.

Harvey Springer, calls himself an ex-Communist who has seen the

light and now exposes Communists. A violent anti-Semite, popular

with the Fundamentalist crowd of Klan-minded preachers. Has

spoken for the Citizen U.S.A. Committee of Chicago and has

worked with Gerald L. K. Smith in the past.

Mrs. Lillian Fiss, head of the "Mothers of Minnesota," a profes-

sional "momist" outfit.

There is no record of their meeting, but investigators of

their activities who long had suspected that such groups and

individuals worked together will welcome this evidence of it.

Many of these people have gone to great trouble to mask

their activities and associations, have denied and attempted

to disprove that they have any connections.

But here is the list of "advisors" now leagued together.

They have not accomplished any 90-day "victory." It is doubt-


ful that they ever expected they would. What is certainly not

doubtful, however, is that their joining together in a commit-

tee and their working together presents an ominous portent,

which cannot safely be overlooked by those who cherish

American democracy.

Taken as a whole, these people have been the source of

more hate-mongering than perhaps any other group in the

nation's history. From the headquarters of Smith, Anderson,

Mote, Foster, Billing, Springer, Brown and Parks there have

poured tens of thousands of "hate sheets/' stirring Gentile

against Jew; American against Briton and Russian; voter.

against government; and class against class. They have indi-

vidually, and occasionally in pairs, toured the country spread-

ing the gospel of dissension, assailing American and allied

unity, creating friction where unity was necessary to the

country's security.

If war did not stop them, certainly peace will not. The fuses

are sputtering all over America. Watch these I

Above all, watch Gerald L. K. Smith, who is bending every

effort to become the spearhead of the Nationalist movement.

Smith is a clever opportunist. Wherever he sees an opening

he insinuates himself and his movement.

As recently as May, 1945, while the San Francisco confer-

ence was still in session, Smith invited delegates to attend

an attempted meeting in the grand ballroom of the Mark

Hopkins Hotel in San Francisco to hear a speech on "Ameri-

can Nationalism."

And in a publicity release concerning the proposed meet-

ing, Smith tried to put pressure on Senator Arthur Vanden-

burg of Michigan, who will be up for reelection in the Fall

of 1946, by stating in his press release:

"The most important man in this conference is

United States Senator Arthur Vandenberg. He holds

the key to the approval of the proposed charter be-

cause it cannot be approved without the minority

party. I know Mr. Vandenberg well arid personally.

We are good friends. I know his constituents in Mich-

igan, which include four major factors. They are:


1. The large Finnish population of the upper


2. The large Polish population.

3. The strength of the Catholic Church, a large

percent of whom are disciples of the Rev.

Father Charles E. Coughlin.

4. My enrolled followers in Michigan;"

Do not underestimate Item 4. Smith's enrolled followers may

be large and growing more numerous every day. For Gerald

L. K. Smith is a powerful orator, a keen organizer and by play-

ing every angle of dissension he tries to win to his following

any group that is currently dissatisfied. He claimed in May,

1945, that he was the spokesman for twenty-one "national or-

ganizations," and that he was observer at the San Francisco

Conference for eighty-one national periodicals.

He felt powerful enough then (during the San Francisco

conference) to imply quite plainly to Senator Vandenberg

what the price would be for Smith's support in Michigan. His

press release further stated:

"Mr. Vandenberg knows as well as I do that if he

returns to his constituents next year with a record of

. having approved the savagery of Russia, the Imperial-

ism of Britain, and the secret deals of Yalta, his con-

stituents in Michigan will retire him from public life."

Senator Vandenberg was one of the key figures in the Ameri-

can delegation. It was generally understood that he was the

un-named spokesman for the minority party in the United

States. It was generally agreed, even before the conference

that Senator Vandenberg's support was necessary to get any

agreement through the U. S. Senate.

Only Smith himself really knows how much strength his

movement has in Michigan. Only Smith knows how greatly it

extends throughout the country and how much power he can


But the blunt fact is that Gerald L. K. Smith does have and

is building national support, that on an issue of his choosing

he can rally forces behind him. He is working hard to increase


those forces. How fast they grow in postwar America depends

on two factors: Gerald L. K. Smith himself and how much the

people of America know about him.

The Heart of the Redoubt

The American public has always been prone to forget

quickly, and too often, to forgive as well. There are probably

few in America today who remember much about the activities

of the Black Legion, which tarnished Detroit's name back in

the early 1930's.

Yet when the blow-off came, the revelations of the Black

Legion's terrorization of Negroes, its thuggery employed

against trade unionists, and its brutal murder of victims,

shocked the country. Scores of Black Legionnaires were con-

victed and sentenced. The findings of the grand jury sitting on

the case, and the subsequent criminal court trial of the defen-

dants proved, by a mass of irrefutable evidence, that the Black

Legion was Klan-inspired and Klan-led.

Then the country proceeded to forget about the Black


Today, in Detroit, there is another Black Legion in the mak-

ing. Tomorrow, aided and abetted by disruptionists, sowers of

disunity and hatred, by the fascist forces at work throughout

the country, it could be worse than the Black Legion. It could,

conceivably, tear America apart.

There is Klan propaganda disseminated in Detroit and

though the Klan itself is not in evidence, it is back doing busi-

ness, thinly disguised by other names. Let us see how it works.

On March 19, 1943, an organization known as The United

Sons of America was incorporated in Detroit, by E. E. Maxey.

Mr. Maxey is its current president. He is also a veteran Klans-

man. Personal data on Mr. Maxey is that, at this writing, he

resides at 4409 Lincoln Street, Detroit, and is employed by the

Ford Motor Company in its Service Department, under Harry

Bennett, who has never been marked as an outstanding friend

of labor.


Secretary-Treasurer of the United Sons of America is an-

other old-time Klansman, David Cole, of 2224 Springwell

Street, Detroit. Vice-President is Howard Clark, 5355 Pacific

Street, Detroit.

"Front man" and full-time official of the United Sons of

America is burly Harvey Hanson, who runs the headquarters at

89 West Forest Street. Here the organization occupies a 20-

room building from which streams a steady outpouring of

leaflets, handbills and obscene doggerel aimed at influencing

Detroit's workers.

Back in the 1930's investigators of the Michigan Klan esti-

mated that the Klan had an active membership of 30,000.

Hanson, a six-foot blond grey-eyed and weighing 220 pounds,

boasts that as many members belong to the United Sons of

America today, though he is cagey about presenting proof of

his assertions.

Considering certain incidents of the past few years in Detroit,

one is inclined to back Hanson's figure. Certainly there are at

least enough active U. S. of A. members to shake Detroit when

they set to it.

In February, 1942, the first "rehearsals" during wartime for

the bloody race riots of June 21-22, 1943, took place in Detroit

when mobs of armed whites attacked Negro tenants attempt-

ing to move into the low-cost housing project known as the

Sojourner Truth houses. There were clashes then which re-

sulted in numerous casualties, mostly among Negros. Arrested

and subsequently indicted were leaders of a Klan-minded out-

fit, named the National Workers League.

Following the indictments Klan activities subsided for a

while. Under the hammer blows of Federal prosecution, the

National Workers League "disappeared."

Then the formation of the United Sons of America took place.

In June, 1943, a series of strikes broke out in the automotive

plants manufacturing war supplies. The most serious one was

a walkout affecting 20,000 workers of the Packard Motor Com-

pany. White production workers in the Packard aircraft engine

division walked off the job when three Negro mechanics were

upgraded to machine jobs. The tie-up which resulted was a

staggering blow to aircraft production precisely at the time

when planes were desperately needed in the Pacific.

R. J. Thomas, one of the most responsible trade union officials

in the country, international President of the United Automo-

bile Workers, after investigating the incident, publicly stated:

"I came into possession of further and absolute evidence that

the strike at Packard Motor Company, one of die most shame-

ful exhibitions of this war, was in fact actively promoted,

organized and carried out by agents of the Ku Klux Klan or its

successor body in Detroit." (The only "successor body" then

in existence was the United Sons of America.) Mr. Thomas

further declared that he also had evidence "of a formal invita^-

tion to Klansmen in Packard's signed by the Excelled-Cyclops

and by mandate of the Imperial Wizard to a meeting early in

April . . ." and that the evidence "convinces me that enemy

agents are using this nightshirt Axis to do their work in the

Arsenal of Democracy."

"Transcripts giving names and other evidence" were turned

over to the Federal Bureau of Investigation," Mr. Thomas


Two weeks later the race riots broke out in all their fury.

Damage: Detroit's vital war industries tied up. Dead, 35

persons. Property damage, hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Result: A sickening blow to the morale of America's loyal

Negro population and some excellent propaganda material for

the use of America's enemies in both the Pacific and European

theatres of war, Significance; It can happen here.

The Klan in Detroit's Pulpits

One of the phenomena of the vast Detroit war production

center since the city took over the major task of producing

heavy war weapons in 1940, was the mushroom growth of what

investigators have come to call the "hell-fire preachers" group.

Many of the "hell-fire preachers" are Klan-minded propagan-


dists shielding themselves under the cloak of religion. In the

main they pretend Fundamental Baptism, but they are not to

be confused with loyal, patriotic Baptist groups. The Northern

Baptist Conference has disowned them, and the "hell-fire"

pulpiteers have formed their own organizations.

They have flourished in Detroit partially because the city

attracted hundreds of thousands of workers from the midwest

agricultural states and the south since it began to work on war

production and these people, uneducated and with a back-

ground of earnest belief in "preachin" were susceptible to the

rantings of the Klan.

A survey of the "hell-fire preachers" during the early part of

1944 indicated that some 2,000 of them were peddling their

dangerous doctrines in ornate church structures and rented

stores. Their resources vary, but their doctrine is commonly

dangerous. Sometimes it is difficult to ascertain in what camp

a particular preacher belongs. For example, there is:

Reverend Frank Norris, pastor of the Free Temple Baptist

Church located at the busy intersection of 14th Street and

Marquette Avenue, Detroit. Norris is a power in Detroit

politics because his congregation is huge, numbering some-

thing over 10,000.

His "sermons" are highly provocative and vary from baiting

the Negro to baiting those whom he describes as "bad Jews.'*

Investigators who gathered some of the material for this book

attended several of Norris's frenzied sermons. They left with a

feeling of alarm and respect for his polished demagogy. Actu-

ally he has occasionally descended from the polished tech-

nique, and has twice been banned from the air for using the

term "n."

There is also the Rev. C. E. Rollins, at the Metropolitan

Tabernacle, in Detroit, Michigan. On the Sunday after the

Detroit riots which so disgraced America and so badly crippled

war production, Rollins announced his sermon topic in the

Detroit News. It was: "7:30 p.m. K.K.K."

In his message Rollins stated:

"I am not a member of the Klan, I have never been


a member of the Klan, I have never sat in a Klan

meeting; I have no contact with the Klan but I have

the platform of the Klan before me and I challenge

anyone to refute it ... the Klan stands for Christian

principles . . . the Klan stands for sanctity of woman-

hood . . . the Klan stands for a 100% united America

... I am against R. J. Thomas and his crowd. They

are afraid they will lose their power over the unions

to such organizations as the Klan."

With such propaganda openly spoken in the Detroit area it

is not surprising that Klan interests flourish there and it is

significant that such a statement is tied in with outright anti-

union sentiment.

"Cowboy Evangelist" Harvey Springer, while not a resident

of Detroit, is a frequent visitor to Detroit pulpits and has been

a guest sermonizer for Norris, Hopkins and often, as well, for

Gerald L. K. Smith's affairs. He is a member of Smith's Na-

tional Emergency Committee.

The "hell-fire" crowd aids, prods and abets the Klan element

in the city (which menaces the already delicately-balanced

race relations in Detroit) and is a thorn in the side of the

decent, sincere clergy. And the Klan group, prompted by the

"hell-fire" preachers, is doing its share to keep America's first

industrial city in the danger zone.

Throughout the midwest there are other groups, some openly

allied to Gerald L. K. Smith, which are carrying on the work

of disruption, undermining and hate-spreading. In Detroit

itself, though it seems to have no ties with other Detroit outfits,

is an organization with the curious name of Christocrats. Under

the guise of spreading "Republicanism," or "Political Christian-

ity for the Republican Party" it distributes anti-Semitic (and

before his death, anti-Roosevelt, anti-New Deal) propaganda.

It has a post office box address, 3304 Jefferson Station, Detroit

14, Michigan, and also operates (secretly, its leaders think)

from two other Detroit addresses a costly house located

at 644 Parker Street and from nearby 732 Van Dyke Street.

Kingpin of the Christocrats is Claude B. Smith, dark-com-

plexioned, muscular, curly-haired. On occasion, Mr. Smith


works at the Sterling Engineering Company at St. Glair Shores,

Detroit. The greater part of his waking hours, however, is

devoted to lectures and organizational work among his Christo-

crats. The size of his membership is not known, but regular

meetings are held at the 732 Van Dyke Street house, attended

mostly by middle-aged women.

Aside from the anti-labor, anti-New Deal doggerel, Christo-

crat literature favors the technique of twisting quotations to

fit another context, as in quoting Henry A. Wallace's "Democ-

racy is the only true political expression of Christianity," and

then continuing on its own tack:

"If you believe what Mr. Wallace says is true, then

you should agree that the administration of govern-

ment in our American Democracy should be left en-

tirely in the hands of Christians as they are the only

ones who understand and believe in Christian Prin-

ciples of Government."

In Indianapolis, Carl Mote, already mentioned as one of the

Smith National Emergency Committee "advisors" edits the

magazine America Preferred, which once published this re-

markable statement:

"It is entirely fitting and proper to consign to hell

anyone who breathes the word 'democracy* or palavers

about the 'democratic way of Me' . . .

"I say fie on all the melodrama that exalts the so-

called 'rights of minorities.' I say fie on all this hypo-

critical and maudlin jargon about 'social equality/ "

In Kansas, Gerald Winrod, whose activities have so fre-

quently been exposed, who was named in the Washington

indictment for alleged sedition and who is notoriously pro-

fascist still continues his activities. And they are, even at this

writing, extensive enough to require the services of from ten to

25 clerical assistants.

In Wichita, Reverend Arthur Wilson, a free-lance "evanga-

list" who describes himself as a "Fundamentalist Baptist" pre-

sides at the Church of the First Baptist at 3rd and Cleveland.

Wilson is openly anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic, and has given


such lectures as "Who Will Rule the World-The Jew or the

Gentile." In Wichita, Wilson is considered "wilder than


But such minor operators do not constitute a major threat

either to American unity, or to democracy in America. They

comprise, in the aggregate, a menacing influence because they

make a contribution toward stirring up racial hatred, class

antagonisms and distrust of the government by its people. They

are something of a danger because, though small organization-

ally, they do reach a number of people who are influenced by

them and then go on to the more dangerous and larger eutfits.

They act sometimes as "feeders'* in the belt line that often

begins with disgruntlement and ends with flaming fascism.

On the other hand, a healthy American democracy can

flourish even with such cancer spots. What does endanger it,

what does constitute a present menace and a future threat is

not these fringe groups, but the shrewd, well-financed organi-

zers, the planners and plotters against American democracy

who work together, who understand how to inflame hatreds

and distrust and antagonisms until they burst into the fire that

may set off the explosion.



OlNCE the outbreak of the

war, there have been two factors which present some hope that

fascist activity along America's West Coast will not increase.

One is that the shock of Pearl Harbor alarmed and put on guard

the residents of that section. Fascist or disruptionist activity

was obviously a civil danger. The people were in no mood to

gamble with their own safety.

The other is perhaps even more important. West Coast war

industry attracted skilled as well as unskilled labor and trade

unions brought this labor into their membership. One of the

surest antidotes for fascism is trade unionism. And the trade

unions, notably the CIO, adopted as part of their policy, the

education of their members to the danger fascism presents.

Organizationally, the fifth columnists, the disruptionist sow-

ers of class hatred, race hatred and disunity, did not fare well.

But there has been, and there is, danger on the Pacific.

A surprising number of the more virulent hate sheets origi-

nate triere. And from the west coast they spread throughout

the country working their poison into any number of channels.

They are used, of course, by organizations and they are dis-

tributed by agencies which do not, for various reasons, want

to publish such propaganda openly. Thus, they have secondary

organizational support and they get their work done.


The best way to assay these hate sheets is to see them your-

self. A number of them are reproduced in a later chapter. They

are as dangerous as the extent of their circulation. And the fact

that they are available to so-called "respectable" organizations

which can distribute them widely without taking complete

responsibility for their publication makes them an insidious

force, easily employed against American unity and democracy.

The hate sheets do not, of course, have the propaganda field

to themselves. Even in wartime, there are other individuals

and groups on the West Coast, also planning and building;

looking toward the future.

One such is John Hoeppel of Arcadia, California. Mr.

Hoeppel is a former congressman and as late as August 28,

1944, still used after his name, the designation, "Formerly

Member of Congress, 12th Dist. of Calif."

He does not mention, of course, that he was ousted from

Congress for selling West Point appointments.

He is now publisher of a monthly paper called National

Defense, which specializes in disseminating, along with some

news (mostly angled at veterans) a great many curious ideas.

In its April, 1945 issue, for instance, there appears this item:



"At present we have twenty-four vessels which are

operating in the Pacific and Atlantic to bring home

wounded soldiers. Five more ships are to be converted

into hospital ships, thus making the total of twenty-

nine ships for the purpose of bringing home wounded

and maimed American youth.

"If, as Admiral Sterling states, the war with the Japs

is to continue for another four years, it is not difficult

to visualize the hundreds of thousands of American

youths who will take passage on these twenty-nine

ships which, no doubt, as we approach closer to China,

will be supplemented by many other vessels of similar


"We have no record of any hospital ships bringing

back maimed, or combat wounded Englishmen from

the Pacific war area ONLY Americans."


Sprinkled in with such defeatist bits are gripes about taxes,

the New Deal, lend-lease, Bretton Woods, Dumbarton Oaks

and Internationalism. % Prominence is always given to recom-

mendations for veterans benefits. Frequently the War Depart-

ment's list of retirements is printed, as well as obituaries.

There is a reason, to be sure, for this interest in the veteran

and veteran activities. In its April, 1945 issue, National

Defense presented the idea (as coming from a reader) of form-

ing the United Veteran's Political Party. But the same story

asked readers to reply to a questionnaire, one question of which

is: "If twenty-five, or more, war veterans in your vicinity indi-

cate a willingness to organize a unit of a United Veteran's

Party will you affiliate with such a unit?" The questionnaire

was to be returned to National Defense.

What sort of veteran organization would come of Mr.

Hoeppel's sponsorship?

In 1943, the July issue of National Defense recommended

Joseph Kamp's pamphlet, Famine in America. In the May,

1945 issue, published at the time most decent and loyal Ameri-

cans were still mourning the death of Franklin Roosevelt and

when the country was still officially in mourning, the following

item was printed on the editorial page, under the heading:


"Is Santa Claus There now lies on the Hudson (let us

Dead hope in peace) one who has shown

himself as the greatest Santa Claus

and promiser in history. He did not give of his own,

but through increasing taxes and increasing debt he

gave the sweat and labor of others. He dispensed with

a lavish hand, as a consequence of which those who

have been the recipients of his largesse, (-financial and

political) have been profuse in their bereavement and

praise of the virtues of their Santa Claus or Messiah.

"It was not very far from where our modern Santa

Claus lies buried, that was perpetrated through the

bribery and treachery of the British, one of the greatest

crimes against Americans it was the agreed sell out of

West Point to the British by Benedict Arnold for

$15,000 in gold. It is ironic that the principles of give




1 "

8|l| s |,




1 g




away and sell out or bribery open treason on the part

of one should be centered in such a small area of our

vast beloved homeland the U. S. A."

In the same issue, National Defense took this sideswipe at

war bonds as the country was getting ready to swing behind

the 7th War Loan Drive.


"You are forced to pay cash for a Government Bond

and in doing so the money in circulation is decreased in

amount. You cannot turn your Bond into the Treasury

and get your money back as does the banker when he

buys a Bond with a fountain pen. In other words,

when a bank buys a Bond new money is put into cir-

culation, thus adding to our inflation problem, whereas

if you buy a Bond money is taken out of circulation

and tends to deflate.

"The bankers have everything to win and nothing

to lose when they buy a Bond with a fountain pen.

You, however, when you buy a Bond you turn over

your money to the government, which money, if not

so used, would buy a certain amount of food, clothing,

etc. When you cash in the Bond you may find that

the same amount of money will buy only one-half, or

much less, than it would have bought at the time you

purchased the Bond/'

While it found the purchase of war bonds not patriotic, but

on the whole, discouraging and while it could not praise Roose-

velt, National Defense did find something to champion. In the

same issue, on page 11, a story begins with this paragraph:

"The wife and two sons of Senator Lee O'Daniel of

Texas are the owners and publishers of The Lee

O'Daniel News, a weekly which prior to the cam-

paign and since, has been telling the truth concerning

the inefficiency, corruptness, and un-Americanism of

the New Deal."

As this is written, National Defense is still being published,

Mr. Hoeppel is still engaged in promoting the United Veterans'

Political Party. It is being done through readers' letters but

the questionnaire, remember, was to be returned to National


In time, Mr. Hoeppel may resent being a former "Member

of Congress, 12th Dist. of Calif." He may have plans for power

on a far greater scale.

Let Not This Kingdom Come

In Los Angeles, Dr. A. J. Lovell is leader of the "National

Kingdom," which is actually the West Coast branch of the

Anglo-Saxon Federation. At National Kingdom meetings, liter-

ature and propaganda of the Anglo-Saxon Federation is dis-

tributed and sold.

LovelFs meetings take the usual anti-Semitic line, garnished

with anti-Russian sentiments. At a meeting at the Embassy

Auditorium in Los Angeles on July 10, 1944, Dr. LovelTs text

was "Uncle Sam on His Knees."

Dr. Lovell offered the observation that there were a few

good Jews left, that he had nothing against Jewish women and

children, but the Jewish adults who have control of the country

will have to suffer the penalty and pay for their misdeeds. He

said that this land is "rightfully ours" and that "we" had built it

up, erected buildings, parks and set the community in motion

and that then the Jews had come in and taken it all over and

set up what their name implies, "jewelry stores." He then

spelled the name, with intense emphasis, JEWELRY STORES.

After this amazing example of confused rabble-rousing, he

hit other targets. He claimed that the "hiring" of Army Chap-

lains is in the hands of the Catholic faith, that the highest

positions are held by Catholics and that menial jobs are given

to Protestants.

Then he turned on the Russians and read a clipping, pointing

out that the Russian government was responsible for our not

being able to send medical aid and supplies to our boys in-

terned in Japanese prison camps.

That this kind of exhibition draws an audience is somewhat

strange. But that Lovell puts it on is not. For Lovell is a

former associate of another rabble-rouser, Joseph D. Jeffers,

West Coast anti-Semite who was recently sentenced to four

years in prison and fined $1,000 on conspiracy and interstate

automobile theft convictions.,

Dr. Lovell is also closely associated with Jonathan Ellsworth

Perkins, Box 2508, Los Angeles. Mr. Perkins recently published

a book, The Modern Canaanites or the Enemies of Jesus Christ,

a vicious anti-Semitic tract which Lovell has distributed.

Perkins, too, has other interesting connections. He is a rela-

tive of Gerald Winrod and once worked for him. This informa-

tion is not revealed in his book, but he does refer to the

Washington trial for alleged sedition at which Winrod was one

of the defendants and he boasts familiarity with the writings

of E. N. Sanctuary, James True and Elizabeth Billing. Re-

ferring to their literature, Perkins says, "(it) courageously ex-

posed the (Jewish) people who were enemies of our constitu-

tion. ... It seems strange that people who defended the

Constitution and the Flag should be indicted for sedition."

As late as March, 1945, Perkins was connected with a small

mission, known as the Emmanuel Army, located at 610 W. 9th

Street, Los Angeles. His league with Lovell, his past connec-

tions and his defense of individuals named in the indictment

for alleged sedition mark him as dangerous to American


But it remained for Lovell to reveal the threat he himself

constitutes and the direction he is taking when he said at one

meeting: "When our boys out there giving their lives come

back and when the 'new order' is in effect, the Jews over here

will beg on their knees." How low Lovell's "new order" would

bring American democracy he has not suggested, but how hard

his disruption and hate-mongering is hitting it is all too clear.

There is one more West Coast outfit which is difficult to

classify. It is the Constitutional Government League, 4031

Francis Avenue, Seattle, Washington. Its president is E. H.

Rettig and it publishes a 12-page monthly magazine called

The Constitutionalist.

I For years Rettig has advertised in Gerald Winrod's anti-


Semitic, pro-fascist Defender. The Constitutionalist itself regu-

larly reprints anti-Semitic as well as anti-New Deal blasts from

various sources. In a spring, 1945 issue, it carried a full page

advertisement of the National Blue Star Mothers of America

of Pennsylvania similar to the handbill reproduced in Chapter

VII, urging "Bring the Boys Back Home."

Of itself, the Rettig outfit probably cannot be assailed, except

on the grounds that its anti-Semitism is un-American, and dur-

ing the war its hatred of our allies has promoted distrust and


But thrown in with other West Coast activities it does its

share to keep the cauldron of dissension and disunity bubbling.

And in the whole West Coast picture there is the danger. The

hate sheets are prime weapons of fascists; the Lovells and the

Perkins's promote hatred; the Hoeppels have an eye on the

veterans and over all is the ugly fact that un-American activ-

ity is one of the stepping stones the fascists hope to use on their

way to power.




N 1944 a new word be-

came, more and more, a part of the terminology employed by

the disruptionist groups. The word is "nationalism."

In Detroit, in that year, Gerald L. K. Smith began to em-

phasize the nationalism of his America First Party. In 1945,

when Smith formed the National Emergency Committee, he

again chose this catch-all word.

For, once victory over Germany became a matter of time,

and once they anticipated V-E Day, there were two men in

America who began to show their hands, who revealed that

they anticipated an opportunity to achieve actual political

power. One was Gerald L. K. Smith, whose activities are re-

counted in Chapter IV, the other was Robert Rice Reynolds,

ex-Senator from North Carolina, ex-writer for the Hearst

newspapers, ex-leader of the Vindicators, present friend of

Gerald L. K. Smith, present head of the American Nationalist


Robert Rice Reynolds' political career began when he ran

for the office of Prosecuting Attorney of his district in North

Carolina. His technique at that time was to call everybody

"cousin" and pass out to children sticks of peppermint candy

around which were wrapped the printed appeal "Ask your

daddy to vote for Bob Reynolds." He was elected.


He ran for the office of Lieutenant Governor in 1924, and was

defeated. In 1926 he ran for the Senate, and was defeated.

When he ran for the Senate again in 1932 he was elected

again on an interesting platform. His opponent was Cameron

Morrison, who had married a wealthy widow. Reynolds" cam-

paign was based on attacking Morrison's wealth. He would

delight his audiences with stories of how well Morrison ate and

how much he paid for his meals, often brandishing a menu of

the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, and reading from it the

cost of various dishes leaving the audience to assume that

Morrison ate them all every day.

A typical Reynolds wind-up to a speech was this, holding

up a jar of caviar he would say: "Friends, it pains me to tell

you that Cam Morrison eats fish eggs. This here jar ain't a

jar of squirrel shot; it's fish eggs, and Red Russian fish eggs

at that, and they cost $2.00. Now, fellow citizens, let me ask

you, do you want a Senator who ain't too high and mighty

to eat good old North Carolina hen eggs, or don't you?"

Evidently the people of North Carolina didn't want a Sena-

tor who was too high and mighty to eat hen eggs. Reynolds


In 1938, when he was up for re-election, he won on the

basis of supporting the New Deal, but by 1939, when he

announced the organization of The Vindicators and began to

publish the American Vindicator, he had reversed his field.

The eight-page tabloid-size paper was devoted to Red-baiting,

alien-baiting and condemnation of the New Deal foreign

policy. That same year, in a speech in the Senate, Reynolds

gave as a source of some of his material a book called Name

the Aggressors by Louis Ward. Ward was the contact man

for Father Coughlin in Washington. Reynolds didn't adopt

open anti-Semitism, but Jews were absent from membership in

the Vindicators, and Reynolds once inserted in the Congres-

sional Record an anti-Semitic, anti-alien article from Domenico

Trombetta's 11 Grido della Stirpe. Trombetta has been de-

naturalized and indicted as an unregistered foreign agent.

The formation of the Vindicators was announced on January

31, 1939. On February 5, 1939, the Voelkischer Beobachter,


Hitler's newspaper, carried an article with the byline "Senator

Robert R. Reynolds, North Carolina." Reporting this in

Sabotage! The Secret War Against America, Michael Sayers

and Albert E. Kahn wrote:

"The article, which was in the form of an interview,

was entitled 'Advice to Roosevelt: Stick to Your Knit-

ting/ The same article was printed in the United

States in the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, offi-

cial organ of the German American Bund. Hearst's

International News Service, which arranged the inter-

view-article, quoted Senator Reynolds as saying: 1 can

see no reason why the youth of this country should be

uniformed to save the so-called democracies of Europe

imperialistic Britain and communistic France ... I

am glad to be able to state that I am absolutely against

the United States waging war for the purpose of pro-

tecting the Jews anywhere in the world/ "

By a very curious coincidence, February 5, 1939, was also

the day on which Robert Reynolds wrote a special article for

Hearst's New York Journal and American.

"Mr. Hearst," asserted Reynolds, "has exactly expressed my

views on the folly of going to war to protect the foreign lands

and alien principles of socialist France, imperialist England,

communist Russia or any other country/' (Dixie Demagogues

by Allan A. Michie and Frank Ryhlick.)

At this period in his career Reynolds- became friendly with

George Deatherage, leader of the Knights of the White Ca-

melia, an openly fascist, anti-Semitic organization. He has

also worked with John B. Trevor, who heads American Coali-

tion, with offices in the Southern Building, Washington, D. C.

American Coalition is a rather mixed organization, a holding

company for more than 100 "patriotic" organizations, many

of which are truly patriotic such as the Veterans of Foreign

Wars. Others, however, include such outfits as the American

Women Against Communism, the American Vigilant Intel-

ligence Federation, which worked actively with James True,

Elizabeth Dilling and Gerald Winrod. The American Coali-

tion has crusaded against "aliens" and refugees. It cooperated


with Prescott Dennett, who was on trial with Winrod, James

True and Elizabeth Billing for alleged sedition. In two of the

indictments handed down by Federal Grand Juries, the

Coalition was charged with being a vehicle through which

the alleged seditionists spread their propaganda.

While he was in the Senate, Reynolds frequently inserted

letters from Trevor in the Congressional Record, most of them

in support of Reynolds' program.

Reynolds has also figured prominently in other dubious

events. He was mentioned in connection with the Prescott

Dennett-George Hill-George Sylvester Viereck franking scan-

dal. In 1940 George Sylvester Viereck organized the Islands

for War Debts Committee, also known as the War Debt De-

fense Committee and the Make Europe Pay War Debts Com-

mittee. Chairman of the committee was the late isolationist

Senator Ernest Lundeen. Honorary Chairman was Robert

Rice Reynolds. Among other members of Congress whose

franked envelopes were used by the committee was Reynolds,

then Chairman of the Senate Military Affairs Committee.

Reynolds was to be up for re-election again in 1944. Though

he was Chairman of one of the most powerful Senate Com-

mittees, a position which is a distinct sinecure, and though

he had then become one of the powerful figures in Wash-

ington, he decided not to run again. However, Gerald L. K.

Smith had at this time decided to nominate a candidate of

the America First Party for President. The candidacy was

offered to Reynolds, who said that he was "flattered and

honored." But he decided not to accept it.

On January 5, 1945, Reynolds announced the formation of

The Nationalist Party, and issued a booklet entitled Here's

How You Can Become a Political Leader in Your District.

The booklet stated that the party was to be officially launched

on July 4th, 1945, but it contained instructions for organiza-

tion on a rather carefully worked out unit basis. There were

to be ten people to each unit, so that meetings of individual

units could be held in private homes.

Support for The Nationalist Party came at once from such

organizations as "We The Mothers Mobilize for America" and


the "American Democratic National Committee," and similar

groups. The American Democratic National Committee, de-

spite its rather confusing name, has no connection with the

National Committee of the recognized Democratic Party in

the United States. The American Democratic National Com-

mittee has offices in the Washington Building, Washington,

D. C., at 342 Madison Avenue, New York (the building in

which Kamp's Constitutional Educational League has an

office) and at 105 S. Lafayette Street, Chicago. This com-

mittee was originally headed by Harry Woodring, who was

once a member of the Roosevelt cabinet. The committee

claimed then that it sought to "redeem the Democratic Party

from its alien-minded over-lords/' Later Woodring resigned

and Gleason L. Archer became the new National Chairman.

Gleason L. Archer, interestingly and significantly enough, is

a trustee of Gannett's Committee for Constitutional Govern-

ment (see Chapter II).

One of the officers of the American Democratic National

Committee is John O'Connor, ex-Congressman of New York,

who was the lawyer for George Hill. Robert M. Harriss, Father

Coughlin's financial advisor for 15 years, suggested that Wil-

liam Goodwin, a New York Coughlinite and ex-leader of the

American Rock Party (now out of business) be made Treas-

urer of the committee. Goodwin got the job. Also on the

committee are Senator W. Lee ODaniel, of Texas, and Eugene

Talmadge, ex-Governor of Georgia, present editor of The


Between the American Democratic National Committee and

other groups there is, incidentally, another interesting con-

nection. John O'Connor wrote a testimonial for Reynolds'

Nationalist Party which was published in the official news-

paper, the National Record. O'Connor's article was later re-

printed in the San Francisco Leader, a Coughlinite weekly

to which Father Curran also contributes.

The announcement of Reynolds' Nationalist Party was not

overlooked by! a certain section of the press. The Chicago

Tribune said:


"Former Sen. Reynolds of North Carolina has an-

nounced the formation of a new political organization

to be known as the Nationalist Party. . . .

" 'Neither of the two major political parties/ he says

'is big enough to hold both interventionists and non-

interventionists, nationalists and internationalists,

Communists and anti-Communists/

"That, we believe, is true, and the truth of it should

be as apparent to those who disagree with Mr. Rey-

nolds on questions of national policy as to those who

are in accord with his views. . . .

"To expect the Democratic Party, divided as it now

is, to produce a consistent program is to expect the

impossible. The hope is that the Republican Party can

break the control which has weakened it and minimized

its usefulness. Certainly unless the Republicans act to

this end, and act with vigor, support will flow to the

Reynolds movement."

The New York Daily News, which frequently backstops for

the Tribune when it is not in there pitching itself, said in an


". . . the Republican Party has now taken a body

D!OW from one of its own leaders. (Sen. Vandenberg),

long a nationalist if not an isolationist, who has now

come out for internationalism of the Roosevelt variety

and more so if nossible.

"We ti- -^denberg's speech foreshadows the

breaKu r ^ oie Republican Party," the editorial con-

tinued, "and the coming of a new party. . . . What

we need are the internationalist Democratic party that

we already have, and a nationalist party that will stand

for American interests.

"Where is this party to come from and who will

compose it? Logically, the veterans returning after

this war, sick of fighting other people's battles and

having their own country bled white via Lend-Lease.

. . . For our part, the boys can't come 'home and form

a nationalist party too soon. We hope that after the

war they will speedily get themselves organized, and

will take over political control of this country from

both Democrats and Republicans because the present

generation of Democratic and Republican leaders have

made an ungodly mess both of our foreign policy (if

any) and of our home economy."


Early in 1945, Reynolds claimed that the Nationalist Party

already had a million members in 48 states, and Reynolds had

not waited for the formal organization of the party to begin

political action. Along with Gerald L. K. Smith, the Chicago

"nationalist," who attacked the Bretton Woods agreement as

"a conspiracy to steal America's money," Reynolds said that

Bretton Woods grew out of a "plot for world government" on

the part of the "international bankers."

Reynolds' Nationalist Party may grow far beyond the mil-

lion members now claimed for it, or it is possible, since Smith

and Reynolds have been friendly in the past, that both nation-

alist movements may merge to become a definite political

force, capable of boosting either of the leaders up the political

ladder. Both have shown political ambitions. Reynolds is

reported to have angled for the vice-presidential nomination

in 1940. Smith was the Presidential candidate of his own

America First Party in 1944.

In any event, there is likely to be dynamite in the "nationalist

trend." As PM pointed out in an article on May 27, 1945, "the

word nationalism has a nice patriotic sound about it, like

Americanism, and this is not the first time it has been used as

protective coloration by pro-fascists in America. Indeed,

nationalism has been a favorite word of fascists in every

country: German nationalism, Italian nationalism, Spanish

nationalism, Argentine nationalism, all used the same patriotic

slogans to the same end."




F all the groups which

have engaged in fascist activities in America (helping to

spread dissension, create disunity and undermine faith in the

government) the most sinister are the "momist" outfits. First,

because they play upon the natural anxieties of those who

have loved ones in the services and who are sometimes easy

victims because they are emotionally upset. Second, because

by spreading dissension among mothers of servicemen, they

can help to sow dissension among members of the armed


Convincing a soldier's mother that the war is a "racket,"

that it is unnecessary, that it should not be fought, may not

be classifiable as treason. (Though telling that to a soldier

or sailor certainly should be.) At the least, it is one step

removed from treason. For it is possible through mothers

to influence sons.

The ambitious fascist mind has not overlooked the fact

that sons who return from war to be told that they have been

misled and deceived into fighting for a worthless cause could

comprise a potential group of fascist stormtroopers.

Nor are these the only vicious factors in fascism's crusade

to enlist motherhood as a front for its disruptive activities.

The fascists seize the added advantage of confusion. There


are thoroughly loyal, entirely patriotic groups or organiza-

tions of "war mothers" in the country. The fascist groups may

temporarily mislead many loyal mothers who cannot dif-

ferentiate at once between a truly sound patriotic service

organization and one of the destructive "momist" groups.

All the groups which specialize in spreading disruption,

disunity and discord employ much the same tactics. Typical

of them is the Current Events Club of Philadelphia, which is

fast turning the City of Brotherly Love into the City of

Motherly Hate.

This organization meets regularly every two weeks in the

POSA Building, 1317 North Broad Street, Philadelphia. Its

members all claim to have sons or husbands in the armed

forces. The club itself is a chapter of the National Blue Stars

Mothers of Pennsylvania, which was formerly known as the

Crusading Mothers of America.

On April 23, 1945, the Current Events Club held a meeting

which was typical of a number of which the writer has de-

tailed reports. The meeting was opened by Mrs. Catherine

Brown, a close friend of Gerald L. K. Smith and a frequent

visitor to Senate and House offices in Washington.

Mrs. Brown gave a report to the membership on her recent

trip to Washington, where she had talked with "her friend,


"He told me," she said, "to thank our women for the won-

derful fight they helped put up against the forced labor law."

Then she proceeded to speak about the federal law against

stirring up racial antagonism, sponsored by Representative

Samuel Dickstein of New York.

"We are assured by men like Smith, Wheeler and others,"

she said, "that this will never become a law, thank God!"

( Of course she offered no evidence of any such assurance from

Senator Wheeler, or any other government official. )

With this preliminary completed, Mrs. Brown shed her

decorum as chairlady of the meeting and launched into a

frenzied and typically "momist" harangue.

"Ladies," she said (and this is verbatim), "we have been

doing a good job until now, as our friends in Washington


admit, but there is much more to be done until we can put

an end to this Jew war and bring our boys home from fighting

Britain's and Russia's cause!

"Jew Roosevelt started it and we're going to end it! Demand

peace now. Ring doorbells. Talk to every mother and wife

you meet who has a loved one fighting the Jew international

banker's war. We want Christian civilization and the only

way we're going to get it is through true Christian fighting


At another meeting at which Mrs. Brown also presided she

was outraged by unexpected publicity which had been given

to the club.

"There's a dirty spy in our midst," she shouted, "... a rat

who has come here pretending to be one of us. Walter Win-

chell's last broadcast, on February 4th, mentioned Agnes

Waters who visited us and what she said."

There was a rustling of chairs at this shocking revelation and

one member arose and screamed: "Point her out, the rat!"

Others took up the cry and one belligerent professional mother

stalked up and down the hall shouting, "Tell me who she is

and she won't have a hair left in her head."

Walter Winchell has earned the special hatred of the mother

racketeers because he has not hesitated to expose them, nor

their female spiritual mentors such as Elizabeth Billing and

the notorious Agnes Waters, who was mentioned and quoted

on the Winchell broadcast which had so outraged Mrs. Brown.

Agnes Waters is a professional isolationist mother and

Washington lobbyist for several "momist" outfits: We, the

Mothers; The National Blue Star Mothers of America; and

Mothers and Daughters United; all of them devoted to propa-

gating the highly original idea that it was the Jew's who

bombed Pearl Harbor. These outfits also urged the negotiation

of a separate peace with Germany ( long before Germany's col-

lapse) and with Japan.

On April 27, 1945, the New York newspaper PM reported

that Mrs. Waters had used the franked envelopes of U. S. con-

gressmen, without their permission, and had sent out material

of the National Blue Star Mothers of America, along with a


stream of disruptive propaganda. One such leaflet erroneously

addressed to a Jewish mother in Philadelphia, whose soldier

son had lost a leg in the war, read in part:

"How long, how long are we going to permit our

men to be slain to save the Jewish empires all over

the world? Did you know that certain Jews by the

hundreds are being trained to follow the armies and

to be the ARMY OF OCCUPATION, with all the

prostrated nations under their control? These men

will be the rulers of the Army of Industrial Occupation.

Is that what your boy was fighting for?"

In the last presidential election, Mrs. Waters announced her

own candidacy and in a news release, sent to both press asso-

ciations and newspapers, stated:

"I demand that the suicide invasion of Europe be

called off and immediately stop this carnage of world

revolution that President Roosevelt has plunged this

world into, which is a blood bath with our money and

now with our blood for the purpose of building a

World Government for the Socialist Soviet Republics,

which I have for years now opposed, and tried to ex-

pose. This is not a war, it is the Lenin plan for world

revolution for Communism! I demand that this mass

murder of our men be stopped immediately. Any in-

vasions of Europe only can be mass suicide of our

naen for Russia!"

All this might sound rather crackpot, if we had not already

suffered the bitter experience of witnessing where the expo-

sition of such crackpot ideas can lead; and, if Mrs. Waters did

not have such facilities for spreading her propaganda nor

such large audiences to listen to it.

To one such audience in Philadelphia in May, 1945, Mrs.

Waters said, "I have here" (holding up a clipping) "your local

list of casualties. It is our duty to get in touch immediately

with these wives and mothers who have lost their dear ones

and tell them about the Jew bankers and Washington bureau-

crats their sons and husbands died for."

Waiting long enough for the applause of the "mothers" to


die down, Mrs. Waters then launched into a tirade against

PM, quoting that paper as having said that she advocated

"shooting every G d Jew."

"I did/' she exclaimed, "and I'm proud of it!"

Next she veered to another line of attack. "Why," she de-

manded, "wasn't the 26th Division informed that an attack

was coming in Germany?" (Von Runstedt's attack at the Bel-

gian bulge in the winter of 1944. ) "And why is it that a n

unitthe only one in Italy always knew when it was going

to be attacked?"

She allowed time for this lie to sink in, and to give her audi-

ence an opportunity to jot down notes so that they, in turn,

could yeport to other wives and mothers those of the men

whose names had appeared on the casualty lists that day. Then

she continued. Her next noteworthy remarks were upon the

near-riots which grew out of the transit walkout which had

stirred Philadelphia in August, 1944.

"I'm glad," she said, "the people of Philadelphia had guts

enough to riot at the PTC hiring Jews and Niggers. I wish we

had held out longer."

Periodically the streets of Philadelphia and nearby cities

which compose the great Delaware River industrial war center

have been distributing centers for handbills that read as they

might have had they been printed in Berlin. One of these,

addressed to "Christian Mothers," is reproduced here.

They emanate from the headquarters of the National Blue

Star Mothers of Pennsylvania in the Harrison Building, Phila-

delphia. From this headquarters has poured a steady stream

of such tracts and handbills. Another is datelined Washing-

ton, D. C., and is headlined: U. S. CASUALTIES TOTAL

737,342. Its opening paragraph begins: "CHRISTIAN


JEWISH REVENGE? Did you ever notice the number of

young JEWS in business, and how few in uniform?"

Its astonishing likeness to Nazi tracts and its unmistakable

stamp of Nazi technique is a portent of what may come.

It is also significant that another such leaflet, also issued

by the National Blue Star Mothers of America, quotes Senator


W. Lee O'Daniel, whose work for The Christian American

of Texas has already been discussed. OTDaniel is quoted in

the handbill as follows:

"The Communists, Socialists and fellow traveling

New Dealers in both the Democratic and Republican

Parties who have taken possession of the people's gov-

ernment, are rapidly changing our American form of

democracy into a dictatorial form of government,

whereby the people are rapidly losing their freedom,

their liberty and their constitutional form of govern-

ment." (See reproduction.)

In an article in the Woman's Home Companion in July,

1944, Patricia Lochridge revealed the tie-up of the Phila-

delphia National Blue Star Mothers of America leaders, Mrs.

Catherine Brown and Mrs. Lillian Parks, with Gerald L. K.

Smith and cited their organizational plan for setting up new

"momist" outfits in various cities.

This group should not be confused though it is significantly

dangerous that such groups often are with the patriotic Blue

Star Mother organizations throughout the country (and nota-

bly in Flint, Michigan), nor with the Pennsylvania Blue Star

Brigade, which are patriotic mother organizations undoubt-

edly hampered by the similarity of names.

So, too, is there the danger of confusion in the cases

of many other truly patriotic mother organizations, such

as American Wac Mothers, Navy Mothers, Mothers of

World War II, and MOMS (Mothers of Men in Service).

These and many more have done splendid wartime work,

though they must have been hamstrung often by the racket-

outfits which have adopted the "good-name technique."

This patriotic ( and educational ) name technique is common

to the entire disruptionist movement though occasionally it

boomerangs, to the embarrassment of the disruptionists them-

selves. In Philadelphia, another "momist" outfit which began

its activities as Mothers of Pennsylvania hurriedly had to

change it to Mothers and Daughters of Pennsylvania when a

local reporter revealed that most of its members were middle-



WASHINGTON. Feb. 2. 1945


notice (he number Q( young JEWS in business and how few in uniform? Rood over the casualty list

in your newspaper and see how many JEW names you find there. JEWS seem to keep out of the cas-

uality list, and ihts gives them more time to smear Christian mothers whose sons may have been one

ol the 495,052 U. S. casualties reported last year. Now. Nurses are to be drafted. Next it will be all

women between 18 and 45. just as been done In Communist Russia. Will you stand quietly by and

-,ee yicur women drafted and. like your sons, sent to every corner of the earth, exposed to God knows

WHAT? Must we have another million Christian casualties just to make Stalin the world dictator

instead of Churchill or Roosevelt?

CONGRESSMAN Louis T- McFadden of PENNSYLVANIA had this to say In a radio addVes May 2. 1934.

regarding A. A. Berle Oew) our new Ambassador to Brazil. '1 desire now to refer briefly to a plan that

was advocated as far back as 1918 when A. A. Berle had some very definite Ideas regarding the

establishment of a new State. Indeed he wrote a itlle book on "The Significance of a Jewish State'

dedicated to his friend Louts D. Brandeis. In it he regarded the Jew as "the barometer of civilization

at all times." He recognized the inability of Christianity to avert war or "to do a single thing towards

mitigating its worst effects", and seemed to think t'.ie lews were the only power that could do anything


HOLY WAR: On August 6. 1933 in a radio address. Sam Unlermeyer (jew), self-styled world's aristocrat,

refers to "The Holy War" and goes on to say, "II is a war that must be waged unremittingly until the

black clouds of bigotry, race hatred and fanaticism that have descended upon what was once Ger-

many, but is now medieval Hltlerland. have been dispersed." How much blood, sweat and tears has

this JEW holy war cost you Christian Mothers In the United States? Has your son been sacrificed

on the altar of this "holy war"? Or do you Christian Mothers feel that $10.000 is a fair price for a dead

son and perhaps a dead daughter? DEMAND PEACE NOW.

These are only a lew of the real facts about this "holy war" of the JEWS. Too long has the truth been

kept from the people of the United States as to the cause of this "holy war". Demand of your Senator

<ind Congressman that he bring out on the floor of Congress the TRUTH. THE WHOLE TRUTH and

NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH. If you want to save Christian civilization In the United States, support

us in our effort to stop this slaughter of our Christian youth. THERE IS NO FREEDOM WITHOUT FREE-

DOM OF SPEECH. Keeping' silent, can be the blackest of lies. We do not intend to keep silent but

will tell the real truth as we know It to be.


The National Blu* Star ModiM ol Pemurlranla

Harrison Building,

Philadelphia. Pa.

February. 1945.

"Christian mothers" are the opening words in the above leaflet, issued

by the anti-Semitic National Blue Star Mothers of Pennsylvania. This

outfit has been one of the most disruptive of the "momist" groups. It has

attempted, as in this leaflet, to turn "Christian mothers" against Jews

and to convince them that their sons are being "sacrificed."

Such leaflets as this are mailed to mothers whose sons' names appear on

casualty lists.


aged spinsters. This group presently exerts its influence prin-

cipally through a news-letter, edited by a former Coughlin

follower and secretary of one of The America First chapters.

The history of the mother racket or "momism" in America

begins on December 11, 1939, when Father Coughlin an-

nounced on a national broadcast the formation of his Na-

tional League of Mothers. He invited women all over the coun-

try to write to him, or Social Justice, "to be put in touch with

responsible leaders and regional organizers."

Thousands of women replied and in a short time were being

organized into branches of Coughlin's "legion." They were fed

the well-known anti-British, anti-Russian, anti-Jewish, anti-

Roosevelt propaganda. ^

In time, well known fascists such as Gerald L. K. Smith, Earl

Southard and others moved in, recruiting susceptible women

from all over the country, and a storm of "delegations" broke

upon a harassed Washington, to oppose Lend-Lease and

every other preparation for the war which was then inevitable.

Eventually, the mother racket settled down to a half-dozen

large national groups, each with separate leadership but all

connected through frequent exchange of letters and speakers.

Investigators have estimated that at various times the total

membership of these female hate groups has ranged up to

more than half a million. Today the national groups include:

We, the Mothers Mobilize for America, Inc., with headquar-

ters in Chicago; the National Blue Star Mothers of Pennsyl-

vania (and of America), with various offshoots such as the

Current Events Club; the United Mothers of Cleveland; The

Mothers of Sons Forum of Cincinnati; the American Women

Against Communism, which has now changed its name to

American League for Good Government, Inc. of New York

(to whom everything pertaining to the prosecution of the war

has been "communistic") and the Mothers of the U. S. A.,

with headquarters in Detroit. There are now also numerous

local factions composed of groups which broke away from the

national organizations because of factional strife not because

of any differences on fundamentals or disagreements with the

hate policies.


We, The Mothers Mobilize for America, Inc., is headed by

Mrs. Lyrl C. Van Hyning, who last year sponsored a "Na-

tional Peace Convention" in Chicago. Its secret sessions were

attended by some hundred women and twelve men repre-

senting "mothers" groups in twenty states. The convention

outlined plans for a nationwide drive of women for a negotiated

peace with Germany.

"We, the mothers of war age boys, beg you to place

the blame for the death of your beloved where it be-

longs, and not be deceived by propaganda into blam-

ing a foreign power. In the name of justice, we ask

you to call to account the real murderers of your be-

loved one, the men who violated the Constitution of

the United States by sending him into the war zone.

Ask our boys ask all of us to call to account the

actual murderers and we will bless you and our country

will call you blessed/'

The letter also suggested that the President of the United

States (Roosevelt) and the Secretary of the Navy (Knox)

be sued as private citizens for the lives lost

The United Mothers, of Cleveland, headed by Mrs. Freda

Stanley, is especially inimical to labor, and according to Mrs.

Stanley, labor unions are "communistic." On April 3, 1944,

this group sponsored a meeting which was addressed by

Gerald L. K. Smith and collected $1,200 for him. The United

Mothers have concurred in the usual negotiated peace line and

advocate the end of the "silly delusion" democracy to be re-

placed by a "nationalistic" government for the United States.

American Women Against Communism, or as it is now

called, the American League for Good Government, Inc., is

headed by Mrs. A. Cressy Morrison, who has worked with

Elizabeth Billing and has distributed books by Jeremiah

Stokes, of Utah, who once said, "What we need is a Hitler

in every state, strong men who will rule things the right way."

Although Mrs. Morrison disclaims any activity except fighting

"communism," she has said that she considered the mass sedi-

tion trials in Washington "a conspiracy against courageous

patriots who placed American interests above those of any


foreign 'isms'." And the committee's ability to find the com-

munist menace everywhere is alarmingly inclusive. It has dis-

covered that communists are inciting "Racial Uprising and

Bloody Revolution Among Negroes of Dxie;" that com-

munists are trying to grab all the farm land in the Middle

West, and (its prize discovery) that atheism and communism

are rampant in the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in

America. Mrs. Morrison is currently advising her following

that the communist plot to give Negroes sovereignty in the

South, indicates that this is the time "to take action."

The Mothers of Sons Forum, whose headquarters is at 111

West Street, Cincinnati, was organized about 1940 or a little

earlier by Mrs. Josephine Mahler, who got together a small

group to keep America out of Europe's war. By June of 1940,

her group had grown large enough to get 65,000 names on

petitions against the enactment of the Selective Service Act.

At the present, Mrs. Lucinda Benge seems to have taken over

management, though Mrs. Mahler is still active.

Both Mrs. Dilling and Gerald L. K. Smith have been

speakers at the Forum's meetings. The official organ has been

called successively P-S and the Bulletin. Among statements

which have appeared in the publications are these: "America's

most dangerous enemy is not Hitler, not Churchill, not Stalin,

but Roosevelt . . . Churchill is a Jew . . . Roosevelt is a Jew,

this is a war of Jewish capitalists." In addition to such propa-

ganda which was identical with the regular Nazi outpourings

of the time, the Forum joined in with the usual "momist" de-

mand for a negotiated peace with Germany.

Mothers of the U. S. A. is in the direct line of the Coughlin

original call to battle. It was founded in Detroit by Mrs. Mary

A. Decker, soon after the Coughlin broadcast for the Legion

of Mothers. Since then Mrs. Decker has been replaced by

Mrs. Rosa N. Farber, who still heads the group. Patricia Loch-

ridge, in her Woman's Home Companion article, reported

that the Farber group had closed up shop. But there is every

evidence that Mrs. Farber, who is careful and shrewd (see

John Roy Carlson's Under Cover, pp. 213, 217, 222, 224,

225, 288, 302, 308-11, 313, 336, 387, 395, 508) has kept an


organization intact for a crusade at any time she and the

leaders feel is right. Mrs. Farber, in one conversation, recalled

that Napoleon said, "Don't let your enemy choose the time and

place of the battle, choose them yourself/' and then pointed

out, "New Dealers would like to find out what our plans are,

but we are keeping them guessing. Maybe well wait till after

the war when the boys come home . . ."

Detroit is also the home of the American Mothers, whose

national chairman is Mrs. Beatrice Knowles, a friend of Gerald

L. K. Smith, and a distributor of his pamphlets. Mrs. Knowles

told Patricia Lochridge, in 1944, that she has a mailing list of

between 35,000 and 54,000 names.

Also operating along the same line as Mrs. Knowles, prin-

cipally by mail, is another Detroiter, Mrs. Blanche Winters,

of East Jefferson Avenue, who is head of what she calls "a

foxy little group named simply, 'The Mothers/ " Mrs. Winters

claims to have a mailing list "in the hundreds of thousands."

She is an ardent distributor of that old phony The Protocols of

the Elders of Zion, and an admirer of Mrs. Van Hyning of

We, The Mothers. Mrs. Winters, who is wealthy (she once

promised to contribute $100,000 to a campaign to elect a

woman President of the United States ) , formerly led an organ-

ization called the League of the Blue Cross, which she dis-

continued when America entered the war. "Because," she

explained, "we all could have gone to jail for life if we had

kept on."

There is also a minor "momist" group in Boston, headed by

Marie Ballum, a spinster. Miss Ballum was formerly the local

circulation boss for Social Justice and follows the Coughlin,

anti-Semitic line. On occasion she has rounded up impressive

delegations of "mothers," even though hers is not one of the

big important groups.

It is the Agnes Waters, Van Hyning, Catherine Brown type,

still working actively and openly, which is most dangerous, and

the Farber-Knowles type, which has been clever enough to

lie low during the critical war years, that may yet take the lead

in postwar years. They recognize the value of enlisting vet-

erans. They have now done their spade-work among tens of


thousands of mothers. Their influence is enormous and alarm-

ing. They may yet time their activities for the days when they

hope to catch us off guard.

In the meantime, as this is written, a woman like Agnes

Waters is still free in wartime Washington, to carry on her

campaign of disruption, defeatism and dissension, the three

forerunners of outright fascism.




JL OR several years after the

war, and perhaps even longer, America may be occupied with

the problems of re-integrating returned veterans into the

national life. Most Americans desire that this be done swiftly

and with full regard for what every veteran deserves from

his country.

The fascists have other ideas. They are occupied now, and

they will continue to be occupied, with their own problem-

how best to entice veterans into their own organizations. Their

activities will center on keeping the veteran from being re-

integrated into the national life, on spreading dissension

among veterans, on campaigns of enrollment which they hope

will give them veteran backing which they can use to promote

themselves and their plans.

The first stages of this campaign have already taken place.

Through the "Momism" movements they attempted to dis-

courage the men who were fighting the war, they sowed ideas

of defeatism, they tried to convince (and they convinced far

too many) mothers and wives and sweethearts of soldiers that

the war was not America's war. They tried to convince them

that the struggle against fascism abroad was not America's


The next step is to make servicemen themselves dissatisfied,


and the next after that is to promise the servicemen more than

anybody else promises. It is not difficult to frame promises and,

unfortunately for America, the fascists have had powerful

help in creating dissatisfaction. The reactionary press which

played up strike stories, which gave a one-sided picture of

labor's contribution to winning the war, played right into the

fascists' hands.

A service man who has read the false stories of tremendous

wages for little work, who has been shown the false picture of

civilians stopping work for petty reasons, of loafing when they

pleased, of "cleaning up" during the war, has been well indoc-

trinated for fascist purposes.

The press and the people of America may well regret that

such stories were played up and that the true story of hard

work and civilian cooperation which did so much to help win

the war was played down.

A man who has contributed years of his lif e, and who has

probably risked his life every year of his service, who has had

to forego the opportunity for civilian advancement is not likely

to forget such stories. Nor, regardless of how strong is his mind

and his character, is he likely to forget the stories of defeatism,

the stories which try to convince him that he could as well

have been at home all the time he was at war. And the fascists

are not likely to let him i ">rget if they are free to remind him,

if they have the chance to tell him.

So far they have had the chance. And they have made the

most of it. Even during the war some of them were busily

engaged in promoting veterans organizations. The records of

these men is the indication of what their organizations will

become. The measure of their success is the very measure of

danger to American democracy.

Most widely and openly active among them is Gerald L. K.

Smith, the Detroit "nationalist" and organizer of the National

Emergency Committee, whose recent work along other lines

we have already considered.

As early as November, 1944, Smith announced in The Cross

and The Flag that he was preparing to organize the Nationalist

Veterans of World War II, and asked his readers to send names








the veterans of this war into an organization

known as the Nationalist Veterans of World

War II. If you know a veteran of this war who

is a Nationalist, send his name in at once so

that he can be informed when the time comes

to launch the campaign for expansion. Send

the names of all veterans to THE CROSS AND

THE FLAG, Box 459, Detroit, Michigan and we

will see that the names are turned over to the

organization committee headed by George

Vose, recently mustered out of the army hospi-

tal at Fort Custer.

Above is a reproduction of an appeal to ex-servicemen by Gerald

L. K. Smith's virulent The Cross and the Flag, official publication of the

America First Party. Smith, aided by George Vose, court martialed by

the U. S. Army for selling government property, is a serious menace in

the field of returning veterans.


of veterans to the magazine. "We will see," the editorial states,

"that the names are turned over to the organization committee,

headed by George Vose, recently mustered out of the army

hospital at Fort Ouster."

It is true that George Vose had been in the army and that

he had been released from Fort Custer Hospital, Battle Creek,

Michigan, upon his recovery from a minor leg ailment. It is

also true that he had been discharged from the army. But there

is more and more pertinentinformation about Vose, which

Smith did not publish in The Cross and the Flag.

Vose was court-martialed at Fort Sheridan, Illinois, on April

27, 1943, on charges of having sold Army material and also en-

listed men's passes to soldiers for five and ten dollars. He was

found guilty on May 3, 1943, and sentenced to six months at

hard labor at the Sixth Service Command Rehabilitation Cen-

ter, in Fort Custer, Michigan. He later rejoined his company

but was hospitalized because of a leg ailment and discharged.

Within a few days after his discharge he became an active

organizer for Smith's party.

(Smith, incidentally, admitted he knew of the Vose court-

martial and told a reporter of the New York Post that he was

glad to get Vose because "he was always an America Firster

and now he is mad at the Army and that's the way I like my

people to be, angry/')

As "head of the organization committee" Vose has been

active. He had previously appeared on the platform with

Smith at the first national convention of the America First

Party on August 29, 1944. Since November of that year he

has appeared at rallies and has conferred secretly with small

groups in cities throughout the East and Middle West. In each

city he established the framework for post-war organization

among the returning war veterans, setting up "central com-

mittees" of seven picked ex-servicemen who had already been

discharged from the armed forces.

Smith's (and of course, Vose's) method of enticing service-

men is subtle and appealing. The fourth clause in Smith's

America First Party platform reads:





adopted at the First National Convention

of the America First Party held in Detroit, Michigan

on the 29th and 3Oth of August, 1944

Candidate for President


Candidate for Ve-Pre.ident


The right to form a New Party is the right to devise ways and means

to save the Republic. It fulfills the axiom: Eternal vigilance is the price

of liberty. It represents the escape which a free people must seek when

threatened with betrayal and menaced by corruption. It represents

The above "platform" of the America First Party, headed by rabble-

rouser Gerald L. K. Smith, was issued during the session of the first

national convention of that disruptive outfit held in Detroit on August

29-30, 1944.

The "platform" states the America First Party's position on every-

thing ranging from "War Guilt" to "Farmers" ana "Jews."

In discussing "War GuiH" the treacherous Japanese attack on Pearl

Harbor is shunted off by a demand that "the truth must be known con-

cerning the Kimmel and Short Pearl Harbor situation"

Then, says this outfit, the war guilty must be found no matter where

they are y "New York, London, BerUn, Shanghai or Tokio." Note this

typical implication: Look to New York and London (named first) for the

war guilty.

In a signed statement, run in with the platform, Gerald L. K. Smith

gives the schedule of the party as follows: "1944 The period of prepara-

tion. 1946-A victorious year. 1948~We shall, with the help of God,

elect a majority of Congress and the President of the United States"


"Veterans: American money for American veterans!

Stop the foreign looting of our public treasury. $1,000

each for mustered-out veterans having served one year,

with proportionate sums for those who have served

more or less. Extensive program for education, re-

habilitation and employment. Stop international boon-

doggling. We are spending on die South Americans

alone enough to give $1,000 bonus to 6 million


"Veterans should have the first chance to homestead

land confiscated by the Federal Government after

those who have suffered mortgage foreclosures have

had an opportunity to repurchase."

Smith plans the promises (which may, in the future, go

much higher) and Vose plans the organization. It is impossible

to discover how successful they have been up to the time of

this writing. Smith is alternately secretive and boastful about

his activities. But, in the case of the veterans, his best prospects

He ahead. And since he has busily sown disruption and dis-

satisfaction for years, he may reap a sizeable harvest. Even if

he does not, even if returned veterans are too sensible to be

enticed into his outfit, he has a number of other projects on


If his promises do bring him sizeable veteran support, he

will have a remarkably well-set-up organization which might

even enable him to boost himself to power in America. Through

his National Emergency Committee he is in contact with indi-

viduals and groups that are sowing dissension and disruption.

If in the postwar period he can promote more and more

dissatisfaction, if he can recruit thousands of veterans who feel

that their government should not have asked them to fight,

did not treat them well enough and has not provided them

with enough reward, there is no telling how far Smith can go.

He does promise them rewards, he may promise them greater

ones. With himself at their head, he may urge them to take


The pattern of Germany can be repeated eveji here. In

Germany, storm troop battalions were recruited first among

veterans. It is inconceivable to think that American veterans


could be so misled. But it is not impossible.

Perhaps that is why the War Department wishes its soldiers

to know how to recognize a fascist. That is why it is necessary

for every American to know enough to recognize fascist propa-

ganda, fascist tendencies, fascist demagogic promises. So long

as Americans do not, America is imperiled.

As aggressive as Smith has been, he does not have the vet-

eran field entirely to himself. There are other operators who

use the double pronged attack of playing up the real or

imagined grievances of servicemen on the one hand, and offer-

ing them the glittering promise of big bonuses on the other.

Joe McWilliams, who should be as much discredited as

Smith and Coughlin by now, is boosting his own "Service-

men's Reconstruction Plan." He and his aides have circulated

tens of thousands of leaflets calling for a flat $7,800 bonus to

each mustered-out serviceman. He attempts to make this seem

reasonable by demanding elimination of government appro-

priations for what he calls "boondoggling New Deal projects."

Whether it was this flank attack on the administration or a

genuine desire to further the "plan," McWilliams got a tre-

mendous boost when the Chicago Tribune praised the "plan"

in its May 6, 1944, issue. McWilliams, of course, reprinted the

laudatory spread promptly, and mailed it to servicemen's

mothers all over the country.

At a meeting of his followers in Kimball Hall, in Chicago

late in 1944, McWilliams boasted, "Already we are making

progress in Chicago, Milwaukee, and Detroit. Soon we'll sweep

the country like wildfire . . ."

McWilliams is a braggart, but he is amply financed by

wealthy fascist-minded members of a Chicago chapter of the

America First Committee, which refused to disband after

Pearl Harbor. With such support, plus his ability to flood the

mails with both promissory and inflammatory literature, he is

likely right in his claims this time.

Every veteran knows what huge sums were poured out to

win the war. To many of them the irresponsible promises of

McWilliams, Smith and the lesser organizers of similar out-

fits, will not seem out of line with government expenditures of


recent years. And of course it is understandable that these

men desire a substantial financial start when they return to

civilian life. Most Americans want them to have it.

What they may not think through is that the extravagant

promises of the demagogues, which are rooted in economic fal-

lacies are doubly dangerous. First, they are impossible to

fulfill. Second, they undermine the confidence of the returned

serviceman in the honest attempt of his government to provide

both satisfactory and reasonable compensation for what he has

already done, and reasonable benefits for his future.

The overwhelming majority of veterans will think this

through. They know that the patriotic veterans organizations

such as the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars,

the Disabled American Veterans, and others equally loyal, are

truly zealous for their welfare and the welfare of the country.

The great majority will join such organizations. But for the

smaller group that can be misled, the fascists are now eagerly

spreading their nets, hoping to catch them in a period of dis-

satisfaction, to snare them with unredeemable promises.

Along with McWilliams and Smith there are lesser lights

with equally ambitious plans.

One of these is William Kullgren, one of the alleged sedi-

tionists who stood trial in Washington in 1944. Kullgren's anti-

Semitic, pro-fascist record goes back to 1933 and he has

claimed, at various times, to have worked with Robert Edward

Edmondson, Elizabeth Billing, George E. Deatherage, and

Eugene Sanctuary, all indicted as alleged seditionists and

placed on trial along with Kullgren.

Kullgren has been publishing an incredibly vicious paper,

America Speaks, which has wide circulation. His line is the

spreading of outright falsehood to servicemen of World War II

and their families, declaring that President Roosevelt knifed

World War I veterans and fought the 1935 soldier bonus bill.

By indirection of course, the present administration is also

to be discredited as having no interest in veterans. Kullgren

urges veterans and their families to join his anti-Semitic move-

ment to assure proper bonus pay. He, naturally, proposes to

head the movement.


Another minor outfit is Edward James Smythe's Protestant

War Veterans, with new headquarters in Washington, D. C.

Smythe frankly excludes all Jews and Catholics. Smythe was

quite open, as recently as 1939, about cooperating with the

Nazi propaganda services, having written on one occasion, on

the letterhead of the Protestant War Veterans, asking for

additional Nazi literature and telling how he had already cir-

culated such propaganda at meetings.

Smythe, who also was indicted, along with Kullgren and the

others as an alleged seditionist, should also have been thor-

oughly discredited by now. But despite wide publicity and his

open distribution of Nazi doctrine, he is still able to recruit

support. As late as May, 1945, Walter Winchell revealed that

Smythe employed agents "to peddle books and Victory

stamps,' " and that the agents received a 40 per cent commis-

sion. Smythe, just as any other of the rabble rousers, requires

money to keep his organization running. He may not have

backers who can be called upon for large contributions and

much of his activity may be devoted to money-raising.

But when a man like Smythe is free to recruit veteran sup-

port, when a man who has openly cooperated with the German-

American Bund, who has praised Fritz Kuhn, who has written

some of the most lurid columns ever penned for a fascist sheet,

a man who has spouted both anti-Semitism and anti-Cathol-

icism, can bring his influence to bear upon returned fighting

men, America is menaced as much as Germany ever was when

Hitler's rantings helped to create the fateful brown-shirted


It would be fearful enough if Smythe and Kullgren and

McWilliams and Smith were merely irresponsible misleaders

who promised veterans anything to get them enrolled, to milk

them of the few dollars they could get from each, but they are

not simply irresponsible, or even misguided Americans. These

men who are free to enlist veteran support have already shown

what they would like to do with enough of that support behind

them. They have quite openly indicated what their course

would be if enough dissatisfied ex-servicemen should some-

how be enticed into becoming their storm-troopers. And if that


"Tbil tint nation under God ibaU not furtth fnm A* tgrtt"




July 28th- 1939.

Terramare Office.

KronenstraBe I.

Berlin. Germany.


Many thanXs for the books on Hitler and the New Germany, they are already out

in circulation, I gave them away at meetings I was addressing on the subject of

keeping American out of another alliance with Great Britian and France and going to

war against Germany.

If you writers and nespaper people over there in Germany only knew how

hungry the American people were for the real news from your Country, you would see

that this was supplied them. . .and I dont oean German- Americans.

The American people know that the press over here is JEW controlled and that

they are being fed a lot of lies, but they dont know how or where to get the truth,

I feel that it is your duty over there to get it over to them here.

I aa leading the fight against Roosevelt and his gang of JEW Connuuists, and

I will keep fighting them until I drive them out of office 1940. then I feel

that under a Republican Administration new and more friendly relations will be

created with Germany, that is the wishes of the American Christian people as a whole.

I wish that you could convey this to your people through your press.

Americans love the German people, they are our best Citizens, and the most

law abiding, that is a matter of fact and public record. .. .while on the other hand...

the Jews lead in all fields of criminal activity. Arson. Rape. Dope peddling. Fake

Bankruptcy. Political bribery and corrupt ion. smuggling and White Slavery. ..they

stand indicted as our worst Citizens, if they are really Citizens at all.

Send oe any other literature that you have on hand.

Cordially fours.

i Signed) Edward James. Smythe.

No more damning evidence of the direct connection between one of

the native fifth columnists and the Nazi German Government, is required

than such an exhibit as that reproduced above. Anti-Semite Edward

James Smythe, one of those triecl In a 17. S. Federal Court on charges

of alleged sedition, was one of the first home-brand fascists to seek

recruits among our armed forces. Latest reports, as of June, 1945, had

him still at it, with headquarters established in Washington, D. C.

Smythe wrote the above letter to a Nazi propaganda office in Berlin

in 1939. (The text of this letter has been re-set for the purpose of legi-

bility only. A photostat of the original is in the author's possession.)


time ever came, every American who did not bother to find out

what these men stand for, what they hope to win, what they

mean as a threat, every American who failed to demand action

against them earlier, will wonder how he came to live in a

country where the heavy tramp of storm-troop boots along his

street was the signal to cower in awful fear.

Coughlin's Paternal Care

There is another campaigner in the veteran field whose

approach to enlisting support is so different that it cannot be

considered in quite the same category. This is Father Charles

E. Coughlin, whose St. Sebastian's Brigade now numbers

some 400,000.

To be sure, these men have not themselves joined the bri-

gade. Father Coughlin's approach has been much more subtle

and careful.

The St. Sebastian's Brigade was formed in 1942, when Social

Justice was still being published. In the February 16, 1942,

issue of that publication there was a full page devoted to the

virtues of St. Sebastian, proclaiming him the soldier's friend.

Then came these paragraphs:

"To keep in step with this patriotic devotion as well

as to help spread and encourage it, Social Justice Pub-

lishing Company has designed and ordered a beautiful

sterling silver St. Sebastian medallion and chain which

those under protection may wear about their necks.

"Your boy will prize its possession. Our stock is

limited. In a short while the supply will be exhausted.

"During the next few weeks, we will mail this beau-

tiful gift to you to send to your soldier, if you will

solicit some friend and send in a new subscription to

Social Justice magazine."

Parenthetically, under this advertisement was the state-

ment: "We regret that renewals of present subscriptions cannot

qualify for this gift."

Whether this started as a simple subscription-building de-


vice for Social Justice, or whether Father Coughlin intended to

build up the Brigade, two things did happen. First, Social

Justice, which had for years run contests and offered prizes to

bring in subscriptions, had now discovered its best offer.

Enough subscriptions came in from this source to wipe out

the magazine's deficit and to add a comfortable surplus. At

the end of 1941 Social Justice's books showed that it was more

than $20,000 in the hole. In the first four months of 1942,

during the "St. Sebastian subscription drive," the deficit was

made up and enough added to give the elder Coughlins ( who

were then named as owners of the magazine) earnings of

almost $58,000.

Social Justice suspended publication (when the Post Office

charged that it was obviously seditious ) , but Father Coughlin

continued the St. Sebastian's Brigade activities. He had set up a

shrine to St. Sebastian at the Shrine of the Little Flower at

Royal Oak, Michigan. The names of servicemen sent to him

were to be enscrolled "on the walls of the chapel of St. Sebas-

tian at the shrine." Coughlin now urges mothers, wives and

sweethearts of servicemen to enroll the names of their loved

ones. There is no charge for enrollment, but contributions are

collected and the contributions average $3 per enrollment.

Father Coughlin keeps in touch with enrollees by mail.

Up to this writing, Coughlin's mail to members of the bri-

gade has been discreet and reserved. It would have to be in

war time. But there are two interesting facts about the St.

Sebastian's Brigade which are indicative of the way Coughlin

works and the direction he is likely to take.

First, the Catholic Church does not officially consider St.

Sebastian the soldier's patron saint. Evidently Father Cough-

lin had simply decided to so nominate him.

Second, the St. Sebastian's Brigade and money received from

it or contributed to it is not controlled by or reported to the

Church. It is a project of the League of the Little Flower, a

Coughlin-organized company, a lay organization which does

not have to report to or submit to the control of the Church.

The diocese and Father Coughlin's superiors have no say

about the Brigade or the money it brings in.


Father Coughlin has already proven himself highly capable

of attracting sufficient funds to keep his projects going. He has

shown himself to be a capable organizer. The Christian Front

and the Christian Mobilizers, Coughlin-inspired organizations,

are themselves a warning of what may come of Coughlin's

present work among the veterans.

Native fascist chiefs, like Gerald L. K. Smith, have boasted

that when the servicemen are all mustered out they will seek

the leadership of the "nationalists." This is nonsense. The over-

whelming majority of men in the service will know better. But

it would be a grave mistake indeed to underestimate the

destructive ability of Smith, Coughlin, Kullgren, McWilliams or


They do not require a majority, or even a sizeable minority

of returned servicemen. They will be satisfied if they can in-

fluence and organize one veteran out of every hundred. A

storm troop mob of 50,000 to 100,000, organized into well-knit

companies throughout the country, would give them amazing


The native fascist leaders know that if the chaos, which they

have so long tried to create, does come, even several years

after the war, that they will need only a well-trained and de-

termined band to take advantage of it. If strikes and brutal

strike suppression should ever become the order of the postwar

day in America, they hope to find, in servicemen who have

been fed anti-labor propaganda, a group they can lead to

power for themselves.

And though Coughlin is not yet in the forefront of direct

organization, though he has not yet swung into political action,

this man who has been the friend of pro-fascists and anti-

Semites, who published the writings of George Sylvester

Viereck in Social Justice, this man who once said, "we will

show you the Franco way/' is the man who should be watched

most closely. Put such a man in command of a loyal following

of 400,000 men, or even 200,000 and before any of us may

realize it, he will have shown us the "Franco way" to a life

under iron-clad fascism.



JL HE newspapers, magazines

leaflets, pamphlets and newsletters which carry the doctrine

of disruption, dissension and disunity are rather loosely identi-

fied as "hate sheets/' The definition is loose only in the sense

that the methods of these sheets in dealing out hate propa-

ganda differ. Some of them have unabashedly followed the

Goebbels line since its inception. They have poured out hatred,

lies, slander and propaganda against minority groups, against

the Roosevelt administration, against America's allies, against

labor and, at one time or another, against almost every group

in American life except their own fascist fellow-travelers.

Others have been more careful, often making their point

by innuendo. Many of them have masked their program of

hate behind quotations, either poetic or scriptural. But all of

them are dangerously un-American, all of them are bent on

splitting American unity, all are intent upon breeding distrust

of racial and social groups, of the government and of countries

with whom we must have friendship if we are to have peace.

In the pages of this book some of these hate sheets are re-

produced, along with biographical material about the indi-

viduals behind them. America's principle of a free press must

be preserved. Unless a publication is legally criminal or openly

seditious, and until it has been proven so, it should not accord-


ing to sound democratic tradition be suppressed. But every

American should certainly be warned about and placed on

guard against the danger which these sheets present to his

country. ,

America Preferred

(Registered U. S. Patent Office)


Editor and Publisher

5685 Central Avenue

Indianapolis 5, Ind.

Vol. Ill

No. 3

The Second Coming of the Lord

I Thcmlonims 4:1 3-1 8/ 5:1-1 1

WE DO NOT want you to be ignorant, brethren, about those who

fall asleep* so that you may not grieve like the rest who have

no hope. For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, so with

Him God will bring those also who have fallen asleep through Jesus.

For this we say to you in THE WORD OF THE LORD, that whoever among

us may be living or left over until the coming of the Lord, shall in no

Carl H. Mote, wealthy Indiana utilities man, is editor and publisher of

America Preferred, which ranks high in the list of hate sheets. Mote is

President and General Manager of the Northern Indiana Telephone Co.,

the Commonwealth Telephone Corp., and has other Midwest utility con-

nections. Before publishing his own paper, Mote contributed often to

other publications in the hate field, including Pettey's Roll Call and

Father Coughlin's Social Justice. Gerald L. K. Smith frequently runs

articles under Mote's by-line and considers Mote the perfect type of

American businessman . . . the kind Smith would like to see ensconced

in Washington. A check on Mote's activities during the years since (and

for several preceding) Pearl Harbor reveals that the midwest magnate

has close personal connections with such persons as Hudson and Dilling,

both indicted for alleged sedition. He has spoken at many meetings

definitely in the "time-bomb" category, such as the Bund-inspired League

to Save America First in California in 1941 and at a meeting of the

Coughlin-led American Charter in Cincinnati, in July 1942. Mote, if\

only because of his wealth and strategic position in midwest industry,

is a man to be watched . . . carefully.



$10,000 Nose Dividend of Death

Sam Rosenman Minister

Mixed Color Unjust Double Murder

New York Goes America First

Satan's Press Witch's Brew

Soldiers Praise Wheeler

Princess Anna

Wallace the Fascist

Daughter Draft Dead-We Hope

New York in Command Mystery Man

Train Waits for the Prince


Gerald L. K. Smith, self-proclaimed protege of the late Huey (Every

Man a King) Long, and now an aspiring native dictator in his own right,

has his own sounding board in the expensively printed The Cross and

the Flag which he mails to every section of the country from his Detroit

headquarters in the Industrial Bank Building.

The Cross and the Flag, like all hate sheets still rolling unmolested

of the presses of the nation, is noted for its virulence in sniping at every-

thing the Allied Powers fought for in the struggle to defeat Hitlerism.

Compared with most hate sheets, Smith's publication is a well-edited

job, printed on heavy, costly paper. There is an air of cleverness about

its "news" and editorials, testifying to Smith's years of experience in the

field of rabble-rousing. Editorially, Smith treads carefully, but he leaves

a venomous trail nonetheless. His dossier ( he was formerly a "Reverend" )

goes back many years. Officials of the nationally known, reputable

Friends of Democracy, have sworn statements to his membership in

1933 in the night-riding Silver Shirts, headed by William Dudley Pettey.

Today Smith heads the so-called America First Party and The Cross and

the Flag serves as his national propaganda medium. Contributors in-

clude ex-Senators Nye and Reynolds. Carl H. Mote (see page 81) also





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The Magazine of National Life

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25p A COPY

Tfce four-color print job, Destiny, organ of the shrewdly led Anglo-

Saxon Federation, is an example of dangerous thought in the clerical

field. Destiny is undoubtedly the most expensive of all the disruptionist

sheets being printed today. It has an exceedingly interesting history.

Beck in 1927, when Henry Ford suspended publication of the anti-

Semitic Dearborn Independent following a national furor, the editor

of the Dearborn Independent, William J. Cameron, became a "convert"

to the Anglo-Saxon Federation's peculiar philosophy that the ten Lost

Tribes of Israel had not actually become lost, but had eventually settled

in wJwt are now the British Isles, and therefore the real Israelites were

not the Jews but the Anglo-Saxons. This is a neat "legalistic" and far

more clever twist to anti-Semitism than the stuff Ford's Dearborn In-

dependent had previously peddled.


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The Quildsman

Devoted to the Cause of a Corporative Order

Sovietism, Anti-Nazism & America

Peace Plans and Corporatism

Co-operators in Trouble

Communists Loyal to America?

The Truth About "Liberation"

Who's Responsible for the War?

Prediction of the Antichrist Era

Out at Germantown, Illinois, Edward A. Koch publishes The Guilds-

man and he makes no bones about its aims a corporate or fascist state

to replace that of our democracy.

Koch's publication, in the pasty has praised Hitler for wiping out the

heresy of "liberalism" Koch has had the effrontery, even during the

height of America's war against Hitler Germany to write, in the October,

1942 issue of The GHildsman:

"Whatever our country's proper and legitimate objectives in the war

may be, we believe that the destruction of Nazism (and 'fascism' gen-

erally) should not be among them. . . . Concealing or distorting the good

' things in fascism will be detrimental to our country's future."

When publisher Koch was hauled on the carpet for quizzing in

December, 1942, he stoutly maintained that his activities were "decidedly


It is hardly believable, but The Guildsman is still printed and circu-

lated. Check the date line on the above issue March 1945.



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The Goflstituf ionaSist

The Constitutionalist, backed by one of Americas most active and

dangerous fascist demagogues, Gerald B. Winrod, of Wichita, Kansas,

spreads hate beneath a thin veneer of religious preachments. Winrod

was among the group indicted by the government for alleged sedition.

Winrod' s publishing career has at times' been spectacular. Prior to

America's entry into the war lie ran the circulation of another of his

hate sheets, The Defender, up to 125,000 readers. Virtually any type

of disruptionist literature that came his way soon found a printing press

and the number of disruptive pamphlets, leaflets and publications he has

turned out runs into the millions.

The Constitutionalist is still being published monthly, and invariably

carries on its front page a religious quotation . . . aimed at anything but

peace and brotherly love.


Women's Voice

VOL. 3 No. 8



"Old Hkkory" Pay All




This is a Christian Nation, and

yet, it has been controlled, for the

last fifty years, by the Interna-

tiona) Bunkers. They have given

us three wars and four business de-

pressions, and we can stand no more.

With- Baruch, Rosenman. Morge'n-

ihau, Frankfurter. Biddle, and Hill-

man, in high authority, with no re-

"There conoof in my judgment be the

Jeosf danger thai (he Pnsidtnl wiU by

any practicable intrigue ever be able lo

continue hlmteU one moment in oMice.

much Je perpetuate MmteJI In H. but

In the Jail ilogt ol corrupted . moialt

and pciiiicol depravity. "



Oh. not /or the yreol departed.

Who formed our rcuntry's /ow.

And not for the bravest hearted

Who J/d la Ireectoto'* couie,

And not lot cuie living hero

.To urhnm o benrf the inee

foster Day SccreJ




What did Jesus teach? Was Jesttt

deceiver? He s*id: "If ye IOT*

Me, keep My commandment." "and

He gave only two: "Love God with

all you heart and your neighbor u

yourself." Isnt that easy? He

didn't say: Co to church, give money

to this or that; He didn't say: Build

great churches. He made it all ao

joyous so simple. A child can un-

The Women's Voice is the mouthpiece of veteran rabble rouser Mrs.

Lyrl Van Hyning of Chicago, one of the most dangerous professional

mothers injhe country and head of the avowedly fascist-minded "We,

the Mothers Mobilize for America" Women's Voice is published monthly

and spread by mail and bundles to every section of the country.

Mrs. Van Hyning is one of the principal sparkplugs of the Chicago

Axis and is in cahoots with Chicago's Dilling, and similar un-American

characters. Women's Voice is considered by anti-fascist investigators as

one of the most subversive of the hate sheets still being published in

America, since it is directed to mothers of men in the service, who,

because of emotional upset and u-om/ over their loved ones, are more

likely to be vulnerable to the propaganda contained in Mrs. Van Hyning s

female flamethrower,




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.T is vitally important to all

Americans to know about the fascist trends in their country.

It is important to know who the men are behind them. But

that is not enough.

"It is equally important to understand how native fascism

obtained a foothold here, and how it can be defeated and cast

out. In this chapter, let us examine a few of the factors which

account for fascism's ability to attract even a small proportion

of our people.

It is strange, certainly, that in a country where the demo-

cratic tradition is so strong and where the hatred of dictator-

ship and oppression is so ingrained that fascism could make

even the slightest headway. What accounts, then, for the ugly

fact that it has not only made headway, but that it has long

been, and is increasingly becoming a national menace?

There are many factors. To undertake an explanation of

them all would require many books. In this limited space we

can examine only some of them, the salient factors.

American fascism has been erected on the same foundations

as fascism in other lands: The playing of group prejudice, one

against another, the encouragement of religious antagonisms,

the building up of hatred against minorities, both political

and religious, the spreading of dissatisfaction with govern-


ment, and the desire of many short-sighted industrialists to

discredit an administration because they mistakenly assumed

that the administration alone was the source of all labor gains

and the advance of social service legislation.

No single factor has been seized upon by the fascists to

explore and none has been neglected. Where it has been pos-

sible to find an issue which had religious implications they

have crusaded on the issue of religion. They have tried to

subvert the clergy, and the natural and worthy ambition of

the clergy to protect the church. They have found religious

issues in more than one strictly political issue.

When labor was pinched by rising costs in a war market

and a stabilized wage, the fascists attempted to turn white

labor against Negro.

When, in remarkably few cases, strikes broke out, the

fascists attempted to turn servicemen against all labor. And

worse than that, the fascists fomented strikes, encouraged out-

law and wildcat strikes, hoping to discredit sober and loyal

labor leadership and then cried out against all labor.

The fascists have even cashed in on the antipathy of some

industrialists to any change in the status quo. They have cried

wolf about Communism and been able to collect on it for

their activities have all too often been financed by men who

have been glad to join with them in using the bogey of Com-

munism to attempt once and for all to smash unionism.

And, of course, the fascists have cried up anti-Semitism. They

have denounced Jews as Communists and capitalists and

sometimes the same Jew as both. For, they have concluded

that if they cannot divide the country any other way, they can

at least stir a portion of its citizenry to some action in this way.

During a war which America had to win if it were to con-

tinue its existence as an independent country, the fascists at-

tacked the allies which were helping America to win that war.

And in all these things they have seized upon every possible

means of support. They have used whatever weapon was at

hand. It is unfortunate that they found many.

Part of the press in America provided weapons. The news-

papers and magazines which zealously reported labor quarrels


and strikes, but which never interested themselves in produc-

tion figures, in housing for workers, in transportation difficulties

of workers, provided good weapons. The newspapers and

magazines which reported the high incomes of workers, the

supposedly wild spending by American labor and never re-

ported the actual wages, or the wages in terms of what these

wages bought in rent and food and bonds; which never re-

ported the sacrifices of labor, or its casualties in war production,

which reported its overtime in terms of dollars and cents, but

not in lost sleep, in illnesses and in time spent away from

families, all provided stout weapons to fascism.

Nor was this done exclusively by the spiteful little hate sheets

and the whisper-mongers. This is the record of a section of

the reputable press, of some of the large-circulation newspapers

and magazines. It was they, too, who printed the stories which

reflected unfavorably on America's allies, the stories which the

fascists found so helpful. They printed columns of strategy

which reflected even on the high command, urging action in

the East when America and her allies were battling, and even

when they were winning, in the West.

And in some of the diatribes of the more wayward press

against the government, the fascists found aid and comfort.

When this section of the press shrieked that the government

was being taken in by reds and that the war administration

was controlled by Communist labor leaders, the average Ameri-

can recognized it as a combination of campaign hysteria and

falsehood. But the fascists recognized it and used it, as a


And even in the speeches of America's public men, the

fascists found material they could use. Even from the words

of some American representatives and senators, the fascists

shaped weapons. Even speeches delivered in the House of

Representatives and the Senate of the United States were

diverted or used by the fascists, gave them aid and comfort.

It is not possible here to examine all of them, either the

congressmen or their speeches. But it is interesting to consider

some of them and to read some of the excerpts of speeches and


public addresses, to read them and reflect upon them in the

light of recent history.

As Senator from Montana, Burton K. Wheeler is a man of

some influence in America. His quoted views can be said to

carry some weight. During 1941, Wheeler made a nationwide

speaking tour sponsored by the America First Committee, one

of the organizations named in the first two indictments for

alleged sedition as a vehicle used by the defendants to spread

their propaganda.

Gerald W. Johnson, writing in the July 8, 1944 issue oi :

Cottier's magazine, says of Burton K. Wheeler, "He was the

idol of the America First Committee, he was praised extrava-

gantly by every German and Japanese agent in the country, he

was in the group cited by Doctor Paul Josef Goebbels as the

only true Americans, his speeches were not only quoted in the

German press but were circulated extensively by various ex-

tremely active persons who are now in jail/'

Elizabeth Dilling in the March 21, 1941 issue of her Patriotic

Research Bureau Newsletter talks of the "friendly visit I en-

joyed with him (Wheeler) before leaving Washington ... we

saw eye to eye on every topic discussed/*

It is not fair or possible to condemn a man utterly because

his words have been quoted by undesirables as being in

agreement with their own opinions. They could have been

quoted against his wishes. But let us see what Senator Wheeler

himself said over the past five or six years which have been

such critical ones for America.

In a radio address given on December 31, 1940, he said:

"I firmly believe the German people want peace

just as any people prefer peace to war and the offer

of a just, reasonable and generous peace will more

quickly and effectively crumble Hitlerism and break

the morale of the German people than all the bombers

that could be dispatched over Berlin."

During the entire pre-Pearl Harbor period Senator Wheeler

resorted to similar propaganda which confused the significance

of the war against fascism and which tended to prevent us from


aiding the Allies. Besides calling Britain, "the greatest aggres-

sor in the pages of history,** he said:

"Warwhat for? Because you can't trust Hitler?

I agree you can't trust Hitler, but neither can you trust

Stalin, Mussolini, or Churchill/'

(America First Bulletin, Sept. 27, 1941 p. 4)

Then he said, on November 3, 1941:

"... I respect the fight the Communists are putting

up. I only wish to God that Russia and the United

States could get England to stand up and fight as the

Communists have, and if they would there might be

a different end to the war."

(Cong. Record, Nov. 3, 1941, p. 8434, 5)

Later, he contributed to the distrust of Russia as well as

England, saying. ". . . the chances . . . are that when the war is

over Russia will dominate Europe and Communism will prob-

ably sweep the greater part of Europe." (Cong. Record, Oct.

29, 1943, p. 8893, 5.)

On December 28, 1943 the Washington Times Herald re-


"Senator Burton K. Wheeler . . . yesterday ques-

tioned the advisability and fairness of Allied planning

for the cross-channel invasion of Europe, asserting that

this country is taking a 'tremendous gamble' in agree-

ing to provide 73 per cent of the troops needed to

storm Hitler's stronghold.

" 'Why should we furnish more than an equal share

of the men for the invasion?' Senator Wheeler asked."

On December 29, 1943, the Voelkischer Beobachter, Hitler's

personal paper printed the following story:

"The American Senator Wheeler criticized Roose-

velt's intention to make American troops bear the

brunt of the campaign against western Europe. "I be-

lieve/ he is quoted as saying, 'I am speaking for the

American people as a whole, when I say that we

should consider it very clearly before challenging


American youth for the enormous sacrifices. The per-

centage of Americans taking part in the actions is

much too high.'"

(NOTE: this is translated from the German)

This, of course, was the drive which finally ended with com-

plete Nazi defeat and unconditional surrender. Wheeler had

also attacked that. On June 19, 1944, he had said:

"What do we demand of the enemy before we stop

killing him? ... Are we to continue to fight intermin-

ablyexhausting our financial and economic and nat-

ural resources and even more important, the flower of

our young manhood, until we have become a nation

of women, old men and cripples, bankrupt in men and


(Congressional Record, June 19, 1944, p. A3362-4)

and again, as late as December, 1944 just a few months before

Germany did capitulate in unconditional surrender:

"I say without fear of contradiction that some of the

statements which have been made, notably one which

has been made by Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.

Morgenthau, have cost the lives of many American

boys. The longer we continue saying to these people,

'We are going to demand unconditional surrender/

whatever that means, we are costing the lives of thou-

sands of boys every day."

(Congressional Record, Dec. 19, 1944, p. 9852)

and finally in a statement which was made when victory was as

certain as anything can be in war, in January of 1945:

"... I would conclude by urging, with all the seri-

ousness at my command that the American people de-

mand the abandonment by their Government and their

allies of the brutal and costly slogan of 'unconditional

surrender/ Until this is effected, we shall go on blow-

ing Europe and our own boys to bits without rhyme

or reason. ... I repeat, without any hesitation, what-

soever, that, in my judgment, unconditional surrender

is an asinine policy."

(Congressional Record, Jan. 6, 1945, p. 87-8)


While America was at war against Germany such statements

were helpful to fascists and provided weapons for American

fascists in their struggle to divide the American people.

But most indicative of how Mr. Wheeler's words could be

used by others to attack on either side of the fence against the

same objectives are two of his statements on the Atlantic

Charter. When the Atlantic Charter was announced in the

summer of 1941, Senator Wheeler derided it, saying in Okla-

homa City, in September of that year:

"We Americans have always prided ourselves on our

practicability. Ask yourselves what do these eight

points mean if they mean anything.

"They mean first that Britain and America are to be

the two armed powers of the world. ... If we attempt

to enforce the eight points, American citizens will pay

the bill and American boys will be policing the entire


But a little more than two years later, Mr. Wheeler ap-

parently had changed his mind. He said:

"The Atlantic Charter is not simply the expression

of a pious thought. It represents the hopes and aspira-

tions of a great people, not only for themselves, but for

mankind. It forms the moral basis on which a better

world must of necessity be founded."

(Congressional Record, Oct. 29, 1943, p. 8893-5)

The native fascists have not yet endorsed the Atlantic Char-

ter. But, if, in their murky and devious scheme of things they

do, they can also quote Senator Burton K. Wheeler to support


In the days when all the victories in the second World War

were Nazi and Fascist victories, the fascists in America were

doing their best to keep the United States from giving aid to

the enemies of the fascists abroad. They were loud in con-

demning England and Russia, they were equally loud in assur-

ing the people of America that the Axis meant us no harm, and

that even should we dare to arm ourselves against Axis aggres-


sion, it would be a hopeless gesture, because we could not win

in a war against them. At this critical time there were maRy

besides the fascists who believed this.

At this critical time there were other men in the halls of

Congress, House and Senate, whose words were echoed by

American fascists in their endeavor to get these points across.

In the Senate on August 4, 1941, Senator C. Wayland Brooks

of Illinois, speaking about the draft extension measure, said:

"During the debate on the pending measure we

have heard a great deal of discussion about emergency,

about peril, about national unity, about morale, and

about the will to fight; and it occurs to me that the

peril we are in, if we are in peril, is the peril of uncer-

tainty as to what move the Administration may make

next to get us closer to a shooting participation in

Europe's war."

Other speeches of Senator Brooks in the same year carried

similar arguments. In a speech delivered before the Town Hall

Forum of the Air on April 4, 1941, he said:

"By subtle subterfuge this great, free country,

blessed by God Almighty, and favored by geographic

location, is being forced to stick its neck out more than

3,000 miles to be sure that it gets into a war. We've

called the Axis powers names. We have furnished

their enemies guns, tanks and ammunition. We've

opened our ports to the nations fighting against the

Axis powers, and will recondition their warships when

crippled. We've confiscated Axis ships in our ports.

We've changed our laws to help defeat them. They

have chosen not to declare war on us. But no, we

won't let them get away with that."

Most Americans have been thankful for the measures that

Mr. Brooks condemns, seeing in them the first moves which

helped to bring about Axis defeat. But at the time, the enemies

of America found it useful to quote Mr. Brooks.

It would be monotonous to continue such quotations. An

examination of the Congressional Record for more Brooks'


speeches would reward any voter of Illinois especially, and

generally any American who wonders about the Senator from


Senator William Langer of North Dakota has given a truly

spectacular example of how a speech on the Senate floor can

be used by others to give aid and comfort to those who have

tried to promote fascist doctrines in the United States.

William Langer, incidentally, is a former Governor of North

Dakota, elected in 1932. In 1934, he was removed as head

of the state relief agency, charged with making FERA em-

ployes contribute to his political newspaper, The Leader.

Later, Langer and four others were convicted of conspiracy to

defraud the government. On July 18, 1934, he was removed

from the office of governor. A year later the Court of Appeals

set aside the verdict.

Langer entered the Senate in 1940, though at the time,

charges were filed against him by some of his North Dakota

constituents and the question of his fitness to occupy a seat

in the Senate was referred to the Senate Privileges and Elec-

tions Committee.

On March 2, 1943, Langer addressed the Senate on the sub-

ject of George Sylvester Viereck. Viereck had been convicted

of not registering as a Nazi agent and had been sentenced to

jail. This conviction was reversed on a technicality by the

United States Supreme Court. Later, Viereck was tried again,

found guilty and sent to jail. Langer's statement, which fol-

lows, was made after the reversal of the original conviction and

before Viereck was tried the second time, convicted and jailed.

Langer said:

". . . because of the wrong conviction, Mr. Viereck

has been put to a tremendous expense. Besides that,

he has served about a year in jail. I am, therefore,

giving notice that I shall submit a resolution asking

for a full and complete investigation of this persecution

and asking that a committee be appointed to deter-

mine the amount of costs that Mr. Viereck was put to

and to decide on a sum which in their opinion, will

reasonably compensate him for the time he spent in


jail, and to ask for that sum of money so that Mr.

Viereck will get such justice as Congress may be able

to give him, inadequate as it may be, to wipe out the

wrong which has been done."

Later Langer defended, in several speeches to the Senate,

the defendants on trial for alleged seditious conspiracy against

the Government. On September 21, 1944, he said:

"I again call on the Department of Justice to stop

this prosecution which strikes at the roots of political

freedom, the thing we are fighting for all over the

world today."

At that time, Burton K. Wheeler rose in the Senate and said :

"I think it is one of the most disgraceful proceedings

that have ever been brought in the United States of


"I think the Senator from North Dakota is rendering

a service to the people of the country in taking up

this matter."

There are members of the House whose statements over a

period of years have been equally valuable as quotable material

to fascist Americans. It should be made plain here that in

political debate a representative or senator, in honest partisan-

ship, could easily say something that might be misconstrued,

or quoted to advantage, even by hisf political enemies. In op-

posing the administration or party in power a representative

or senator could also be quoted, unfairly, in such a way that

honest opposition to an administrative measure could be mis-


In quoting the following representatives and indicating their

stand on some measures, I wish to make it plain that every

consideration should be given to the fact that a statement made

in 1940 should not be judged in the light of 1945. A congress-

man who was against aiding the enemies of Germany and Italy

may have made an error in judgment. But he cannot be ac-

cused of voting against his country's interests. That would also

be true of his voting on other measures taken to prepare Amer-

ica for war.


But once America was at war, after December 7, 1941, and

fighting with other countries against a common foe, criticism

of those countries engaged in the common enterprise does

become somewhat suspect though it is still not to be con-

strued as giving any conscious comfort or aid to the dissension-

ists and disruptionists. These people made use of such con-

gressional utterances. That does not imply that the utterances

were made for that purpose.

There may be some question, therefore, as to why the repre-

sentatives whose statements follow have been singled out for

quotation of this sort. The answer is that consideration has

been given to their voting record as well as to their speeches,

and in most cases to the frequency with which they have been

quoted in the disruptionist press.

In order to save space, information has been condensed to

quotations, identifying sentences and occasionally other perti-

nent information.

Clare Hoffman of Michigan: February 16, 1942:

"I am beginning to wonder whether we are fighting

to preserve our land, our nation, or whether we are

fighting for the preservation of the British Empire."

February 18, 1942:

"It matters little whether Hitler gets us and skins

us., from the top down or whether our ally, Joe Stalin,

gets us and skins us from the heels up."

February 22, 1945, speaking of a pamphlet issued by Joseph

Kamp's Constitutional Education League:

"The pamphlet to which reference is made (Join

the ClO and Help Build A Soviet America] is the one

I hold in my hand. It was written by Joseph Kamp.

I commend it to all those who believe in America,

who have no particular use for the communists, who

are in favor of constitutional government.

"... I bought them (the pamphlets), I paid for

them. I paid for sending out those that were sent out

and distributed. I did not pay for them out of Con-


gressional salary, either; I paid for them with some

money I had before I ever came to Washington. I

still have a little not much, but a little; and I am go-

ing to buy some more of these pamphlets and hand

them to folks. I only wish a million people could read

a copy."

On January 16, 1941, Mr. Hoffman inserted in the Congres-

sional Record a speech made by Gerald L. K. Smith over the

air on December 22, 1940. Mr. Hoffman has been quoted in

Social Justice in May 27, 1940; Sept 16, 1940; Oct. 28, 1940;

Mar. 10, 1941; Jan. 12, 1942; Feb. 16, 1942; Feb. 23, 1942;

Apr. 13, 1942. He was quoted in America In Danger Mar. 21,

1941; Apr. 21, 1941; June 30, 1941; July 7, 1941; Aug. 16, 1941;

Feb. 24, 1942; Mar. 17, 1942; Mar. 26, 1942; April 29, 1942;

in Publicity Mar. 6, 1941; Apr. 23, 1941; Oct. 9, 1941; Feb. 5

1942; Feb. 26, 1942; and the Patriotic Research Bureau Mar. 2,

1941; Mar. 21, 1941 and Roll Call Apr. 21, 1940; Apr. 14, 194L

Fred Smith of Ohio, speaking on the question of Selective

Service on June 20, 1940, said:

"With a brutal frankness, he (Franklin Delano

Roosevelt) now tells our people he intends to make

this nation completely into a totalitarian state, that we

must go the way of Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin. The

course of complete regimentation he is now attempting

to force upon us is identical with that pursued by


This was a year and a half before Pearl Harbor, during the

time when the Axis countries still counted on having time to

conquer Europe before America could arm and interfere with

their plans, the time when, in America, the native fascists

wanted to keep America from arming.

And less than a year later, when Hitler was threatening to

invade England after his army had triumphantly swept across

France, Smith was not as concerned with the German dictator

as he was with the threat of dictatorship at home. Speaking

in the House on March 11, 1941 while the question of Lend-

Lease was being debated, he said:


"I must vote against this resolution. I am not going

to be duped by any parliamentary trickery. ... I con-

sider a vote for the lend-lease bill a vote for dictator-

ship, war and national bankruptcy."

That summer Hitler swung to the east, and on July 23, 1941

attacked Russia. On that day Smith spoke over the radio,

saying: v

"... I consider any alliance between our country

and Russia as an act of the utmost depravity and

fraught with the most dire consequences to our


Later the Russians stopped the German army, for the first

time, at Stalingrad.

Lend-Lease supplies had helped Britain to hold out, had

helped the Russians to hold the German tide. As late as March

9, 1943, Smith said, on the floor of the House:

"More and more we in America are coming to real

ize that there is a limit on what this nation is able to

Eroduce. We are reaching the place where we are

jeling the pinch of rationing. We are reaching the

end of our manpower and shall shortly be compelled

to cut down the size of our army or cut down on pro-


"Under Lend-Lease, American goods have been dis-

tributed over the whole earth. Forty-six nations are

eligible to receive these gifts, though only a few of

these nations are actually engaged in the war. We

may shortly come to realize that goods intended as

war aids have been scattered so widely and spread so

thinly as to be ineffective anywhere."

Whatever Mr. Smith's motives, no matter how earnestly he

may have sought to further only America's interests, the ironic

and bitter fact is that Fred Smith of Ohio was widely quoted

and praised in such subversive sheets as William Dudley

Pelley's Liberation; Charles B. Hudson's America In Danger;

James True's Industrial Control Reports; William Kullgren's

America Speaks and Court Asher's X-Ray.

Pearl Harbor came as a shock to almost every American, and


yet most of us were aware of the rising en-,ioii in the East.

Most of us were aware that Japan was a threat.

But, less than a month before Pearl Harbor, Dewey Short,

representative from Missouri inserted in the Congressional

Record an editorial from the Washington Times-Herald of

November 17, 1941 which said in part. "Of all the Oriental

people, the Japanese are the most nearly like us."

After Pearl Harbor, Mr. Short spoke often, attacking Presi-

dent Roosevelt and blaming him for it.

Before that, he had opposed conscription and rearming. In

discussing conscription on September 4, 1940, he said:

"Little did we realize that we would live to see the

hour when a president, in time of peace, when we are

at peace with all the world, when no one has attacked

us, when no one has insulted us, would ask the Amer-

ican people to grant him the dictatorial and tyrannical

power to conscript the young manhood of this na-

tion. . . ."

And before that, Dewey Short speeches were printed in

Liberation, the magazine edited by William Dudley Pelley

and delivered by Mr. Short on the floor of the House of Repre-

sentatives three days later.

On August 28, 1940 Liberation printed another speech by

Short which was not delivered on the floor of the House until

ten days later.

In 1943, on October 11, when America had been in the war

for almost two years, when it was fighting along with Britain

'and Russia to defeat the Axis, Mr. Short commenting on the

resolution calling for the investigation of lend-lease, said:

"I want to congratulate the gentleman for introduc-

ing his resolution, because it is beginning to dawn

upon the American people that on his first visit to

America Mr. Churchill took our coat back to England,

on his second visit he took our pants, on the third visit

he took our underwear, and before we get out of this

mess he will skin us of our hide,"

Mr. Short's speeches appeared in Liberation^before America


was at war and before William Dudley Pelley was convicted

of sedition. Statements similar to his on lend-lease and England

were on other American tongues even in 1943. Mr. Short could

not have intended his words to be used unpatriotically. But

they could be used effectively, nonetheless, by any disruptive

individual or group whose interest at the time centered on

splitting the allies.

Jessie Sumner of Illinois was militantly against our entering

the war against the Axis. In a speech delivered over the radio

on November 8, 1941 and placed by her in the Congressional

Record on November 12, 1941, she said:

"It is apparent now that the program for plunging

America into war was designed as a series of successive

war steps.

"It is no longer a secret that there never was any

intention to leave a declaration of war to Congress.

We are to be placed surreptitiously in such a state of

shooting at sea, either against Japan or Germany, or

both, that a congressional declaration of war would

be nothing more than an empty endorsement of an

administration war already being vigorously fought,

the signal for which was the order to ships to shoot

on sight.

"Of course, this method of leading the country into

carnage by a series of secret acts was a shyster

trick, deliberately designed to evade the supreme law

of the land the Constitution which in positive terms

preserves to the peoples' representatives in the Con-

gress the exclusive power to declare war/'

Much later, whn America had whole-heartedly entered the

war and when the high command had made the decision to

join with Russia and Britain in making a supreme effort to

defeat Hitler in the West, Miss Sumner said, on March 10, 1943:

". . . We have our own war in the Pacific, but we

have been persuaded that it is to the interest of Amer-

ica to aid in other war."

On March 14, 1944, a few months before the D-Day which

led to final victory, Miss Sumner, speaking in the House, said:


"Look at the way American men and resources are

being used by the partnership in Europe, how Amer-

ican aid is being used to buy us trouble now and in

the future. It is being used for the purpose of aggres-

And in April, 1945, when the war in the West was almost

won and the capitulation of Germany was almost a military

certainty, Miss Sumner decided that:

"The unconditional surrender policy is an anachro-

nism. What reason can there be for it? If it is because

the President does not know what terms he wants to

impose upon Germany, then multitudes of American

soldiers may die needlessly because the President has

not made up his mind what our soldiers are fighting


Jessie Sumner has been quoted in The Defender, America

Speaks, Broom, Cross and the Flag, X-Ray, Social Justice,

Money, Gaelic American, Women's Voice. She has the backing

(whether or not she likes it) of the Women's League for Politi-

cal Education run by Mrs. Grace Keefe, former secretary of

We, The Mothers Mobilize for America and the support of

United Mothers of America.

The record goes on. The Congressmen who opposed Amer-

ica's preparation for the inevitable war, who opposed aid to

the countries which eventually became America's allies, have

spoken in much the same words.

Harold Knutson,x>f Minnesota, in speaking against conscrip-

tion, said on September 4, 1940:

"Personally I consider New Deal leaders more dan-

gerous to the United States than are the totalitarian

leaders because of their disregard of law and their

undermining of democracy in America."

To be sure, his language has been a little stronger than most,

and a little more vigorous in expressing opposition to the New

Deal. On March 18, 1941, for instance, he said:


"I am wondering if some of this feeling displayed

against Hitler down at the other end of the Avenue is

not inspired by reason of the fact that Hitler has been

crowding certain individuals for front-page notice in

the newspapers."

Later his antagonism to Russia was also very vigorously

expressed when, on September 15, 1941, he said:

"It must be cheering to the American people to

know that they have Comrade Stalin and his bloody

hands fighting at the side of those who are trying to

maintain democracy and Christianity."

He joined, in 1943, with the congressmen who feared both

Britain and Russia when he said, on May 10th of that year:

"We do not know what is going to be the situation

when this war is over. We do not know what Stalin

will want he is going to get what he wants, you can

be sure of that, and we do not know what Churchill

has planned for us . . ."

Harold Knutson is the alleged author of the remark made

famous mostly by its reprinting in the Deutscher Weckruf und

Beobachter on November 27, 1941 and the Patriotic Research

Bureau Newsletter of October 1941, both of which reported the

line "The only difference between a Nazi and a Communist is

that a Nazi can't get a job in the New Deal." ( The Deutscher

Weckruf und Beobachter wrote it "Nudeal," otherwise the

quotation was identical in both publications. )

Knutson has been praised and quoted by Social Justice f

Money > American Vindicator, Women United.

John Ranldn, of Mississippi, is not in this category. Mr.

Rankin does not emphasize international dangers. He is con-

cerned with the danger he sees in Negroes attaining full

citizenship rights in the United States. He is quick to turn

almost any question into a personal attack by John Rankin on

the Jews, Both these facts have made him much quoted in

such sheets as the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter f Liber-

ation, The Defender, Patriotic Research Bureau Newsletter,


X-Ray, America in Danger, Social Justice, Gaelic Ameri-

can and the American Vindicator.

Typical of Rankings statements are these. On November 5,

1942 he said, in a speech called "Let's Save American Institu-

tions," which he delivered in the House of Representatives:

"... I am going to give my administration some free

advice. I want you to understand I am not only an

American but am an Anglo-Saxon; I belong to that

race that built our civilization, the Christian civilization

that we now enjoy and the only one that mankind has

ever enjoyed."

On December 3, 1943, again speaking in the House, Rankin


". . . the international financiers, largely international

Jews, with a few international Gentiles, such as the

House of Morgan, own or control the gold supply of

the world. They have controlled the gold through the

gold standard ever since Rothschilds got financial con-

trol of England during the Napoleonic war. They are

now crucifying civilization on a cross of gold."

And, referring to some citizens from New York who came

down to urge passage of the Federal Soldier Vote Bill, Rankin

said on December 18, 1943:

"A few days ago a gang of them came down here

and paraded up and down the corridors of the House

Office Building lobbying against what they call the

Rankin bill. . . . They looked like foreigners to me. I

never saw such a wilderness of noses in my life."

Rankin has attacked Walter Winchell on the floor of the

House, and has not hesitated to use openly anti-Semitic and

highly unstatesmanlike expressions in doing so. On February

2, 1944, members of the House of Representatives were sub-

jected to hearing one of their members attack their fellow

American by calling him a "little kike."

When the Council on Dental Education of the American

Dental Association was under fire because one of its employees


proposed limiting student enrollment in schools on a racial

and religious basis, Rankin used the floor of America's Con-

gress to say:

"Why attack the American Dental Association? That

organization has done what it had a right to do. I

wonder if the gentlemen know that 90 percent of the

doctors who get on the civil service rolls are Jews. . . .

"Remember that the white Gentiles of this country

have some rights."

Rankin's opposition to equal rights for Negroes was vigorously

expressed during the discussion of a permanent Fair Employ-

ment Practices Committee when, on April 27, 1945, he de-

nounced it as a Communistic measure and said that it was "the

most dangerous piece of totalitarian, communistic legislation

ever proposed in the Congress of the United States."

"Already the peaceful, hardworking Negroes of the

country are disturbed because they know it would stir

up race trouble such as this country has never known


"The passage of this legislation would probably

mark the beginning of the end of this great Republic."

Statements such as Rankin's have been invaluable, certainly,

to individuals or groups who have reason to inflame opinion

against minorities. And it must be put on the American record

somewhere that it is unfortunate for the United States of

America that John Rankin provided such valuable ammunition

to the enemies of American democracy.





ASCISM'S secret weapon

in America is the average American's unwillingness to recog-

nize fascism.

When a fiery cross burns on a hillside; when hoodlums storm

through streets, bent on terror and destruction; when race riots

flare up and disgrace America; when citizens of the United

States are barred from their own homes, hooted or reviled on

American streets; when even supposed law enforcement officers

revile and beat American citizens; when free men, living in a

free country can be roped and beaten and lynched; when an

American cannot feel safe in his own town, on his own street,

in his own home, some of us rise in true democratic anger and

attempt to fight back. Some of us are alarmed. But most of

us in America consider each incident as an isolated manifesta-


Most of us want to feel safe in our own country, and wanting

to feel safe, prefer to build a wall of blindness around our own

intelligence and tell ourselves that "one incident does not

make a trend." Many a citizen of Italy who considered him-

self a true democrat, must so have shrugged off the murder

of the Socialist Matteotti. Many a citizen of Germany who


considered himself a democrat might thus have sneered at the

crazy little ranter who thought he had an army behind him

the first time he dared to face constituted authority on

Munich's streets, or been amused when the "insane LudendorfF

couldn't forget that he had helped to lose a war. Fascism

fattens on such blindness.

When the rights of free unionism are abridged in America

there are Americans who are strangely happy about it. When

the rights of a member of a minority group in America are

abridged, there are, sadly enough, Americans who are not

concerned about it. Too few of us realize, to paraphrase

Hemingway and John Donne, that when the rights of any of

us are abridged or impugned or threatened our own rights

are abridged by just that much. But, fortunately for all of us,

most Americans, when they do take sober thought, arrive at

good conclusions. Most Americans are true democrats with a

firmly rooted belief in the sacredness of human and civil rights.

Most Americans love and wish to protect and to keep inviolate

their own liberties, their own fredom, their own human

dignity, their civil and religious rights. Most Americans be-

lieve in the democratic spirit of America and understand that

free unionism is inherent in free enterprise. Most Americans

know that in a country like ours any one of us, shuttled to

another part of America, might become a member of a min-

ority. And such an American with vision, knows that when

he protects the rights of any other citizen of his country he is

protecting his own rights.

And so, fortunately, the fascists do not have things then-

own way, even though they do have amazing opportunities

in this country. There are, fortunately, individuals and groups

who are actively engaged in fighting the democratic fight,

as there are others who are fighting the selfish, grasping fascist

fight. ,

Unfortunately, their voices are not always strong and not

easily heard. The voice of true democracy does not always

carry as far as the voice of reaction. And, one of the things we j

must also remember is that the fascist takes advantage of every j

reactionary opinion, every printed reactionary statement.

When John E. Rankin speaks in the House of Representa-

tives he may speak only in the voice of reaction, but he employs

a sounding board that booms across the nation. When he

fights such an obviously democratic measure as the permanent

establishment of the FEPC, he raises a powerful voice which

every anti-Negro group echoes and re-echoes. When he dares,

in the halls of Congress, to attack an American citizen as a

"lake," he gives tongue to the kind of un-Americanism which

the outright fascists hear gleefully and repeat zestfully.

Senator Theodore Bilbo, of Mississippi, said, on the floor

of the Senate in May, 1945, "If the FEPG bill, as drafted by

Mrs. Norton of the House of Representatives, is passed and an

attempt is made to enforce it in the South, there will be a


How eagerly the Klan must have spread that news! What

ammunition for the white supremacy masters to use in their

fight against the Negro! How easily this can be twisted to

strike fear into the hearts of Southerners who may be well dis-

posed toward the FEPC, but who will cringe at the very word

"revolution." And how it can be extended to an argument

against all progressive legislation, against labor and against

true democracy!

When powerful newspapers, such as the New York Daily

News, the Chicago Tribune and the Washington Times-Herald

speak, their voice may be only the voice of reaction, but when

they blamed Roosevelt and, indirectly, his whole administra-

tion, for having taken us to war, when they lashed out against

America's allies in the war, when they either openly or covertly

attack labor, they become a voice which fascism likes to echo.

And against the voice of reaction, against the voice to which

the fascists give a whispered "yea," there are only a few power-

ful voices raised in opposition.

One of the strongest, one of the voices that has most con-

sistently and courageously exposed and scourged the fascists,

is that of Walter Winchell. Winchell has taken a unique place

in American journalism. Early in the 1930's, when fascism

was nothing more than a foreign-sounding name to most

Americans, he was one of the few who recognized its danger.




PITCHED On September 29, I was in

"An! CM ** New York City. At 2 o'clock

CARLSON OUT in the afternoon I held a press

conference at which representatives of all the New

York newspapers were invited. The conference was

well attended and all the leading news agencies

and newspapers were represented.

After the conference had been in progress for

about ten minutes, I recognized a familiar face. It

was the face of a man sitting on the window sill.

After a moment's reflection, I concluded that it was

the fake author who sometimes goes by the name of

John Roy Carlson, Carlson, who has five or six

aliases, is the foreign bom, pro-communist who

wrote the book "Under Cover." This is the book

that has been touted and blown up by Walter Win-

chell, the radio character assassin. It lists hundreds

of goocLAmerican nationalists in an attempt to smear

their patriotism and brand them as traitors to their


Walter Winchell's hard-hitting attacks have made him the most feared

man in America by the "time bomb" elements of the country. His praise

of UNDER COVER had drawn it to the attention of thousands of Ameri-

cans who thus became acquainted with fascist subversive activity in

this country. In this issue of The Cross and the Flag, Gerald L. K. Smith

makes a feeble and futile attempt to discredit Carlson, and indirectly

Walter Winchell


A successful columnist who had built up a wide following by

reporting Broadway, Hollywood, movie and theatre news, he

turned in 1933 to a new kind of reporting. He began then to

fight Hitlerism and to warn America of the onslaught being

prepared by the Axis.

As war came nearer, he began more and more to expose the

groups in America which were fighting Hitler's battle here.

His attacks on Fritz Kuhn, the German-American Bund, their

satellites, and organizations which helped them, are memor-

able for their vigor and effectiveness.

He urged and of course still urges Americans to buy books

which expose fascist activities, lifting such titles as Under

Cover and Sabotage into the best-seller lists overnight. His

column in the newspapers has been employed in his own

exposure of fascist elements and nothing has delighted him so

much as the frequent scoops which have brought subversive

elements to light and held them up to the anger of the

American public.

He has been an especially able spokesman on the side of

American democracy because he reaches the largest audience

ever attained by a single individual. His combined newspaper

circulation is estimated s high as 25 million. His broadcasts

have also been estimated to reach as many as 25 million. And

while there is undoubtedly some overlapping, it is another

hopeful sign that there are so many millions of Americans

whose anti-fascism is so strong and so steady.

There are other commentators, such as Drew Pearson who

also has a radio broadcast and a daily column, who takes

pains and time to reveal fascist tendencies. Pearson, who

devotes himself to political commentaries, has done much to

expose the political side of the fascist trend.

It is interesting to note here that both Walter WinchelTs

column and Drew Pearson's appear in the Hearst newspapers,

which editorially have not been notable for their assistance

to progressive thinking, which as late as 1936 and 1937 fea-

tured by-line stories by Dr. Joseph Paul Goebbels and Benito

Mussolini and which, at this writing, still employ red-baiting

Karl von Weigand as a correspondent in fascist Madrid.


Johannes Steel has done a fearless and extremely capable

job not only in exposing dangerous individuals and groups

within the country, but also in showing up trends which might

have developed into danger.

As a news commentator his analyses have been extremely

valuable. For, in the pre-war and war years, the fascists and

undemocratic forces throughout the world made strong efforts

to twist the news in such a way as to destroy allied unity. Even

today there is a crucial problem inherent in the presentation

of news and in the people's understanding of it. If the world

can be divided again, as it was after World War I, the fascists

can easily win the peaceand perhaps the next war. Johannes

Steel has consistently contributed to the building up of world

understanding and unity.

Other radio commentators who lift their voices in defense of

democracy and who are able fighters against fascist and sub-

versive groups are Dr. Frank Kingdon and William S. Gailmor,

each of whom has done much to expose and beat back attacks

on American democracy.

Fortunately, there is also a large section of the daily press

which has ably worked to expose fascism. Magazine editors

have, during the past ten years frequently run exposes of

fascist groups. Throughout the country there are papers which

are notable for their reportorial and editorial attacks on fascism.

There are also a number of organizations throughout the

country which either help to defend America against fascism

or openly combat native fascism. Their activities, too, take

many forms. Some of them are interested primarily in the

protection of minority rights. Some of them, like the Civil

Liberties Union, are long-established organizations which are

interested in the protection of civil rights generally. Some of

them have come into being as positive action groups for

democracy, organized specifically to combat the rising threat

of fascism in the past few years.

Unfortunately, such organizationssimply because much of

their work is defensive do not obtain as much publicity as

offensive organizations. Defense never makes such good news.

But, it would be well for every American citizen who is inter-


ested in maintaining a democratic America to know about a

number of these, and whenever he can, to cooperate with

them. Fascism is not a force which is going to be stamped

out simply by the revelation of its existence. We have been

witnesses to the fact that if it is allowed to grow, the force

necessary to defeat it may have to be huge and almost over-

whelming. We have witnessed the fact that armies of men and

women must work and fight and often die to defeat fascism

when it becomes strong.

In the United States we now have the unparalleled oppor-

tunity and the advantage of being able to complete the de-

struction of fascism and all its manifestations in our own coun-

try because we have already sacrificed so much to fight it on

other fronts.

Some of the organizations which offer these opportunities

will be discussed in the following paragraphs. There are

doubtless many others which have not come to the attention

of this writer, but which can be discovered in almost every

community by anybody who wishes to find them.

The Friends of Democracy, Inc., which has offices at 137 E.

57th Street in New York City, and which maintains offices in a

number of the larger cities throughout the country, has been

in the forefront of the groups fighting fascism. It has collected

an enormous amount of information about the outfits which

threaten democracy, and it has made such information avail-

able to newspapers and other informational sources. It pub-

lishes a regular bulletin which keeps its readers informed

about subversive activities and what the Friends of Democracy

itself is doing to combat such activities.

The Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai Brith, with offices at

212 Fifth Avenue, New York City, also maintains offices in

a number of the large cities throughout the country. This or-

ganization has been one of the most potent forces in America

for combating every kind of subversive and disruptionist ac-

tivity. Its work is educational. It points out that anti-Semitism

is un-American; and the very fact that almost every fascist-

minded individual and group relies on anti-Semitism as an

important part of its program has put the Anti-Defamation


League in the vanguard of those actively fighting fascism in

every form. The League has exposed anti-Semitism, and where

anti-labor propaganda or anti-Negro propaganda or any anti-

American propaganda rides along with anti-Semitism, the

League has exposed that, too.

Many non-Jewish Americans have been incensed when they

have been subjected to reading or listening to anti-Semitism.

Hundreds of thousands of non-Jewish Americans have felt

that this was dangerous and un-American, but have never

translated their indignation into more positive terms because

they have not known exactly what to do about it. By bring-

ing such instances to the attention of the Anti-Defamation,

League, they can help to combat fascism in America.

The Union for Democratic Action, at 9 E. 46th Street, New

York City, also has branches in principal cities throughout the

country. This committee has taken definite steps for demo-

cratic action by holding protest meetings against fascist ten-

dencies, and it also works to promote democracy by sending

out literature to combat threats to our democratic way of life.

The Institute for American Democracy, at 369 Lexington

Avenue, New York City, has a very interesting program. This

committee, realizing the power of advertising in America has

perfected an idea whereby advertisements sponsoring democ-

racy can be run in newspapers, on car cards and on outdoor

advertising signs, sponsored by merchants, civic or fraternal

groups or even individuals. The Institute's poster campaign

has been very effective in promoting advertisements which

state the simple fact that every American, regardless of his

name, his color or his religion, is an American.

The National CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Discrimina-

tion, which has offices at 718 Jackson Place N. W., Washing-

ton, D. C., has been formed recently. It has been active

throughout the country, however, in fighting discrimination in

employment or even in social relationships. It not only sup-

ports the FEPC, but it also has been active in cases where no

union issue is involved but where discrimination is.

The Civil Liberties Union, with headquarters in New York,

is, of course, well known. Its principle is that American civil lib-


erties must be protected wherever threatened, and it has often

come into cases either in defense, or as a friend of the court, to

protect civil liberties.

Freedom House, Inc., at 5 West 54th Street, New York City,

is a newer organization which promises to do good work in

promoting democracy. Up to the present time its major ac-

tivity has been to sponsor radio programs, lectures, etc.

There are several organizations which work for the pro-

tection of Negro civil rights and which combat anti-Negro

trends and outbreaks in every part of the country, particu-

larly, of course, in the worst areas in the South. These in-

clude the National Association for the Advancement of Colored

People, the National Negro Congress, and several others.

Other groups which have democratic programs are: Na-

tional Federation for Constitutional Liberties, 205 E. 42nd

Street, New York City, which has been most active in fighting

threats to constitutional rights; the National Conference of

Christians and Jews, an interracial organization whose work

is primarily to stamp out racial or religions bias; The Council

for Democracy in America, at 11 W. 42nd Street in New York

City, which promotes interracial, inter-religious groups and

projects democratic activity among groups; The Urban

League of Greater New York, at 202 W. 136th Street in New

York, which is interested in promoting better Negro-white

relations; The American Council on Race Relations, at 32 W.

Randolph Street, Chicago, which is also devoted to improving

race relations and has made many valuable racial studies and

established community groups for promoting racial accord;

and The American Jewish Committee, at 386 Fourth Avenue,

New York which also combats racial prejudice.

The Catholic Inter-Racial Council, at 20 Vesey Street, New

York, has done a splendid job not only in combating racial an-

tagonisms, but also in combating Ku Klux Klan ideas, dis-

crimination in industry, and, in those few cases where it

showed itself, discrimination in the armed forces. This organ-

ization runs inter-racial forums and publishes the Inter-Racial

Review, which is highly influential.

There is a special appendix in this book which lists a num-


her of other similar organizations. Most of these have been

formed since the disgraceful incidents at Beaumont, Mobile

and Detroit in 1943. Although they have not all been or-

ganized long, every one of them is promoting democracy, and

since they are located in many towns and cities throughout

the country, their facilities and their cooperation are avail-

able to Americans in almost every part of the United States.

In a book which has listed so many dangerous disruptive

organizations and individuals it is heartening that such a long

list of groups fighting for democracy can be included. But,

let us not delude ourselves with the idea that these represent

strength enough to combat the menace of fascism. One fasc-

ist outfit in one hour can spawn enough leaflets and disruptive

propaganda to give fifty such democratic organizations a year's

work. Because the fascists have been preparing for so long,

because they have so cleverly used prejudice to set group

against group, because it must be admitted that race and

religious prejudice does exist and can grow in America, we

cannot underestimate this ever-present danger. The total

number of people to which the literature of the organizations

named here can be made available is not a fraction of the

total number to which the fascists can easily obtain access.

The fact that organizations to fight for democracy exist is

heartening. But not more than that. They will not represent

a complete safeguard against the undemocratic disruptionist

forces until they have the actual and true support of the

overwhelming majority of Americans.





_T is a hopeful sign that

there are so many organizations in the United States which are

dedicated to thwarting the fascists and building up the

strength of democracy.

But it is not much more than a hopeful sign. For the ex-

istence of organizations which uphold minority and civil rights

does not, in itself, constitute protection of those rights. The

existence of organizations which help to protect democracy

does not, in itself, guarantee the protection of democracy.

The strength of these anti-fascist organizations is obviously

not great enough to combat the fascists successfully and stamp

them out. It is not even great enough to stunt the growth of

the fascist outfits.

Nor does the existence of organizations and individuals

which expose fascism give us assurance that, once exposed,

fascists are thereupon rendered harmless. It is not that easy.

Moreover the fringe forces, those of disunity and disrup-

tion, are even more hardy. Exposing them to the glare of

publicity does not automatically, as some might suppose,

wither and shrivel them. Indeed, sometimes it even helps them

to grow. For the fact is that they do have a following, there

are people in America, thousands and thousands of them, who


are ideologically attracted to the minority-haters, the labor-

baiters, the red-baiters, the disruptionists. And when pub-

licity is centered upon individuals or fringe groups of this

character, it is just as likely as not to attract to them thou-

sands of new followers who admire their ideas and tactics.

In Washington thirty-three individuals were indicted on

charges of alleged sedition. They were placed on trial and in

one of the most curious and protracted trials in recent his-

tory, many of the defendants attempted to use the court as a

soap box, and at times almost made a field day of the whole

proceedings. When the judge who was sitting in the case

died while it was still dragging on, a mistrial was declared.

Up to this writing a new trial has not been called, but the

defendants are still under indictment.

What of their actions since then? Did the publicity of the

trial halt their activities? Or curtail them? This book is the

answer. You have read about some of them. Most of them

are still engaged in the same time-bomb activities.

Despite the organizational and the personal fight against

the forces of disruption and disunity, they continue to grow.

Despite the exposes, and the revelations of their activity, they

continue to scheme, to propagandize, to undermine American

democracy. And they are a greater danger today than they

have been during all the past war years when the tremendous

national effort of defeating fascism abroad temporarily held

back the disruptionists at home.

Why have they grown? Why do they grow? Why do they

attract followers? Why do they attract funds, huge funds

and support, powerful support?

Simply because most of us forget the sterling truism that

the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. It is as easy as that.

We remember it as a statement and forget it as a course of

action even though no generation in the history of mankind

has more reason to remember it. No generation in history has

ever paid so high a price, in blood and sweat and tears, for

forgetting it.

For those of us who want to be sure that it is not forgotten


again, for those of us who prefer to exercise the wisdom of

beating fascism in America before it has a chance to sweep

away our liberties, there is a sound course of action.

Obviously it is advisable to support those organizations,

individuals, newspapers, magazines and groups which fight

fascism. Anyone who wishes to undertake a part in this fight

can, of course, find a place or a role, or can lend support to

one of the organizations mentioned in the previous chapter or

listed in the appendix to this book.

Obviously, too, there is much to be accomplished politically.

Even today, when the average American finds it difficult to

feel that he actually participates effectually in elections, he

can bring his influence to bear in most congressional districts

and in most states. The results in the election of 1944 demon-

strate that representatives and senators, even powerful ones,

can be replaced.

Representative Fish and Senator Nye, for instance, long

entrenched, were replaced. Both had been active in America

First activities and had identified themselves with suspect


And even when a representative or senator cannot be re-

tired, the "letter to Congress/' butt of jokes though it is, does

have some influence. Proof of that lies in how often the dis-

ruptionist and diversive elements have used it.

Apart from these obvious measures there is much that can

be done. The soundest foundation for democracy is an under-

standing of it and a complete acceptance of it by the citizens

who live in it.

In almost every locality in America there are instances of

undemocratic thinking, there are examples of undemocratic

action. And because of that, in every locality in America

there should be some force for positive democratic action.

The community in which the writer lives is an especially

favored one from a democratic point of view. It is in a sec-

tion where civil liberties are well protected, where the gen-

eral community is well disposed toward minority groups and

intelligent about recognizing the danger of fascism. It is in

Westchester County in the state of New York, which has the


distinction of being the first state in the union to pass a fair

employment practices law.

Yet, even in this community there were instances which

alarmed some of its citizens and recently a local group decided

to take steps toward the active promotion of democratic prin-

ciples. They formed an association called The Chappaqua

Community Council. Part of the preamble to its constitution


"Many communities are marred by the existence of

undemocratic prejudices based on differences in eco-

nomic status, nationality, religion or race. Such things

are, of course, completely foreign to our American

democratic way of life. Such things are, unfortunately,

dangers from which our own community is not free.

"Ours is a good community. It has exceptional ad-

vantagesnatural physical beauty, favorable climate,

nearness to the world's largest city. But there has

crept into our midst, in the insidious way in which all

prejudices start, snobbery, aloofness and a false feel-

ing of superiority. Fortunately, these prejudices are

not universal. We believe that the overwhelming

feeling in the community is to the contrary. Still,

these prejudices are here and have already manifested

themselves, and, if unchecked, could become the gen-

erally accepted attitude and do irreparable harm to

our community. Deploring the situation later is not

nearly as sensible as making it impossible now.

"Perhaps it is because we do not know each other

well enough that these things have happened. It is not

enough simply to live in the same neighborhood. Geo-

graphical proximity, standing alone, is a meaningless

thing. It should lead to social and cultural intercourse

on a community scale, to exchange of opinion on all

matters of public interest and concern.

"Other organizations have attempted to accomplish

some of these purposes. We are anxious to cooperate

with them and support them in any worthwhile en-

deavor. At the same time, we feel that a new organ-

ization is necesary to instill in the community a pro-

gressive, forward-looking democratic spirit. We want

to meet together for entertainment, tor culture, and

for political activity without respect to political parties.

"We are free Americans. Our armies are now en-


gaged in a bitter struggle to free the world from

tyranny, so that we may become part of a free world.

Our own community, a very small part of this free

America we all love and want to preserve, is impor-

ant to us who live here. Let us make it a better

community, a community which will be a model for

others, a community of which we will be proud, a

community in which democracy lives and grows."

This council, in a short time, made its influence felt in the

community. It has invited speakers to discuss world events,

to lecture to it on world fascism and native fascism, it has had

discussion groups on American democracy. It has taken part

in town activities.

Its members are average Americans; business men, house-

wives, editors, a farmer, an accountant, an artist, representa-

tive members of the community. They have stimulated them-

selves, their own interest in combating un-American activities

and have helped to improve their community by meeting and

talking and acting together.

This same kind of group can easily be formed in almost

every community. Enough of them would provide the kind

of education and the kind of thinking which will make it im-

possible for the fascists, the near-fascists and the fringe-

fascists to grow.

I do not mean to imply by this that education alone, or

knowledge of fascist movements, will stifle all fascist growth in

America. There are other, and deeper, factors involved in the

growth of fascism.

We have already observed that those who promote fascism

also promote dissidence. If Americans are economically se-

cure, if they can feel that they are participants in a democracy

which they understand and appreciate, fascist propaganda is

unlikely to interest them at all. In that case the promotion

of fascist principles would interest only those who wish to en-

slave their fellowmen, and free Americans would reject it


The followers of fascism in other countries have already

learned that it is a tinsel thing. It benefits only those at the


top. But it is the nature of people to seek quick and easy solu-

tions to the most baffling problems, to welcome any relief

when hard-pressed, to grasp at bright promises in the hope

that they can be fulfilled.

Living in the kind of security which free, democratic Amer-

ica can easily provide there would be no reason for Americans

to grasp at catch-penny promises. But there would be, for

every one of us, even greater reason than we have now, to

maintain American democracy. There is, fortunately, a grow-

ing belief among Americans that we must all enjoy our way

of life if any of us is to enjoy it. There is an understanding

among Americans that we are one people and that all of us

can live together well and secure and free. There is a strong

will for unity in America, which is a fortunate thing for us

and a shield against the fascists.

For a united America, firm in the conviction that democracy

will work, firm in the determination to make it work, will offer

no encouragement to fascist thought and certainly no room

for fascist growth.








American Conference for Racial and

National Unity

Headquarters: 16 East 41st St , New

York 17, New York.

Officer: Arthur Upham Pope, chair-


Commission on the Church and Min-

ority Peoples 9

Headquarters: 297 Fourth Avenue,

New York 10, New York.

Officers: Will W. Alexander, chair-

man; Bradford S. Abernathy, di-


National CIO Committee to Abolish

Racial Discrimination 6

Headquarters: 718 Jackson Place,

N.W., Washington 6, D. C.

Officers: James B. Carey, chairman;

George L-P Weaver, director.

National Federation of the Committee

on Racial Equality

Headquarters: 2929 Broadway, New

York, New York.

Officers: James L. Farmer, Jr., chair-


National Council for a Permanent Fair

Employment Practice Committee

Headquarters: 1410 H Street, N. W.,

Washington 5, D. C.

Officers: Senators Arthur Capper and

Robert F. Wagner, co-chairman;

Mrs. Anna Arnold Hedgeman, ex-

ecutive secretary.

Institute for American Democracy,


Headquarters: 369 Lexington Ave-

nue, New York 17, New York.

Officers: The Rev. William C. Ker-

nan, executive director; Richard A.

Zinn, public relations director.

Race Relations Committee of the

American Friends Service Commit-


Headquarters: 20 South Twelfth St.,

Philadelphia 7, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Mercer Bergstrom, secretary.

Japanese- American Citizens League 9

Headquarters: 413 Season Building,

Salt Lake City 1, Utah.

Officers: Saburo Kido, president; Cor-

poral Mike Masaoka, secretary and

field executive ( on leave with U. S.


League for Fair Play*

Headquarters: 11 West 42nd Street,

New York 18, New York.

Officers: Dr. Alvin S. Johnson, presi-

dent; Robert Norton, executive sec-


Union for Democratic Action*

Headquarters: 9 East 46th Street,

New York 17, New York.

Officers: Reinhold Niebuhr, chairman;

James Loeb, Jr., executive secretary,

American Council on Race Relations

Headquarters: 32 West Randolph

Street, Chicago 1, Illinois.

Officers: Clarence E. Pickett, presi-

dent; Mary-Jane Grunsfield, secre-



Southern Regional Council, Inc.*

Headquarters: Room 432, 63 Auburn

Avenue, N.E., Atlanta 3, Georgia.

Officers: Dr. Howard W. Odum, chair-

man; Dr. Guy B. Johnson, executive


Pacific Coast Committee on American

Principles and Fair Play

Headquarters: 465 California Street,

San Francisco, California.

* The organizations and committees thus designated have submitted reports to the office

of the Social Science Institute of Fisk University.


Officers: Maurice Harrison, chairman;

Dr. Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Jr.,




State Inter-Racial Council ( Governor's

committee )

Headquarters: 714 West Olympic

Boulevard, Los Angeles 2, Cali-


Officers: Bishop Joseph T. McGucken,

chairman; Dr. George E. Gleason,


California CIO Minorities Committee*

Headquarters: CIO Building, San

Francisco 2, California.

Officers: Revels Cayton, director; Matt

Crawford, assistant director.


Connecticut Inter-Racial Commission*

(Governor's committee)

Headquarters: State Office Building,

Hartford, Connecticut.

Officers: Rt. Rev. Walter H. Gray,

chairman; Rev. Joseph M. Griffen,



Inter-Racial Commission for Illinois

(Governor's committee)

Headquarters: 19 South LaSalle St.,

Chicago, Illinois.

Officers: Dr. Martin Hayes Bickham,

chairman; Leon A. Bailey, execu-

tive director.


Kentucky Inter-Racial Commission

Headquarters: Southern Baptist The-

ological Seminary, Lexington Road,

Louisville, Kentucky.

Officer: Dr. Edward A. McDowell, Jr.,



Governor's Committee for Racial and

Religious Understanding*

Headquarters: 200 Newbury Street,

Boston 16, Massachusetts.

Officers: Julius E. Warren, chairman;

Mrs. Mildred H. Mahoney, execu-

tive secretary.

Massachusetts Citizens' Committee for

Racial Unity*

Headquarters: Room 822, 294 Wash-

ington Street, Boston, Massachusetts.

Officers: William F. Billingsley, chair-

man; Mrs. Anne Reid, secretary.


Governor's Interracial Commission*

Headquarters: 2200 Grand Avenue,

St. Paul 1, Minnesota.

Officers: Rev. Francis J. Gilligan,

chairman; Talmadge B. Carey, sec-



Mississippi Council on Interracial Co-


Headquarters: Corner Clay and Mon-

roe Streets, Vicksburg, Mississippi.

Officer: F. C. Willcoxon, chairman.


Good-Will Commission* (Appointed

by the State Legislature)

Headquarters: 1060 Broad Street,

Newark 2, New Jersey.

Officers: H. B. Bell, chairman; Myra

A. Blakeslee, executive director.

New Jersey Urban Colored Popula-

tion Commission

Headquarters: 1060 Broad Street,

Newark 2, New Jersey.

Officer: William Galloway, chairman.


Pennsylvania State Temporary Com-

mission on Conditions of Urban

Colored Population. (Appointed by

the State Legislature)

Headquarters: 524-26 South Sixteenth

Street, Philadelphia 46, Pa.

Officers: E. Washington Rhodes, chair-

man; Laurence Foster, executive



Good Neighbor Commission of Texas*

(Governor's committee)

Headquarters: State Capitol, Austin,


Officers: R. E. Smith, chairman; Miss

Pauline Kibbe, executive secretary.



Virginia Commission on Interracial


Headquarters: 109 N. Jefferson Street,

Richmond, Virginia.

Officer: Dr. Thomas C. Allen, director.


West Virginia Interracial Commission

(Governor's committee)

Headquarters: Executive Department,

State of West Virginia, Charleston,

West Virginia.

Officer: Dr. Carl Frasure, chairman.



Montgomery Interracial Committee*

Headquarters: St. Mark's Methodist

Church, Corner Perry and Noble

Streets, Montgomery 6, Alabama.

Officers: W. B. DeLemos, chairman;

Rev. F. E. Churchill, secretary.


Berkeley Interracial Committee

Headquarters: 2707& Virginia Street,

Berkeley 4, California.

Officers: Dr. Edward C. Tolman,

chairman; Mrs. Jean S. Koven, ex-

ecutive secretary.


Los Angeles Committee for Home

Front Unity (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City

Hall, Los Angeles 12, California.

Officer: Edmund W. Cooke, executive


Council for Civic Unity

Headquarters: 215 West Seventh

Street, Los Angeles 14, California.

Officers: Dr. E. C. Farnham, chair-

man; Everett Wile, executive secre-


Los Angeles County Committee for

Interracial Progress* ( Appointed

by Board of Supervisors)

Headquarters: 139 North Broadway,

Los Angeles 12, California.

Officers: B. O. Miller, chairman;

George Gleason, executive secretary.

Citizens' Committee for Latin-Ameri-

can Youth (Appointed by Board of

Supervisors )


Headquarters: 139 North Broad-

way, Los Angeles 12, California.

Officers: Manuel Ruiz, Jr., chairman;

Stephen J. Keating, executive secre-


Community Relations Committee of

the Los Angeles Council of Social


Headquarters: Room 388, Chamber of

Commerce Building, Los Angeles

15, California.

Officers: Mrs. Joseph Kaplan, chair-

man; Mrs. Arnoldine Lindsay, sec-


Southern California Council of Inter-

American Affairs

Headquarters: 707 Auditorium Build-

ing, Fifth and Olive Streets, Los

Angeles 13, California.

Officers: W. S. Rosecrans, president;

Ray-G. McKelvey, executive secre-


Urban League Leadership Round


Headquarters: 2510 South Central

Avenue, Los Angeles 11, California.

Officer: Floyd C. Covington, chair-


Citizens' Emergency Committee

Headquarters: Los Angeles NAACP

office, 1105 E. Vernon Avenue, Los

Angeles 11, California.

Officers: Rev. Jonathan L. Gaston,

chairman; Thomas Lee Griffith, Jr.,

executive director.


Monrovia Interracial Committee

Headquarters: 239 Stedman Place,

Monrovia, California.

Officer: Rev. George West Barrett,

temporary chairman.


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 92 Seventh Street, Oak-

land, California.

Officer: Paul Heide, secretary-trea-



Pasedena Leadership Round Table

Headquarters: 490 Highland Street,

Pasadena 6, California.

Officers: Walt A. Riatt, chairman;

Barney M. Durham, secretary.

Interracial Commission of the Pasa-

dena Council of Social Agencies

Headquarters: 25 South Euclid Ave-

nue, Pasadena 1, California.

Officers: Dr. Eugene C. Blake, chair-

man; H. A. Wilbur, secretary.


San Diego Race Relations Society

Headquarters: 3722 32nd Street, San

Diego, California.

Officers: Dennis V. Allen, chairman;

Mrs. Nan Ohlson, corresponding sec-



Bay Area Council Against Discrimina-


Headquarters: 365 Mills Building, San

Francisco 4, California.

Officers: Walter A. Gordon, chairman;

David F. Selvin, executive secretary.


Adult Committee on Delinquency

Headquarters: Office of Manager of

Safety, Denver, Colorado.

Officer: Juan Noriega, chairman.


Bridgeport Committee on Unity, Free-

dom and Friendship*

Headquarters: 360 State St., Bridge-

port 4, Connecticut.

Officers: Rev. Fred Hosldns, president;

Mrs. Clara M. Stern, secretary.


Interracial Committee* ( Mayor's com-


Headquarters: Municipal Building,

Hartford 4, Connecticut.

Officers: Harry H. Kleinman, chair-

man; Rev. Robert A. Moody, sec-



The Dixwell Group

Headquarters: Dwight Hall, Yale

University, New Haven, Connecti-


Officers: Edward Manice and Miss

Suzanne Stanford, co-chairmen,

Miss Emma Mitchell, secretary.


Unity and Amity Committee ( Mayor's

committee )

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, Mu-

nicipal Building, Waterbury, Con-


Officers: Rev. Francis O. Ayers, chair-


Pearl Street Neighborhood House In-

terracial Committee*

Headquarters: Pearl Street Neighbor-

hood House, Corner Pearl and Hop-

kins Streets, Waterbury 25, Connec-


Officers: Dr. John C. Walker, Rev.

Jonathan E. Reed, co-chairmen,

Herbert S. Smith, secretary.

Better Race Relations Committee

(Temporarily organized to work for

the appointment of Negroes to the

police force. It functioned from

April to July, 1943.)


Mayor's Committe on Race Relations*

Headquarters: 137 North LaSalle

Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.

Officers: Edwin R. Embree, chair-

man; Robert C. Weaver, executive


Conference Against Racial and Religi-

ous Discrimination*

Headquarters: Room 812, 166 W.

Jackson Boulevard, Chicago 4, Il-


Officers: Dr. Preston Bradley, chair-

man; Dr. Homer A. Jack, executive


Interracial Committee of Chicago

Church Federation

Headquarters: 719 N. Wabash, Chi-

cago, Illinois.

Officers: Edward Foss Wilson and Rt.

Rev. Bernard J. Shield, co-chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 205 West Wacker

Drive, Chicago, Illinois.

Officer: Francis J. DeLaurie, secretary-


Southside Chicago Neighborhood Dis-

cussion Group


Headquarters: 10127 Vernon Avenue,

Chicago, Illinois.

Officers: Carl C. Marshall, organizer;

Godfrey Stanius, leader.

South Central Chamber of Commerce

Headquarters: Parkway Community

House, 5120 South Parkway, Chi-

cago, Illinois.

Officer: Melville J. Kolliner, tempo-

rary chairman.


Neighborhood Discussion Group*

Headquarters: Assembly Hall, South

Branch Public Library, Corner Har-

rison and Gunderson Avenue, Oak

Park, IJhnois.

Leader and Organizer: Carl C. Mar-



Rockford Interracial Commission*

Headquarters: 225 South Second

Street, Rockford, Illinois.

Officer: Rev. Russell Wharton Lam-

bert, chairman.


Fort Wayne Interracial Commission*

Headquarters: 436-38 E. Douglas

Avenue, Fort Wayne 2, Indiana.

Officers: Miss Lavon Sperry, president;

John E. Ridley, executive secretary.

Ways and Means Committee, Fort

Wayne Board of Governing War-

dens (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Citizens Trust Build-

ing, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: Carl J. Suedhoff, chairman.

Ways and Means Committee, Munici-

pal Defense Council ( Mayor's Com-


Headquarters: People's Trust and

Savings Bank, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: D. P. McDonald, chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 227 Farmers Trust

Building, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: George Grave, chairman.


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-



Headquarters: 129 Third Street, Cedar

Rapids, Iowa.

Officer: Robert L. Olson, chairman.


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial


Headquarters: 313 Fifth Street, Sioux

City, Iowa.

Officer: M. C. Smith, chairman.


Mayor's Interracial Commission on


Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City

Hall, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officer: Francis A. Davis, chairman.

Good-Will Committee

Headquarters: 827 N. Arlington Ave-

nue, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Father Cedric Mills and J.

Bernard Wells, co-chairman.

Citizens' Committee for Justice

Headquarters: 639 N. Carey Street,

Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Dr. J. E. T. Camper and Carl

Murphy, co-chairman.

Unity for Victory Committee

Headquarters: 2404 Pennsylvania Ave-

nue, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Harold Buchman, chairman;

J. Harvey Kerns, secretary.

(Outgrowth of the Committee for

Prevention and Control of Riots. )


Interracial Committee of Elkton

Headquarters: 232 E. High Street,

Elkton, Maryland.

Officers: Dr. J. L. Johnson, chairman;

Charles C. Jacobs, executive direc-



Greater Boston Community Relations


Headquarters: 70 State Street, 10th

Floor, Boston, Massachusetts.

Officer: Thomas H. Mahoney, chair-


"Non-Partisan Civic Committee for

Racial Cooperation

Headquarters: 43 Rutland Square,

Boston, Massachusetts.

Officers: Julian D. Steele and Dr.

Frederick May Eliot, co-chairman.


Community Relations Committee of


Headquarters: 7 Temple Street, Cam-

bridge 37, Massachusetts.

Officers: Mrs. Noyes Collinson, chair-

man; Miss Juanita J. Saddler, execu-

tive secretary.


Interracial Committee* ( Mayor's com-

mittee )

Headquarters: 305 W. Fort Street,

Detroit 26, Michigan.

Officers: William J. Norton, chairman;

Harold Thompson, director.

Union for Democratic Action Coalition

Committee on Interracial Under-

standing in the Schools

Headquarters: 700 American Radiator

Building, Detroit 26, Michigan.

Officer: Miss Claire Sanders, chair-


CIO Anti-Discrimination Committee

Headquarters: 2299 Monroe Avenue,

Detroit, Michigan.

Officer: Leonard Smith, chairman.

Metropolitan Detroit Council on Fair

Employment Practices

Headquarters: 906 Transportation

Building, Detroit, Michigan.

Officers: Professor Edward W. Mc-

Farland, chairman; Clarence W.

Anderson, executive secretary.

Union for Democratic Action

Headquarters: Apartment 102, ,4762

Second Boulevard, Detroit, Michi-


Officer: Andrew W. L. Brown, chair-


Neighborhood Committee on Race Re-


Headquarters: Franklin Settlement,

Detroit, Michigan.

Officers: Jack Asaro and O. J. Parrish,


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 304 Hoffman Building,

Detroit, Michigan.

Officer: Edgar Currie, chairman.


Interracial Committee of Council of

Church Women

Headquarters: 1419 Clifford Street,

Flint, Michigan.

Officers: Mrs. R. R. Turpin, chairman.


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 210 Francis Street,

Jackson, Michigan.

Officer: La Verne W. Thompson, sec-



St. Paul Council of Human Relations*

( Mayor's committee )

Headquarters: MacAlester College, St.

Paul 5, Minnesota.

Officers: Dr. Charles J. Turck, chair-

man; Mrs. Irving Levy, secretary.


Race Relations Committee of the

Southern Crusaders*

Headquarters: Box 184, Jonestown,


Officer: J. H. McMillan, chairman.


Citizens' Interracial Committee (May-

or's Committee)

Headquarters: Room 301, YWCA

Building, 1020 McGee Street, Kan-

sas City, Missouri.

Officers: Arthur F. Weber, chairman;

Owen Davidson, secretary.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 1311 Rialto Building,

Kansas City, Missouri.

Officer: P. T. Moode, chairman.


St. Louis Race Relations Commission'*

(Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: 301-302 Municipal

Courts Building, 1300 Market

Street, St. Louis 3, Missouri.

Officers: Edwin B. Meissner, chair-

man; Marie Reese, assistant secre-




Asbury Park Intercultural Committee*

Headquarters: Kinmonth Building,

Asbury Park, New Jersey.

Officers: Rev. Randall W. Conklin,

president; Charles Frankel, secre-



Race Relations Committee of the At-

lantic City Chamber of Commerce*

Headquarters: 2306 Pacific Avenue,

Atlantic City, New Jersey.

Officer: C. W. Cain, chairman.


Burlington Interracial Committee*

Headquarters: Burlington, New Jer-


Officers: Richard Devereux, chairman;

J. Margaret Warner, secretary.


Council for Interracial Good-Will

Headquarters: Y.W.C.A., Jersey City,

New Jersey.

Officer: Miss Dorothy Clarke, chair-



Citizens' Committee on Interracial


Headquarters: 153 Court Street, New-

ark, New Jersey.

Officer: William R. Jackson, chairman.


Passaic Community Welfare Commit-

tee (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: 160 High Street, Pas-

saic, New Jersey.

Officer: Dr. George O. Kirk, chairman.


Paterson Good-Will Committee*

Headquarters: 184 Market Street, Pat-

erson 1, New Jersey.

Officers: Rev. Ernest Ellwell, chair-

man; Charles H. Roemer, secretary.

Committee for Perpetuating American


Headquarters: 105 Carroll Street, Pat-

erson 1, New Jersey.

Officers: Rev. Charles L. Tarter, chair-

man; Miss Clara L. Smith, secretary.


Paterson Interracial Commission

Headquarters: 267 Fair Street, Pater-

son 1, New Jersey.

Officer: Miss Anita Flynn, chairman.


Mayor's Committee on Unity*

Headquarters: Room 705, Municipal

Building, Brooklyn 1, New York.

Officers: Charles E. Hughes, Jr., chair-

man; Dr. Dan W. Dodson, executor


New York Metropolitan Council on

Fair Employment Practice*

Headquarters: 202-6 West 136th

Street, New York 30.

Officers: James H. Sheldon, chairman;

George E. DeMar, secretary.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 1133 Broadway, New

York City.

Officer: Noah Walter, chairman.

West Side Union for Democratic


Headquarters: 1 West 85th Street,

New York 24.

Officers: Arthur M. Loeb, chairman;

Mrs. Hazel L. Rice, secretary.

City-Wide Citizens' Committee on


Headquarters: 18 West 48th Street,

New York City.

Officers: Algernon D. Bkck and A.

Ckyton Powell Sr., co-chairman;

Charles A. Collier, Jr., executive


Citizens' Committee on Better Race


Headquarters: 217 W. 125th Street,

New York City.

Officer: A. Philip Randolph, organ-


New York Race Relations Committee

of the U. S. Student Assembly

Headquarters: 8 West 40th Street,

Board of Directors.

Officer: Mary Lou Rogers, chairman.

Hunter College Interracial and Inter-

faith Committee on Social Activities

Headquarters: Hunter College, New

York City.

Officer: Miss Marian Casey, director.

Manhattan Interracial Youth Council

Headquarters: 137 East 57th Street;

New York City.

Officers: Bradford Chambers, chair-

man; Patricia Williams, executive


Lynn Committee to Abolish Segrega-

tion in the Armed Forces*

Headquarters: 1 West 125th Street,

New York 27.

Officers: Wilfred H. Kerr, Richard

Parrish and Alex Rose, co-chairman.

Nancy G. MacDonald, secretary-


Council for Americanism

Headquarters: 4290 Broadway, New

York City.

Officer: Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,


Interracial Commission of Brooklyn 9

Headquarters : Embury Methodist

Church, 230 Decatur Street, Brook-

lyn 33, New York.

Officers: Rev. H. B. Warren and Rev.

J. T. Ogburn, co-chairmen; Rev. J.

Henry Carpenter, executive secre-


Brooklyn Citizens' Committee for

Racial and Religious Amity

Headquarters: Borough Hall, Brook-

lyn 2, New York.

Officer: Lloyd I. Herzska, secretary.

Anti-Racism Committee of New York

Headquarters: 144 Henry Street,

Brooklyn 2, New York.

Officer: Herbert M. Chaimas, chair-


Bronx Conference for Racial and Re-

ligious Unity 9

Headquarters: 2488 Grand Concourse,

Bronx 58, New York.

Officers: Councilman Michael J. Quill,

chairman; Katherine Earnshaw, ex-

ecutive secretary.

Jamaica Interracial and Interfaiih


Headquarters: P. O. Box 223, Jamaica

1, New York.

Officers: Mrs. Anthony Pisciotta, chair-

man; Mrs. Walter Larschan, corre-

sponding secretary.


Albany Citizens Interracial Commit-


Headquarters: 57 South Hawk Street,

Albany, New York.

Officers: Lewis C. Bruce, chairman,

Mrs. Joseph B. Robinson, chairman

of committee on program and con-


Albany Interracial Council, Inc.

Headquarters: 122 Second Street, Al-

bany, New York.

Officer: H. A. Seaver, president of

Board of Directors.


Interracial Association of Binghamton,


Headquarters: 40 Kenwood Avenue,

Binghamton, New York.

Officer: Miss Mattie G. William, ex-

ecutive secretary.

Catholic Interracial Guild

Headquarters: 205 Hawley Street,

Binghamton, New York.

Officer: Miss Dorothy Hayes, presi-



Mayor's Committee on Community Re-

lations 9

Headquarters: Prudential Building,

Buffalo 2, New York.

Officers: Hon. Charles B. Sears, chair-

man; William L. Evans, secretary.

Civil Liberties and Minority Groups


Headquarters: Southside Branch,

Y.W.C.A., Buffalo, New York.

Officer: Miss Gwendolyn E. Morgan,



Interracial Group of Vassar College

Headquarters: 422 Main Hall, Vassar

College, Poughkeepsie, New York.

Officer: Miss Betty Brimberg, chair-


Citizens' Committee for Promotion of

Interracial Understanding

Headquarters: 89-07 112 Street, Rich-

mond Hill, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Edward Heller, chair-




Citizens' Committee for Promotion of

Interracial Understanding

Headquarters: 110-34 173rd Street,

St. Albans, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Sadie Jefferson, chair-



Citizens' Unity Committee

Headquarters: 110 Oxford Place,

Schenectady 8, New York.

Officers: Dr. Burges Johnson, chair-

man; Joseph Czyzewski, secretary.


Federation of Interracial Groups

Headquarters: 472 James Street, Syra-

cuse 3, New York.

Officer: Dr. Robert E. Romig, chair-


Syracuse Interracial Group

Headquarters: 561 Cedar St., Syra-

cuse 3, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Louise B. Holly, secre-



Guilford County Interracial Committee

Headquarters: 1402 Washington

Street, Greensboro, North Carolina.

Officers: Charles A. Hines, chairman;

Mrs. Martha S. Gorleigh, secretary.

Greensboro Intercollegiate Commis-

sion on Race Relations*

Headquarters: Guilford College, Guil-

ford College, North Carolina.

Officers: Andrew Headen, president;

Frances Walcott, secretary-trea-



Mayor's Friendly Relations Commit-


Headquarters: 1111 Keith Building,

Cincinnati 2, Ohio.

Officers: Mayor James Garfield Stew-

art, chairman; Robert E. Segal, sec-


Inter-Faith Race Relations Committee

of Disciples of Christ

Headquarters: College of the Bible,

Lexington, Kentucky.

Officers: Dr. Stephen Cory and Rob-

ert Segal, co-chairmen.



Columbus Council for Democracy*

Headquarters: Room 7, 9 East Long

Street, Columbus 15, Ohio.

Officers: Ray S. Reinert, president,

Board of Trustees; Marshall L.

Scott, secretary.


Committee on Democratic Practices

(Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City

Hall, Cleveland, Ohio.

Officer: Rev. R. D. Sharpe, secretary.


Dayton Committee on Interracial Jus-

tice and Goodwill (Mayor's com-


Headquarters: 21-25 Davies Building,

Dayton 2, Ohio.

Officer: Rev. Kemper G. McComb,



Interracial Committee of Toledo*

(Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Textileather Corpora-

tion, Dayton Street, Toledo, Ohio.

Officers: C. Arthur Collin, president:

Mrs. Frances B. Wade, secretary.

Citizens' Committee on Race Relations

Headquarters: Office of the Mayor.

City Hall, Toledo.

Officers: Rev. Calvin K. Stalnaker

and Mayor Lloyd E. Roulet, co-



Interracial Committee

Headquartersc Booker T. Washington

Center, 133 E. Third Street, Erin.


Officer: Miss Elsie Drew, secretary.


Interracial Group

Headquarters: 1831 Market Street,

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Officer: W. Justin Carter, chairman.

Harrisburg Service Council ( an Urban

League affiliate)

Headquarters: 825 N. Sixth Street,

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Henry R. Smith, Jr., chair-



Mayors Committee on Goodwill

Headquarters: 642 City Hall, Phila-

delphia, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Dr. Alexander J. Stoddard,

chairman; Mrs. Francis R. Straw-

bridge, secretary.

City-Wide Interracial Committee (Es-

tablished by request of State Com-

mission on Urban Colored Popula-


Headquarters: 305 Bankers Security

Building, Philadelphia, Pennsyl-


Officers: Dr. Jacob Billikopf, chair-


Council for Equal Job Opportunity

Headquarters: Room 923, 121 North

Broad Street, Philadelphia 17, Penn-


Officer: Robert Parker, acting secre-


Catholic Interracial Council*

Headquarters: Gesu Girls' Parochial

School, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Mrs. Anna M. McGarry, tem-

porary chairman.

Germantown and Chestnut Hill Inter-

racial Committee*

Headquarters: 34 West Duval Street,

Germantown, Philadelphia 44,


Officers: Stanley R. Yarnall, chairman;

Mrs. Olivia Y. Taylor, secretary.

Interracial Discussion Group*

Headquarters: 4032 Spruce Street,

Philadelphia 4, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Mrs. Nana P. Dunn, chair-

man; Joseph M. Gorelik, executive



Interracial Committee of Allegheny


Headquarters: 14 Wood Street, Pitts-

burgh, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Edward O. Tabor, chairman.

Interracial Group Organization (Es-

tablished by Pittsburgh Chamber of

Commerce )

Headquarters: 14 Wood Street, Pitts-

burgh, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Edward O. Tabor, chairman.


Lancaster Interracial Council

Headquarters: Willow Street, Route

No. 1, Lancaster County, Pennsyl-


Officer: Rev. N. W. Shollenberger,



Bi-Racial Committee*

Headquarters: 56 Rutledge Avenue,

Charleston, South Carolina.

Officer: C. O. Getty, chairman.


Greenwood County Interracial Com-


Headquarters: First Presbyterian

Church, Greenwood, South Caro-


Officer: Rev. Roswell C. Long, pres-



Rock Hill Council of Interracial Co-


Headquarters: First Baptist Church,

Rock Hill, South Carolina.

Officers: Rev. A. B. Hawkes, chair-

man; Rev. W. E. Houston, secre-



Interracial Committee (Finally organ-

ized as a branch of NAACP)

Headquarters: 827 S. Dakota Avenue,

Sioux Falls, South Dakota.

Officers: Benjamin Marqulies, .chair-



Knoxville Interracial Commission*

Headquarters: Y.M.C.A., Cansler

Branch, 208 E. Vine Avenue, Knox-

ville 15, Tennessee.

Officers: Dr. I. P. Martin, chairman;

David N. Howell, secretary.


Committee on Human Relations

Headquarters: McKendree Methodist

Church, Nashville, Tennessee.

Officers: Dr. King Vivion, chairman;

Mrs. Charles S. Johnson, secretary.



Dallas Council on Human Relations

Headquarters: 3619 Princeton Ave-

nue, Dallas, Texas.

Officer: Rev. Robert Raible, chairman.


CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: P. O. Box 799, Hous-

ton, Texas.

Officers: I. R. Gray, chairman.


Texas County Committee for Inter-

racial Cooperation*

Headquarters: 3305 West Ashby

Street, San Antonio 1, Texas.

Officers: John C. Cranberry, chair-

man; Mrs. K. R. Hemphill, acting



Interracial Commission of Arlington


Headquarters: 2617 Columbia Pike,

Arlington, Virginia.

Officers: Rev. P. Lee Falmore, chair-

man; Jesse R. Pollard, secretary.


Hanover County Interracial Group

Headquarters: Ashland, Virginia.

Officer: Dr. J. P. McConnell, chair-



Charlottesville Interracial Cooperation


Headquarters: 202 East High Street,

Charlottesville, Virginia.

Officer: Dr. Frank M. Daniel, chair-



Seattle Civic Unity Committee* (May-

or's Committee)

Headquarters: Pacific National Bank,

Seattle 11, Washington.

Officers: George H. Greenwood, chair-

man; Miss Ann Madsen, secretary.


Citizens' Committee on Race Relations

Headquarters: 743 Investment Build-

ing, Washington, D. C.

Officer: Wilbur LaRoe, Jr., chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 412 21st Street, N. E.,

Washington, D. C.

Officer: Charles S. Duke, chairman.


Four Freedoms Fellowship*

Headquarters: Box 653, Charleston 1,

West Virginia.

Officers: Rev. B. W. Tinsley, presi-

dent; Ervin Kampe, executive sec-



CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-


Headquarters: 631 West Reservoir

Street, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Officer: Joseph Ellis, chairman.


(Continued from front flap)

TIME BOMB shows that, though a great

war is heing fought against foreign fascism,

a greater and even more difficult war must

now be fought against the explosive charges

of fascism which have been sown in our own

soil. It is the struggle of which Carl Sand-

burg spoke when he said, "After the strife

of war begins the strife of peace."

And it not only reveals the dangers we face

tomorrow. It also tells what you can do to

snuff out the dangers. It is an expose of those

who are attempting to set the time bomb

which they hope will rip America apart. It

is a warning of how they work and a pre-

sentation of counter-measures which can be

used against them now.


E. A. Filler was formerly Book Editor and

literary reviewer of Liberty Magazine, and

before that an editor and book publisher.

TIME BOMB, for which the assistance of

a research staff was engaged, is the result of

investigations into widespread, constantly

growing un-American activities. These were

begun with the idea of producing a series of

articles revealing many phases of prQ-fascist

activity, never before exposed, which consti-

tute a major threat to American democracy.

As investigation developed, however, it

became apparent that some of these "time

bomb" activities and the people involved in

them are so enmeshed that only a book could

provide the scope necessary to reveal their

background, the extent of their influence

and the danger they present.

Accordingly, Mr. Filler decided to forego

the series of articles which would have taken

some months to present, and to publish this

material in book form as a means of warning

America quickly and placing it on guard

against present danger of a fascist explosion.



NEW YORK 17, N. Y.

Why TIME BOMB is "must" reading:


"Start ordering the next sizzler best-seller . . . TIME BOMB. It

is documented data on the people trying to start a civil war among

us all. It calls a spade a spade and a fascist a you-know-what."


"TIME BOMB is must reading for every American interested

in the preservation of democracy. It is, at the same time, an ex-

citingly dramatic analysis of the subversive elements that have

gone into the making of a political TIME BOMB which will

certainly go off if it is not detonated in time. Mr. Filler does a

magnificent job of detonating.

"TIME BOMB is more important than either SABOTAGE

or UNDERCOVER because it not only exposes reaction but also

points out the political remedies. It throws light into some of

the dai kest corners of our political life which need to be cleaned

out and disinfected thoroughly.

"It has the advantage of telling its story in a minimum number

of words and with maximum effectiveness written in a fast news-

paperman's style. It is as timely as tomorrow's headlines."


National Director of Friends of Democracy

"TIME BOMB is important reading for citizens who want to

be informed. It discloses the sinister propaganda line of the

numerous anti-democratic groups and publications functioning

right now."


Philadelphia Record

"TIME BOMB is an explosive-laden book which does the

supremely important job of dynamiting home-front complacency

about the dangers of native fascism. Mr. Filler has an amazing

amount of information in the book and what especially im-

pressed me was the way he has worked out the interlockings of

all these organizations and personalities."

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"High treason - the plot against the people"

Lots of great info about nascent Nazis like Gen. William F. Draper, the Dulles Brothers, Dillon, Read
and Admiral James V. Forrestal written in 1950









By Albert E. Kahn

SABOTAGE! -The Secret War Against America *


THE GREAT CONSPIRACY: The Secret War Against
Soviet Russia *

HIGH TREASON: The Plot Against the People


Treason in Congress

Dangerous Americans

With Michael Sayers


The Plot Against the People


Research and Editorial Assistant, ARTHUR KAHN


New York


First Edition
Published May 1950



whose heart is with the people

None of the incidents or dialogue in High Treason
has been invented by the author. The material has
been drawn from various documentary sources
which are indicated in the text or listed in the
Bibliographical Notes.

The reader of this book is not to infer from the tide, High Treason, that
any person named in the book has committed treason against the United
States Government. The title is derived from the concept defined in the
author's foreword. In those cases where treason against the United States
Government has been committed by persons named in this book, the author
has specifically indicated this fact.


On Treason—^ Foreuoord xi


War in Peace

1. Grim Aftermath 2

2. Secrets of the Department of Justice 10

3. The Raids 14

4. Chambers of Horror 20

II Dark Tide

1. The Nature of the Crime 24

2. The Foulest Page 29

III Balance Sheet 34


IV Incredible Era

1. The Making of a President 42

2. "God! What a job!" 45

3. The Ways of Normalcy 48

V Rogue's Gallery

1. "The real old times" 53

2. The Dome and the Hills 58

3. Mr. Smith Goes to Washington 63

4. Sudden Death 68

5. Millionaires on Trial 71


VI The Golden Age

1. "Aren't We All Rich Now?"

2. The Profits of Crime

3. *'Those anarchistic bastards!"

VII End of An Era

1. Debacle

2. Days of Reckoning

3. March on Washington


VIII The New Deal

1. F.D.R.

2. First Term

IX Force and Violence

1. King of the Strikebreakers

2. Blackguards and Blacklists

3. Gas and Guns

4. Techniques of Terror

5. Lest We Forget

6. The General Staff

X Inside Ford's Empire

1. Man and Myth

2. The Little Fellow

3. "Bennett's Pets"

4. The Dallas Affair

5. Boring From Within

6. Final Drive

XI Dangerous Americans

1. The Secret Offensive

2. Abortive Putsch

3. Murder in the Middle West

4. Fifth Column in Congress

5. America First

XII The War Years

I. Gold Internationale


2. "What price patriotism?" 229

3. People's War 234


iciii Death of the New Deal

1. War's Legacy 242

2. Return of Herbert Hoover 248

3. Missouri Gang 251

4. Top Secret 256

5. Sound and Fury 260

Jciv Witchhunt in Washington

1. Loyalty Order 267

2. Behind Closed Doors 271

tv Pattern of Suppression

1. Grim Schedule 278

2. Fear Itself 281

3. Stormtroop Strategy 285

4. "Is this America?" 290

5. Method in Madness 297

tvi The Monstrous Fact

1. In Freedom's Name 306

2. In the Nation's Capital 311

3. Terror in Tennessee 315

4. By Trigger, Lash and Noose 320

XVII The Red Spectre

1. Theme and Variations 328

2. Trial of the Twelve 332

3. Peekskill 342
4- 1950 347

To the Reader 349

Bibliography 351

Index 356


The traitor to Humanity is the traitor most accursed.

]a?ne5 Russell Lowell

When I, the People, learn to remember, when I, the People,
use the lessons of yesterday and no longer forget
who robbed me last year, who played me for a fool-
then there will be no speaker in all the world say
the name: "The People," with any fleck of a sneer in
his voice or any far-oif smile of derision.

The mob— the crowd— the mass— will arrive then.

Carl Sandburg

A Foreword

The greatest treason is not treason against governments but
against human beings.

Treason against the people is committed in many diverse ways.
Oppression through violence, terror and inquisition; the exploita-
tion, despoilment and impoverishment of millions of men and
women; despotic laws and the use of the courts as instruments of
repression; fraudulent propaganda a7id the artificial pitting of one
section of the public against another; the malting of wars and
the monstrous alchemy of converting mans blood into gold: all
these are forms of treason against the people.

And common to all of them is the fierce determination of a
privileged minority to retain their power and increase their advan-
tages at the expense and suffering of the great majority.

Treason against the people is not a new phenomenon in the
world. Its dar\ thread runs through the pattern of all recorded
history. But in our epoch, as the strength of the people has
achieved unprecedented proportions and their demand for a
better life has become implacable, the measures of the few to sub-
jugate the many have grown increasingly ruthless and desperate.
Fascism was a product of that ruthlessness and desperation. The
German citizen who actively opposed the Nazi regime was not a
traitor but a true patriot; it was the Nazi Government that was

This boo\ deals with treason against the American people. The
crimes and conspiracies it records do not ma\e for pleasant read-
ing, and much of its content will be deeply shoeing to the
average American. Yet there is every reason why Americans must
comprehend the treasonable devices employed against them in the


past and so gravely menacing them in the present. The main-
tenance of democracy in America, and of peace iri the world,
depends largely upon this understanding.

It is in the hope of increasing this understanding, and of acti-
vizing Americafis against the mounting danger in the land, that
this boo\ has been written.




Chapter i


Give me your tired, your poor.
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!

FroTfi Emma Lazarus^ poem, The New
Colossus, inscribed on the base of the
Statue of Liberty,

I. Grim Aftermath

Shortly before dawn on a chill overcast December morning, one
year after the end of the war, a carefully guarded transport vessel
lying in the shadow of the guns of Fort Wadsworth lifted anchor
and slipped out of New York Harbor under extremely strange and
mysterious circumstances. Not even the captain knew where the
ship was bound; he was sailing under sealed orders, to remain un-
opened until he was twenty-four hours at sea. The only persons
aware of the ship's destination were a few highly placed officials
of the United States Government.

Through the long tense hours of the night a cordon of heavily
armed soldiers had stood on guard at the pier. Aboard ship, other
soldiers with fixed bayonets patroled the decks. A special detach-
ment of marines, several agents of the Department of Justice and a
top-ranking member of the Mihtary Intelligence Section of the
Army General Staff sailed with the vessel. Shortly before departure,
revolvers were distributed among the crew . . .

The ship carried an extraordinary cargo: 249 Russian-born men
and women who had been arrested by Federal agents in a series of
sudden nationwide raids and brought for deportation to Ellis Island

under armed guard. According to Justice Department spokesmen,
the prisoners were "the leaders and brains of the ultra-radical move-
ment" and "Soviet agents" who were ^'conspiring to overthrow the
Government of the United States."

While street lights blinked out in the hushed, still slumbering city
of New York, the ship bearing these men and women steamed
slowly away from the dimly-looming Statue of Liberty and headed
out to sea.

The ship was the Buford. More colloquially, the American press
dubbed it "The Soviet Ark". . .

For those readers who do not recall the banner headlines which
heralded the news that the Biiford had sailed, it should be mentioned
that this singular voyage occurred one year after World War I, not
World War II.

The date on which the Buford sailed from New York was De-
cember 2 1, 19 19.*

The Great War had ended but peace had not come with the
signing of the Armistice on November 11, 191 8.

On that long-awaited day which officially concluded the agony
and havoc of the four seemingly interminable years, as the momen-
tous word raced through the land, and every hamlet and town
resounded with the frantic clamor of whistles, horns and bells, and
tens of thousands danced wildly in the streets with joy, President
Woodrow Wilson sat at his desk in the White House writing a
solemn but exultant message to the American people:

"My Fellow Countrymen: The Armistice was signed this morn-
ing. Everything for which America fought has been accomplished.
It will now be our fortunate duty to assist by example, by sober
friendly counsel, and by material aid in the establishment of just
democracy throughout the world."

In Europe, as in America, President Wilson's quixotic pronounce-
ments were on all lips. Arriving on the Continent that December to
attend the Paris Peace Conference, the tall, lean, bespectacled pro-
fessor from Princeton was fervently acclaimed by the war-weary

* On January 17, 1920, after being escorted across the English Channel by a
British destroyer and passing through the Kiel Canal to the Baltic Sea, the
Buford deposited its human cargo at the port of Hango, Finland. The Finnish
Government immediately transported the deportees to the Russian border and
turned them over to the Soviet authorities.


millions as a modern Moses who had come to lead mankind into a
promised land of peace and brotherly love.

And yet, incredible as it seemed, within a matter of weeks, the
splendid visions conjured up by Wilson's magic words had vanished
into thin air, and in their place loomed ominous portents of tur-
bulent and tragic days to come.

"It is now evident," Colonel E. M. House, Wilson*s chief adviser
and closest confidante, noted apprehensively in his diary on March
3, 19 19, "that the peace will not be such a peace as I had hoped, or
one which this terrible upheaval should have brought about."

At the carefully secluded peace deliberations of the Big Four in a
conference room at the Quai D'Orsay in Paris, there soon emerged
the real reasons why millions of men had died in the mud of
Europe's battlefields. Bound by their secret treaties and commercial
pacts, and avidly impatient to redivide the world market and carve
up the German Empire, David Lloyd George, Winston Churchill,*
Georges Clemenceau and Vittorio Orlando lost little time in by-
passing Wilson's high-sounding peace proposals and getting down
to the real business of the day.

"The old politicians," observed the famous British war correspon-
dent. Sir Philip Gibbs, "who had played the game of politics before
the war, gambling with the lives of men for territory, privileged
markets, oil fields, native races, coaling stations and imperial pres-
tige, grabbed the pool which the German gamblers had lost when
their last bluff was called and quarreled over its distribution."

There were other discordant notes at the Peace Conference.

The legacy of the Great War had not been limited to millions of
dead and crippled human beings, and to wreckage, plague, famine
and destitution. Out of the cataclysm there had come, unbidden and
unforeseen, gigantic upheavals of masses of humanity, revolting
against further suffering and bloodshed, demanding peace, bread,
land and an end to the old order.

"The whole of Europe is filled with the spirit of revolution ...,'*
Prime Minister David Lloyd George told the Peace Conference in a
confidential memorandum. "The whole existing order in its politi-

* Winston Churchill, then British Secretary of War, temporarily replaced
Prime Minister Lloyd George, as the British spokesman at the Paris Peace
Conference in February 1919.

cal, social and economic aspects is questioned by the masses of the
population from one end of Europe to the other."

How to stifle this "spirit of revolution" and maintain the status
quo? How to liquidate the Soviets in Berlin and Hamburg, in
Bavaria and Hungary? Such were the questions that obsessed the
peacemakers at Paris.

And dominating all other questions was this: how to crush the
revolution in Russia which had brought the Soviet regime to power
on November 7, 19 17?

As recorded by the semi-official History of the Peace Conference
published under the auspices of the British Royal Institute of Inter-
national Affairs:

The effect of the Russian problem on the Paris Peace Conference
was profound: Paris cannot be understood without Moscow. Without
ever being represented at Paris at all, the Bolsheviki and Bolshevism
were powerful elements at every turn. Russia played a more vital part
in Paris than Prussia.

"Bolshevism is spreading," the aging French "Tiger," Premier
Georges Clemenceau, agitatedly warned the Peace Conference. "It
has invaded the Baltic provinces and Poland ... we have received
very bad news regarding its spread to Budapest and Vienna. Italy,
also, is in danger. . . . Therefore, something must be done against

Already something was being done. Although peace had been
proclaimed, tens of thousands of AUied troops, fighting side by side
with counter-revolutionary White armies led by former Czarist
generals, were waging a bloody, undeclared war on Russian soil to
overthrow the new Soviet Government.

"Bolshevism," Herbert Hoover, Chairman of the American Relief
Administration, told the Peace Conference, "is worse than war! " *

* By the summer of 19 19, without declaration of war, the armed forces of
fourteen states had invaded the territory of Soviet Russia. The countries
involved were: Great Britain, France, Japan, Germany, Italy, Czechoslovakia,
Serbia, China, Finland, Greece, Poland, Rumania, Turkey and the United

The intervention and the civil war in Russia lasted into the summer of 1921
and finally ended in the defeat and routing of the interventionist forces and
their White Russian allies by the Red Army.

Although receiving scant attention in most histories, the two and a half
years of intervention and civil war were responsible for the death through
battie, starvation or disease of some 7,000,000 Russian men, women and chil-

Point six of Wilson's Fourteen Points called for the "evacuation
of all Russian territory" and "the independent determination of her
own political development and national policy." But at Paris, Wilson
gave in to the advocates of intervention. The day before he was to
return to America, he said, *'I have explained to the Council how I
would act if I were alone. I will, however, cast in my lot with the

Back in America, President Wilson placed the Treaty of Ver-
sailles before the Senate. Unwilling to admit to himself or to others
the tragic failure of his mission and the iniquity of the peace terms,
Wilson declaimed: "The stage is set, the destiny disclosed. It has
come about by no plan of our conceiving, but by the hand of God
who led us into the war . . . We can go only forward, with lifted
eyes and freshened spirit, to follow the vision."

But Wilson's eloquence now fell on deaf ears. Under the leader-
ship of the elderly, die-hard isolationist. Senator Henry Cabot

dren. The material losses to Soviet Russia were later estimated by the Soviet
Government at $60,000,000,000. No reparations were paid by the invaders.

With irony and characteristic bluntness, Winston Churchill, who himself
supervised the Allied campaign against Soviet Russia, later wrote in his book,
The World Crisis: the Aftermath: "Were they [the Allies] at war with Russia?
Certainly not; but they shot Soviet Russians at sight. They stood as invaders
on Russian soil. They armed the enemies of the Soviet Government. They
blockaded the ports and sank its battleships. They earnestly desired and
schemed its downfall. But war— shocking! Interference— shame! It was, they
repeated, a matter of indifference to them how Russians settled their own
affairs. They were impartial— bang!"

On September 5, 19 19, Senator William Borah declared in the U. S. Senate:
"Mr. President, we are not at war with Russia; Congress has not declared war
against the Russian Government or the Russian people. The people of the
United States do not desire to be at war with Russia . . . Yet ... we are
carrying on war with the Russian people. We have an army in Russia; we are
furnishing munitions and supplies to other armed forces in that country . . .
There is neither legal nor moral justification for sacrificing these lives. It is in
violation of the plain principles of free government."

Under the direction of Herbert Hoover, the American Relief Administra-
tion channeled all possible food supplies into territory occupied by the troops
of General Nicholas Yudenitch and other ex-Czarist and White Guard com-
manders, while withholding supplies from Soviet territory, where hundreds of
thousands were starving. The ARA also arranged for the delivery of military
equipment to the White forces. Finally, after the end of the intervention and
civil war, public pressure in Anerica forced the sending of food to famine-
stricken Soviet Russia.

"The whole of American policy during the liquidation of the Armistice,"
Herbert Hoover wrote Oswald Garrison Villard on August 17, 1921, "was to
contribute everything it could to prevent Europe from going Bolshevik . . ."


Lodge, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee proceeded to chop
apart and revise the Treaty, concentrating its attack on the Cove-
nant of the League of Nations.

Early in September 19 19, against the warning of his physicians,
Wilson set out on a coast-to-coast speaking tour to rally popular
support for his peace program. The strain on his already overtaxed
nervous system proved too great. On the night of September 25,
having dehvered forty speeches within three weeks, the President
collapsed while en route by train to Wichita, Kansas. He was
rushed back to Washington. A few days later, a cerebral throm-
bosis resulted in the partial paralysis of his left side . . .

For the remaining seventeen months of his term. President Wilson
was an ailing recluse in the White House. Bedridden for over a
month, and then confined to a wheel chair, he received scarcely
any visitors and attended to only the most elementary matters of
state. Day after day, wrapped in a shawl, lonely and gray-faced,
Wilson sat in his wheel chair on the portico of the Presidential man-
sion, brooding bitterly on the disintegration of his cherished dreams.

The atmosphere in the nation's capitol, as depicted by Edward G.
Lowry in Washington Close-Ups, was

one of bleak and chill austerity suffused and envenomed by hatred
of a sick chief magistrate that seemed to poison and blight every ordinary
human relationship . . . The White House was isolated ... Its great iron
gates were closed and chained and locked. Policemen guarded its ap-
proaches. It was in a void apart.

The rumor spread that Wilson was no longer in his right mind.
A number of congressmen urged that he be supplanted by Vice-
President Thomas R. Marshall, and the Senate dispatched Senators
Albert Fall and Gilbert Hitchcock to the White House to check on
the President's mental condition.

"Mr. President," Senator Fall unctuously told Wilson, "I am
praying for you."

The two senators reported back to their colleagues in the Upper
House that they had found the Chief Executive in full possession of
his mental faculties . . .

Such was the grim finale of Woodrow Wilson's crusade for
world peace.

As in Europe, so also in America, peace had not come with the
signing of the Armistice.


While President Wilson had been touring the land delivering im-
passioned speeches on his plans for world peace, his own country
was seething with violent unrest and bitter industrial strife.

The uneasy wartime truce between labor and capital in America
had terminated abruptly. With officials of the American Federation
of Labor still sanguinely echoing Wilson's slogan of "Industrial
Democracy" and predicting a "new era for American Labor," the
major industries launched a sudden intensive campaign to wipe out
labor's wartime gains and crush the trade unions,*

"I believe they may have been justified in the long past," Judge
Elbert H. Gary, Chairman of the U. S. Steel Corporation, told a
meeting of stockholders. "But . . . there is, at present, in the
opinion of the large majority of both employers and employees, no
necessity for labor unions . . . The existence and conduct of labor
unions, in this country at least, are inimical to the best interests of
the employees, the employers and the general public."

The Minnesota Banker editorialized:

There is no question as to the economic value of the open shop. . . .
The closed shop is zealously fought for by the radical wing of labor
organizations. The open shop can be the most readily brought about by
the elimination of this element in organized labor. . . . where the radical
element is too strongly entrenched, there is, of course, but one final thing
to do, and that is to beat them by force.

WilUam H. Barr, President of the National Founders' Association
trenchantly summed things up with the words: "War-time wages
must be liquidated!" American workingmen did not submit quietly
to the concerted assault on their unions and living standards. A
storm of strikes swept the country.

In January 19 19, shipyard workers in Seattle, Washington,
walked off their jobs in protest against a wage cut, and within three

* As a wartime expedient, various concessions had been made to the labor
movement by industries which, in the words of the labor historians, Selig
Perlman and Philip Taft, "spurred on by war-time profits, staged a reckless
competition for labor." Wages had been increased, hours of labor shortened.
Workers poured into unions. Between 19 13-1920 the American Federation of
Labor membership rose from 1,996,000 to 4,078,000.

But despite the wartime gains of organized labor, the lot of most American
workers was still extremely arduous at the war's end. In the steel industry, for
example, there was a seven-day work-week in 1919, and many steel workers
put in twelve to fourteen hours a day. Commenting on working conditions in
the steel industry in 1919, a Report by the Commission of Inquiry of the Inter-
church World Movement stated: ". . . The 12-hour day is a barbarism with-
out valid excuse, penalizing the workers and the country."


weeks the entire city was tied up by a general strike. During the
following months, in one state after another, typographers and con-
struction workers, telephone operators and railroadmen, longshore-
men, teamsters and textile workers went on strike. The culminating
point of the strike wave came in September and October, when
close to 350,000 steel workers quit their jobs and half a million
miners walked from the coal pits, bringing the total number of
workers on strike in America to more than two million . . .

A headHne in the December 19 19 issue of The Employer, organ
of the Oklahoma Employers' Association, called the coal strike
"Nothing Less Than Open and Defiant Revolution." The same issue
of this journal posed the question: "Would Hindenburg and Luden-
dorff do less evil to the country than Lewis and Foster?" *

To smash the strikes, thousands of Federal troops, state militia,
municipal police, and whole armies of company-hired strikebreakers
and gunmen went into action. In many industrial centers martial
law was declared. Pitched battles were fought in the coal fields. In
one battle in West Virginia, some 1,500 armed deputies and more
than 2,000 Federal troops were used to disband a colony of striking
miners who had armed themselves against strike-breaking gunmen.

The dead and wounded in these fierce labor conflicts numbered
in the hundreds.

Bloody violence in postwar America raged not only in the arena
of industrial strife.

"That year [1919]," the noted scholar W. E. B. Dubois records
in his book. Dusk of Dawn, "there were race riots large and small
in twenty-six American cities, including thirty-eight killed in a
Chicago riot in August; from twenty-five to fifty killed in Phillips
County, Arkansas; and six killed in Washington."

Governor Hugh M. Dorsey of Georgia told a citizens' confer-
ence in Atlanta: "In some counties the Negro is being driven out
as though he wxre a wild animal; in others he is being held as a slave;
in others no Negroes remain."

The wholesale terror against Negroes reached its peak at Phillips
County, Arkansas.

* The Employer was referring to John Llewellyn Lewis, riien Acting Presi-
dent and later President of the United Mine Workers of America; and to
William Z. Foster, then Secretary of the National Committee for the Or-
ganizing of the Iron and Steel Industry and leader of the great steel strike, and
later the National Chairman of the American Communist Party.

Crushed under the peonage of the feudal plantation system,
Negro cotton pickers in Phillips County formed a Progressive
Farmers' Household Union in an effort to change their subhuman
working and living conditions. Immediately, the plantation owners
and local authorities launched a ferocious drive to destroy the or-
ganization. Members of the Union were systematically hunted
down, jailed, shot and lynched. With desperate courage, the
Negroes armed themselves, established "Paul Revere" courier sys-
tems to recruit new members to their ranks and fought back under
the slogan, "We've just begun."

Federal troops, equipped with machine guns, were rushed into
Phillips County. Hundreds of Negroes were arrested and herded
into jails. After trials lasting literally only a few minutes, eleven
Negroes were sentenced to death, nine Negroes to twenty-one years
imprisonment, and 122 more indicted on various charges.

The Progressive Farmers' Household Union was destroyed . . .

In Washington, on August 25, 19 19, Congressman James F.
Byrnes of South Carolina told members of the House of Represen-

For any colored man who has become inoculated with the desire for
political equalit)% there is no employment for him in the South. This is
a white man's country, and will always remain a white man's country.*

There were other grim features to the postwar scene in America.
As Frederick Lewis Allen writes in his book. Only Yesterday:

If the American people turned a deaf ear to Woodrow Wilson's plea
for the League of Nations during the years of the Post-War Decade, it
was not simply because they were too weary of foreign entangle-
ments . . . They were listening to something else. They were listening
to ugly rumors of a huge radical conspiracy against the government and
the institutions of the United States. They had their ears cocked for the
detonation of bombs and the tramp of Bolshevist armies. They seriously
thought— at least millions of them did, millions of otherwise reasonable
citizens— that a Red revolution might begin in the United States the
next month or the next week . . .

2. Secrets of the Department of Justice

Toward the end of 19 19, the Assistant Chief of the Justice De-
partment's Bureau of Investigation,t Frank Burke, dispatched an

* For James F. Byrnes' activities as U. S. Secretary of State after World
War II, see Book Four.

+ The name of this division of the Justice Department was changed in 1924
to Federal Bureau of Investigation, or FBI.


urgent, highly confidential directive to Federal agents throughout
the country. The dii'ective revealed that the Justice Department
was about to stage scores of simultaneous raids in a nationwide
round-up of "communists" and "radical aliens."

"You will be advised by telegraph," wrote Burke, "as to the
exact date and hour when the arrests are to be made."

The Justice Department agents were instructed by Burke that
their spies, informers and agents-provocateurs within "communist
groups" should make every effort to have these organizations hold
meetings on the designated night. In Burke's words:

If possible you should arrange with your under-cover informants to
have meetings of the Communist Party and the Communist Labor
Party * on the night set . . . This, of course, will facilitate in making
the arrests.

Burke's letter concluded:

On the evening of the arrests, this office will be open the entire night
and I desire that you communicate by long distance to Mr. Hoover any
matters of vital importance or interest which arise during the course of
the arrests.

I desire that the morning following the arrests you should forward to
this office by special delivery marked for the ^''Attention of Mr. Hoover^^
a complete list of the names of the persons arrested ... I desire also that
the morning following the arrests you communicate in detail by tele-
gram, ''''Attention of Mr. Ho over, ^^ the results of the arrests made, giving
the total number of persons of each organization taken into custody,
together with a statement of any interesting evidence secured.

The full name of the "Mr. Hoover" who was assigned this re-
sponsible role in the raids was John Edgar Hoover.

A stocky round-faced young man with close-cropped dark hair
and expressionless dark eyes, who had attended night law classes at
George Washington University, J. Edgar Hoover had obtained a
job as a minor official in the Department of Justice during the war.
As shrewd as he w^as ambitious, he had advanced rapidly in the
Department. In 19 19, at the age of twenty-five, he was appointed
director of the newly formed, rather mysterious General Intelli-
gence Division of the Department's Bureau of Investigation. In this
capacity. Hoover had the important task of supervising the Bureau's

* The Communist Party and the Communist Labor Party were formed in
September 1919 after a split within the Socialist Party. The two groups later
merged and founded the Workers (Communist) Party of America. In 1928
the name became Communist Party of the United States of Ajnerica.


"counter-radical activities." His official title was Special Assistant
to the Attorney General.

A. Mitchell Palmer, the U. S. Attorney General at the time, was
a man with an eye to the future. Knowing the gravity of Wilson's
illness. Palmer was not averse to picturing himself as the Democratic
presidential candidate in the 1920 elections. The fulfillment of such
high hopes. Palmer knew, depended to a considerable degree on
keeping his name in the news; and how could this be more effec-
tively accomphshed than by leading a crusade against "subversive
elements" which threatened "the very life of the Republic".^

To millions of Americans, the handsome, immaculately groomed
Attorney General was known as the "Fighting Quaker." There was
no more voluble champion of democracy and civil rights. "The Hfe
of the Republic," declaimed Palmer, "depends upon the free dis-
semination of ideas and the guarantees of freedom of speech, press
and assembly ..."

Sweeping raids and wholesale arrests? The very reason they were
imperative, asserted the Attorney General, was to safeguard the
Constitution and protect the American people from "alien agitators
. . . seeking to destroy their homes, their rehgion and their

In addition to his frequently expressed concern for the Constitu-
tion, and to the pubUcity value of the raids. Palmer had another,
quite personal interest in the anti-radical crusade. He was a director
in the Stroudsburg National Bank, the Scranton Trust Company,
the Citizens Gas Company, the International Boiler Company and
various other such enterprises.

Throughout the spring and summer months of 19 19, elaborate
surreptitious plans had been afoot in the Justice Department for an
all-out offensive against the "radical movement." Under the super-
vision of Attorney General Palmer, Chief of the Bureau of Inves-
tigation Wilham J. Flynn and General Intelligence Director J.
Edgar Hoover, hundreds of special operatives, spies and paid in-
formers had swarmed into organizations of the foreign-born and into
left-wing, progressive and trade union groups in every part of the
country. Sedulously compiling data on "radicals" and "labor agi-
tators" this underground network of Federal agents and labor spies
fed a steady stream of confidential reports into Justice Department

headquarters at Washington, D. C. Here the reports were carefully
classified and filed in Hoover's General Intelligence Division.

"There has been estabUshed as part of this division," Palmer was
soon able to report to a congressional committee, "a card index sys-
tem, numbering over 200,000 cards, giving detailed data not only
upon individual agitators connected with the ultra-radical move-
ment, but also upon organizations, associations, societies, pubUca-
tions and special conditions existing in certain locahties."

Justice Department spies were instructed to keep on the lookout
for "subversive" Hterature. Not infrequently, when unable to dis-
cover any, they themselves arranged for its publication and distri-
bution. In one typical instance, a private detective agency,
functioning in cooperation with the Department of Justice, printed
hundreds of copies of the Commimist Manifesto and had its opera-
tives plant them in appropriate places for seizure during the im-
pending raids . . .

Simultaneously, a special publicity bureau in the Justice Depart-
ment was blanketing the country with lurid propaganda about
Moscow-directed "Bolshevik plots" to overthrow the U. S. Govern-
ment. Scarcely a day passed without the bureau's issuing press
releases under such captions as: Attorney General Warns Nation
of Red Peril— U. S. Department of Justice Urges Americans to
Guard Against Bolshevik Menace— Press, Church, Schools, Labor
Unions and Civic Bodies Called Upon to Teach True Purpose of
Cormnumst Propaganda.

On May i, 19 19, the anti-radical crusade received a sudden,
spectacular impetus.

As workingmen in scores of cities celebrated the traditional labor
hoHday of May Day, U. S. Post Office authorities dramatically an-
nounced they had uncovered a far-flung "Bolshevik bomb plot" to
assassinate dozens of prominent American citizens. Already, re-
ported the Department, more than thirty packages containing
bombs had been intercepted. Among the public figures to whom
the packages were said to be addressed were Postmaster General
Albert S. Burleson, John D. Rockefeller, J. P. Morgan and Attorney
General Palmer himself.

The Attorney General issued a personal statement assuring the
nation there was no need to become panic-stricken— the Department
of Justice had the situation "well in hand . . ."


One month later, on June 2, simultaneous bomb explosions
occurred in eight different cities.

According to the press, "emissaries of the Bolshevik leader Lenin"
were responsible for the explosions.*

"It has almost come to be accepted as a fact," stated Attorney
General Palmer, "that on a certain day in the future, which we
have been advised of, there will be another serious and probably
much larger effort of the character which the wild fellows of this
movement describe as a revolution, a proposition to rise up and
destroy the government at one fell swoop."

As the summer drew to a close, the New York Tribune headlined
the news: "Nation-wide Search for Reds Begins."

The stage was set for the Palmer raids.

3. The Raids

On November 7, 19 19, the Department of Justice struck. The
date, according to an article in the New York Times on the follow-
ing day, had been selected by the Justice Department as the "psy-
chological moment" for the raids because it was "the second anni-
versary of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia."

In New York, Philadelphia, New^ark, Detroit and a dozen other
cities, Federal agents stormed into meetings of "radical" organiza-
tions, arrested hundreds of foreign-born and native Americans, and
herded them off to jail.

Typical of the raids was one at the Russian People's House at

*The perpetrators of these conveniently timed bombings were never ap-
prehended, nor was any evidence uncovered establishing their identit\\ Alger-
non Lee, director of the Rand School, told a reporter from the New York
Tribime on June 4, 1919: "I am convinced that it is a frame-up . . . because
of its calculated effect upon the State Commission for the investigation of
Bolshevism, and upon Congress in the matter of legislation designed to curb
radical movements."

On September 16, 1920, a tremendous bomb explosion took place in Wall
Street, directly opposite the building of J. P. Morgan & Co. Thirty people
were killed in this bombing and hundreds injured. As with the previous
bombings, none of the culprits was apprehended.

Nineteen years later, on October 10, 1949, Life magazine printed an article
dealing with the atom bomb, entided "Can Russia Deliver the Bomb.^" Accom-
panying the article was a picture of the wreckage caused by the 1920 Wall
Street bombing with the caption: "In 1920 Reds Exploded Bomb in Wall
Street, Killed 30, Wounded Hundreds." However— despite Life's lurid cap-
tion—the crime, as historian Frederick Lewis Allen writes, "was never solved."


13 East 15th Street in New York City, a school and community cen-
ter for Russian-born Americans.

Classes in English, arithmetic and other subjects were in session
when suddenly, without warning, dozens of Federal agents burst
into the building. The astounded teachers and students including a
number of veterans recently discharged from the U. S. Army, were
harshly ordered to Hne up against the walls. The raiders then pro-
ceeded to hurl typewriters to the floor, rip up books, break pictures
and smash desks, chairs and other furniture.

Placed under arrest, the teachers and students were roughly
herded from the building. Those who moved too slowly to satisfy
the raiders were prodded and beaten with blackjacks. Some were
hurled bodily down the stairs. Outside, the prisoners were forced
to run a gauntlet of Federal agents and police officers wielding clubs
and nightsticks. They were then flung into waiting police wagons.
In the words of the ISlew York Times:

A number in the building were badly beaten by the police during the
raid, their heads wrapped in bandages testifying to the rough manner in
which they had been handled . . . Most of them had blackened eyes and
lacerated scalps as souvenirs of the new attitude of aggressiveness which
has been assumed by the Federal agents against Reds and suspected Reds.

Throughout the country, newspapers acclaimed the raids as a
death blow to the "Red Plot for revolution in America."

The November 7 raids, however, were only a preliminary to
what was to come. In the words of one prominent Government
official: "The November raiding was only tentative— in the nature
somewhat of a laboratory experiment."

Intermittent raids, dramatically highlighted by the deportation on
the Buford on December 2 1 of two hundred and forty-nine of the
arrested aliens, continued throughout November and December.

At the same time. Attorney General Palmer and a few of his
most trusted aides were making covert preparations for their next
move . . .

The November 7 raids had convinced the Attorney General that
the Alien Act of 19 17, under which he was theoretically operating,
presented unnecessary inconveniences. According to the provisions
of this Act, arrests of aliens, and searches of places and individuals,
could not be made without warrants. The Act also stipulated that
at deportation proceedings, aliens were to be given a fair adminis-


trative hearing and permitted to be represented by their own legal

"These regulations," complained Attorney General Palmer, "are
getting us nowhere."

He decided to have the regulations changed . . .

To avoid possible objections from those who were overly scrupu-
lous about legal matters, the Attorney General was careful to pre-
vent his plans from becoming public knowledge. As he himself later

Appreciating that the criminal laws of the United States were not
adequate to properly handle the radical situation, the Department of
Justice held several conferences with officials of the Department of
Labor and came to an agreeable arrangement for the carrying out of the
deportation statute.*

The conferences to which Attorney General Palmer referred
were conducted in the strictest privacy. According to the "agree-
able arrangement" reached between Palmer and John W. Aber-
crombie, the Acting Secretary of Labor, the regulations were al-
tered so as to facilitate the issuance of arrest warrants and to deny
arrested aliens the right to legal counsel. Palmer submitted to Aber-
crombie a stack of mimeographed forms as "affidavits" supposedly
establishing the guilt of persons to be arrested. In return, the At-
torney General was given several thousand arrest warrants.

One of Palmer's aides who participated in these clandestine con-
ferences between Justice and Labor Department officials was the
Attorney General's Special Assistant, J. Edgar Hoover . . .

At a subsequent trial concerning the illegal arrest of certain
aliens, Henry J. Skeffington, Commissioner of Immigration, was
asked by the Judge: "Did you have instructions as to this pro-

"We had an understanding," said Skeffington.

"Written instructions?" demanded the judge.

"No," replied Skeffington. "We had a conference in Washington
in the Department of Labor with Mr. Hoover."

At half-past eight on the evening of January 2, 1920, the coast-
to-coast raids began. In more than seventy cities. Justice Depart-

* The Bureau of Immigration operated under the jurisdiction of the Depart-
ment of Labor until June 14, 1940, when it was transferred to the Department
of Justice.


ment agents, accompanied by state and city police, swooped down
on public meetings and invaded private offices and homes. In New
York City almost a thousand persons were arrested. In Boston 400
manacled men and women were marched to jail through the streets
of the city. In Maine, Oregon, New Jersey, California, Ohio, Mis-
sissippi, Illinois, Nebraska and a score of other states, thousands
were rounded up . . .

Every\\^here, the raiders acted more like vigilante mobs than
guardians of the law.

In New York City, Federal agents, detectives and policemen
stormed into the Communist Party headquarters brandishing re-
volvers, arrested and photographed everyone on the premises, and
then proceeded to tear from the walls pictures of Eugene Debs,
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, which they coverted into grotesque
masks and held over their faces as they boisterously paraded about
the premises. Government agents in a small New Jersey town who
chanced upon a committee of townspeople collecting funds to pay
for the funeral of an impoverished Polish immigrant, promptly
arrested the committee members and imprisoned them along with
the other "radicals" they had rounded up. Describing the raids in
Massachusetts, Judge George Anderson of the United States Dis-
trict Court in Boston subsequently stated:

Pains were taken to give spectacular publicity to the raids, and to
make it appear that there was great and imminent public danger against
which these activities of the Department of Justice were directed. The
arrested aliens— in most cases perfectly quiet and harmless working peo-
ple, many of them not long ago Russian peasants— were handcuffed in
pairs, and then for the purpose of transfer on trains and through the
streets of Boston, chained together. The northern New Hampshire con-
tingent were first concentrated in jail at Concord and then brought to
Boston in a special car, thus handcuffed and chained together. On de-
training at the North Station, the handcuffed and chained aliens were
exposed to newspaper photographers and again exposed at the wharf
where they took the boat for Deer Island . . .

As for the conduct of the raiding parties, Judge Anderson de-

... a mob is a mob whether made up of government officials acting
under instructions from the Department of Justice, or of criminals and
loafers and vicious classes.

Reports varied as to the total number of arrests. According to
the New York World of January 3, "2,000 Reds" involved in a


"vast working plot to overthrow the government" had been
rounded up. Banner headlines in the Neuo York Ti?nes proclaimed:
5000, 2635 Held." Senator Thomas J. Walsh of Montana, a dis-
tinguished lawyer well known for the integrity and carefully
documented accuracy of his public utterances, later declared that
more than 6,000 men and women had been arrested in the raids. . . .

"Approximately 3,000 of the 3,600 ahens * taken into custody
during the recent nationwide round-up of radicals are perfect cases
for deportation," J. Edgar Hoover, the Special Assistant to the
Attorney General, told the press a few days after the raids. The
deportation hearings and shipment of "Reds" from the country, he
promised, would be handled as expeditiously as possible.

"Second, third and as many other Soviet Arks as may be neces-
sary," said Hoover, "will be made ready as the convictions proceed,
and actual deportations will not wait for the conclusion of all the
cases." t

Hundreds of aliens and citizens were taken into custody without
arrest warrants. Private homes were invaded and searched without
search warrants. Personal belongings were seized and carted off.
Many of the innocent men and women jailed were held incommuni-
cado and not permitted to secure legal counsel or even to contact
their friends and relatives.

"If I had my way," State Secretary Albert P. Langtry of Massa-

* This figure of 3,600 arrests was one of several figures given out by Justice
Department officials.

t In later years when J. Edgar Hoover as FBI chief had become a national
figure, he vigorously denied he had played an active part in the Palmer raids
and declared he had wholeheartedly opposed them at the time they occurred.
"I deplored the manner in which the raids were executed then, and my posi-
tion has remained unchanged," Hoover told Bert Andrews of the New York
Herald Tribune in a written statement which was published in that paper on
November 16, 1947.

Had former Attorney General Palmer been alive in 1947, he would probably
have been somewhat surprised at Hoover's statement. When Palmer appeared
in 1920 before the House Rules Committee and in 1921 before the Senate
Judiciary Committee, on occasions when both committees were investigating
the raids, his special assistant, J. Edgar Hoover, sat at his side and frequently
prompted the Attorney General on answers.

When Senator Thomas Walsh at the Judiciary Committee hearings asked
Attorney General Palmer how many search warrants had been issued for the
raids, Palmer replied: "I cannot tell you, Senator, personally. If you would
like to ask Mr. Hoover who was in charge of this matter, he can tell you."


chusetts said of the men and women who had been taken into cus-
tody, "I would take them out in the yard every morning and shoot
them, and the next day would have a trial to see whether they were

The super-patriotic author, Arthur Guy Empey, declared:

*'What we want to see is patriotism reducing Bolshevik Hfe limit.
The necessary instruments can be obtained in your hardware store.
My motto for the Reds is S.O.S.— ship or shoot."

The terror, lawlessness and violence of the raids were accepted
with marked equanimity by most American newspapers. As an edi-
torial in Editor and Publisher subsequently stated: "When Attorney
General Palmer started his so-called 'radical raids' so many news-
papers entered into the spirit of that infamous piece of witch-hunt-
ing that the reputation of the American press suffered heavily."

Exemplifying the general attitude of the American press at the
time was an editorial in the New York Times on January 5, 1920,
which read in part:

If some or any of us, impatient for the swift confusion of the Reds,
have ever questioned the alacrity, resolute will and fruitful, intelligent
vigor of the Department of Justice in hunting down these enemies of
the United States, the questioners have now cause to approve and
applaud . . .

This raid is only the beginning. It is to be followed by others. With-
out notice and without interruption, the department will pursue and
seize the conspirators against our Government ... Its further activities
should be far-reaching and beneficial.

Just how far-reaching these activities of the Justice Department
became in the postwar period was described some years later in an
article in the New Republic magazine:

At that dark period, Hoover compiled a list of half a million persons
suspected as dangerous because of the "ultra-radicalism" of their eco-
nomic or political beliefs or activities. The equivalent of one person out
of every 60 families in the United States was on the list. Hoover beat
out Heinrich Himmler by 14 years.

The compilation of huge proscribed lists of "dangerous citizens"
was not the only way in which J. Edgar Hoover and his associates
foreshadowed techniques subsequently employed by the secret
police of Nazi Germany. There were other, even more sinister re-


4- Chambers of Horror

If the treatment of the men and women arrested in the Palmer
raids was shockingly brutal, it was mild compared to what they
endured in the seclusion of the jails in which they were confined.

At hastily improvised "immigration board" hearings to determine
whether or not the arrested aliens should be deported, Justice De-
partment agents and Labor Department officials acted as witnesses,
prosecutors and judges. Accused of seditious acts by a motley assort-
ment of labor spies, agents provocateurs and Federal operatives,
deprived of legal counsel of their own, and frequently unable to
speak or understand the English language, the prisoners were wholly
at the mercy of their inquisitors. Many, without knowing what they
were doing, signed "confessions" that they had been plotting to
overthrow the Government of the United States. Others were com-
pelled by third degree methods to admit their "guilt." In some
cases, where prisoners steadfastly refused to be cowed, their signa-
tures were forged to incriminating documents. . . .

Appalling conditions prevailed at the local jails, military barracks
and "bull pens" where the prisoners were held. Invariably, the pris-
oners' quarters were squalid, frightfully overcrowded and lacking
in adequate sanitation facilities. The prisoners, young and old, men
and women, alike, were frequently compelled to sleep on prison
floors without bedding or mattresses.

Hundreds of prisoners were viciously beaten and tortured by
Justice Department agents and local police officials.

A group of sixty-three workers who had been arrested without
warrants in the raids at Bridgeport, Connecticut, and imprisoned at
Hartford, without even knowing the charges against them, were
kept in jail for five months. Fed on scanty noisome rations and
given no opportunity for exercise, they were allowed out of their
cells for three minutes each day to wash their face and hands in
filthy sinks. Once a month they were permitted to bathe in a tub.

Periodically the Hartford prisoners were "interrogated" by Fed-
eral operatives who beat them savagely and not infrequently threat-
ened to kill them if they did not confess to being "revolutionaries."

One of the Hartford prisoners, a thirty-three year old Russian-
born machinist named Simeon Nakwhat, subsequently related in a
sworn affidavit:


In the thirteenth week of my confinement Edward J. Hickey [a De-
partment of Justice agent] came into my cell and asked me to give him
the address of a man called Boyko in Greenpoint, Brooklyn. I do not
know this man and told Hickey that I did not. Hickey thereupon struck
me twice with his fist, once in the forehead and once in the jaw, where-
upon I fell. He then kicked me and I became unconscious. Hickey is a
big man, weighing two hundred pounds. For three weeks after this I
suffered severe pain where I was kicked in the back . . .*

Another prisoner, a tailor from Bridgeport who had come to the
Hartford jail to visit an imprisoned friend and had been promptly
seized and locked up himself, later stated:

Six men, I presume agents of the Department of Justice, questioned
me and threatened to hang me if I did not tell them the truth. In one
instance, an agent of the Department of Justice . . . brought a rope and
tied it around my neck, stating that he will hang me immediately if I
do not tell him who conducts the meetings and who are the main work-
ers in an organization called the Union of Russian Workers . • •

There were four rooms at the Hartford jail which came to be
known with dread by the prisoners as the "punishment rooms."
Identical in construction, approximately nine feet long by four feet
wide, they were built of solid concrete, were without windows and
devoid of all furniture. Alleged anarchist or communist prisoners
were locked, often ten to fifteen at a time, in one of these Httle,
unventilated and unhghted rooms. The heating system was then
turned up, and the prisoners were kept in pitch darkness and almost
unendurable heat for periods lasting from thirty-six to sixty hours.
Every twelve hours the cell door was momentarily opened and the
prisoners given a glass of water and a piece of bread • . .

This is how Peter Musek, one of those tortured by the "punish-
ment room" method, described the ordeal:

On February 6 ... I was taken out of my cell and . . . brought to the
basement of the jail and put into a ceU high enough for me to stand up
in and long enough for me to make about two and a half paces. When
I was put in the cell, I heard the jailer say to somebody, "Give this man
heat." When I came into the cell it was quite warm. Soon thereafter
the floor became hot and I nearly roasted. I took my clothes off and
remained absolutely naked but the heat was unbearable. ... I heard the
man say again, "Give him some more heat." ... I could not stand on

^This and other sworn statements in this section are taken from the treatise.
To the American People-Report Upon the Illegal Practices of the Department
of the United States Department of Justice, which was made public in May
1920 by twelve outstanding American jurists. For further data on this Report,
see pages 27 ff.


my feet any longer and I remained on the floor up to eight in the
morning, when the door opened and a man handed me a glass of water
and threw a piece of bread into the cell. I asked him to bring me a
doctor for I felt that I was going to die. But he laughed at me, stating
that I was strong enough to hold out, and locked the door again ... I
felt terrible pain in my chest and half of my body was almost roasted
from contact with the hot floor. I remained in the cell up until about
eight o'clock of the night of February 8 • . . The cell was so dark I
could not even see my own hands.

Like a number of other prisoners, Peter Musek had been arrested
simply because he came to the jail to visit a friend. No charges
were preferred against Musek and on March i8, 1920, he was set
free . . .

At Detroit, 800 men and women who had been rounded up in
the raids were packed into a windowless corridor on the top floor
of the Federal Building. There was one toilet at the disposal of all
the prisoners. They had no bedding except newspapers, overcoats,
and other pieces of clothing. The only food the prisoners received
was that brought them by their relatives and friends.

On the seventh day of their imprisonment, 128 of the prisoners
at the Detroit Federal Building were taken to the Municipal Build-
ing and put in a cellar room measuring 24 by 30 feet. Their food
rations here consisted of coffee and two biscuits twice a day.

When Mayor James Couzens of Detroit informed the City Coun-
cil that such conditions were "intolerable in a civihzed city," the
bulk of the prisoners were transferred to an old army barracks at
Fort Wayne.

Among the most diabolic methods of torturing the men im-
prisoned at Fort Wayne was forcing them to witness the maltreat-
ment of their own wives and children who came to visit them.

One such case involved a prisoner named Alexander Bukowetsky.
Bukowetsky was taken from his cell one day and told that his wife
and two children, a twelve-year-old girl and a boy of eight, had
come to see him. He was instructed to report to an office in the
building. On reaching the office, Bukowetsky was seized and held
by a guard. Two other guards dragged Bukow^etsky's wife and
children out of the office and into the corridor. What then hap-
pened was later described by Bukowetsky:

My wife and children were pulled out of the room by their arms. • . .
They were pulled into the hall by Sergeant Mitchell and then he
brought my wife close to me and hit her with his fist both on her back


and over her breast. My wife and children began to cry, and I asked
Sergeant Mitchell what he was trying to do, if he was trying to provoke
me so that I would start to fight. Instead of answering me he struck her
several more times and made her fall to the floor. With that he grabbed
a gun and at the same time Ross took a club and then one other guards-
men, Clark, came in and he too with the butt of his pistol struck me
over the head ... I fell with blood streaming all over my body.

My little girl, Violet, saw this and ran to the guardsmen and with her
hand smoothed his face crying, "Please don't hurt my father and
mother," but with all this, seeing the blood on the floor from my head
and my wife and children crying, he paid no attention to us.

When Bukowetsky staggered to his feet and started to run up a
nearby stairway, one of the guards raised his gun and fired at the
fleeing man. The shot went wild, missing Bukowetsky and wound-
ing another prisoner . . .

Bewildered, desperate with anxiety, and distraught from constant
terrorization and torture, not a few of the men and women im-
prisoned during the Palmer raids inevitably broke under the fearful

At Deer Island, one man committed suicide by hurling himself
from a fifth floor window. Others at Deer Island and elsewhere
went insane.

Six of the prisoners at Ellis Island died.

One prisoner, after being held illegally and incommunicado for
eight weeks and tortured by Justice Department agents at the Park
Row building in New York City, flung himself to his death— or was
pushed— from a window on the fourteenth floor.*

The total number of deaths, permanently injured, and victims
of irreparable emotional shock will never be known.

No member of the Justice Department was ever brought to trial
or punished for these atrocious crimes committed during the Palmer
raids under the pretense of defending the Constitution of the
United States.

* This prisoner was an Italian anarchist printer named Andrea Salsedo. For
further mention of this case, see page 94.


Chapter ii

Mr. Chairman, the spectre of Bolshevism is haunting the
world. Everybody— statesman, businessman, preacher, pluto-
crat, newspaper editor— keeps on warning the world that it is
about to be destroyed by Bolshevism . . . But the worst of it
is that every movement, every new idea, every new sugges-
tion, every new thought that is advanced, is immediately de-
nounced as Bolshevism. It is not necessary to argue anymore
with a man who advances a new idea; it is enough to say
"That is Bolshevism."

Representative Meyer London, speaking
on the floor of the U, S, Congress,
February ii, ipi$.

I. The Nature of the Crime

"At present there are signs of an overthrow of our Government
as a free government," Louis Freeland Post, the Assistant U. S.
Secretary of Labor, wrote in his diary on New Yearns Day, 1920.
"It is going on under cover of a vigorous * drive* against 'anarchists,'
an 'anarchist' being almost anybody who objects to government
of the people by tories and for financial interests . . ."

Seventy-one years old, small and sturdily built, with an unruly
black beard and shaggy head of hair, Louis F. Post was a man whose
boundless energy and inquiring mind belied his age. During his
remarkably varied career, he had been in turn a lawyer, journalist,
teacher, lecturer, essayist, historian and politician. A nonconformist
in politics and former advocate of the single tax and other re-
formist movements. Post was a fighting liberal, an inveterate cham-
pion of progressive causes.

Panic and hysteria had no appeal for the elderly Assistant Secre-
tary of Labor. As far as Post was concerned, Attorney General


Palmer's crusade to rid America of "Reds" was a "despotic and
sordid process."

Suddenly, and quite unexpectedly, Post found himself in a posi-
tion to do something about it . . .

In March, John W. Abercrombie, the Solicitor for the Depart-
ment of Labor who had been serving as the Acting Secretary dur-
ing Secretary L. B. Wilson's illness, announced he was taking a
leave of absence.

Overnight, Post assumed the authority of Secretary of Labor.

The scholarly, liberal-minded septuagenarian immediately under-
took a thorough investigation of the Justice Department "Red
records" on which the issuance of arrest warrants and the deporta-
tion decisions had been based. "Upon plunging into this clutter . . .
I was amazed at the facts disclosed," Post later wrote in his book,
The Deportations Delirium of Niiietee?! Twenty, "The whole *red
crusade' stood revealed as a stupendous and cruel fake. Had the
facts as they were then thrust upon my attention been generally
known, public condemnation of the Department of Justice and its
cooperating agencies would have been sure and swift."

To supplement his findings, Post dispatched a number of Labor
Department investigators into the field to get first-hand information
on the treatment of persons jailed during the Palmer raids. He was
soon receiving one shocking report after another.

Two of Post's investigators visited Deer Island. Reporting back
to their chief, they described how the prisoners had arrived at this
place of detention. "The chains made a pile about that high," said
one of the investigators, holding his hand about three feet above
the floor.

"Pile of chains!" exclaimed Post.

The other investigator explained, "The Department of Justice
marched their prisoners through the streets of Boston in chains.
We know it, for we saw photographs of the chained prisoners
lined in a group." He paused, then added wryly, "Nothing was lack-
ing in the way of display but a brass band."

As soon as he had in hand detailed evidence of the illegality of
the arrests and the deportation proceedings, Post went into action.
He cancelled 2,500 of the warrants and ordered the prisoners set
free . , .

Immediately, Post was caught up in what he subsequently de-


scribed as a "hurricane" of Congressional politics and newspaper

The New York Times, declared that the Assistant Secretary of
Labor had "let loose on the country pubHc enemies, some of them
fugitives from justice." Numerous newspapers demanded Post's
removal from office.

In Congress, the Chairman of the House Committee on Immigra-
tion and Naturalization, Representative Albert Johnson, charged that i
Post was the ringleader of "Reds" who were "boring from within"
the Labor Department. A group of congressman initiated impeach-
ment proceedings against the Assistant Secretary of Labor.

Old as he was. Post had lost none of his readiness to battle for a
good cause, no matter what the odds. But in connection with the
impeachment proceedings, Post knew he would need at his dis-
posal the very best legal talent. And how, he wondered, could a man
of his modest means afford a high-priced lawyer?

Late one afternoon that April, while Post was sitting in his office
at the Labor Department pondering his dilemma, a businessman
with whom Post was casually acquainted entered the room. His
name was E. T. Gumlach. On the previous evening, Gumlach ex-
plained, he had learned of Post's plight. He was himself of a de-
cidedly conservative bent, said Gumlach, not a man to espouse
radical causes— but he was an American who beUeved in justice . . .

Gumlach came to the point of his visit. "In these circumstances,"
he said, "you will need money, need it bad, and I am here to tell
you to draw on me at sight for ten thousand dollars.'*

Recovering from his astonishment, Post told Gumlach he would
accept the offer because he knew "the spirit in which it was

With funds advanced by Gumlach, Post retained as counsel
Jackson H. Ralston, one of the country's most eminent attor-
neys. . . •

On May 7, 1920, Post was called for questioning before the
House Rules Committee.

The hearing quickly took a dramatic and wholly unexpected turn.
In the person of the erudite mettlesome and passionately democratic
old man, the inquisitorial congressmen encountered far more than
their match. Deftly parrying their questions, speaking with a fer-
vent eloquence and incontrovertibly documenting every statement
he made, Post transformed his own trial into a trial of his accusers.

The members of the Rules Committee had less and less to say as
Post vividly recounted the numerous violations of constitutional
law during the Palmer raids, the hundreds of illegal arrests, the law-
less searches without warrants and the inhuman treatment of the
arrested. It was the duty of American citizens and particularly
Government officials. Post told the Committee, to protect the rights
of the alien. "We should see to it that no injustice is done him,"
Post forcefully declared. "If he has a domicile here, he is entitled
to the protection of our Constitution, of our laws . . ."

Describing Post's testimony, Mrs. William Hard wrote in the
New Republic:

As he stood there, unbowed, ungrayed by his seventy-three years, (*)
there seemed to pass forms, shadowy, real. They were the figures of the
ignorant, the hampered, the misunderstood, the Aliens. Back of them
were the terrified upholders of our Government. And back of them
there seemed, shadowily, to be the Committee of Americanizers that sit
in high places. But in the foreground, unterrified by the unreined emo-
tionalism of either, stood a little man, cool but fiery, who set his belief
in the Constitution of the country above all fears, and who could amass
facts . . .

The little man and his facts won out. The Rules Committee de-
cided to call off the impeachment proceedings.

"The simple truth," commented the New York Post, "is that
Louis F. Post deserves the gratitude of every American for his
courageous and determined stand in behalf of our fundamental
rights. It is too bad that in making this stand he found himself at
cross-purposes with the Attorney General, but Mr. Palmer's com-
plaint lies against the Constitution and not against Mr. Post."

There were other patriotic and courageous citizens who recog-
nized, like Louis F. Post, that behind the facade of the anti-Red
crusade an assault was being made on the very tenets of American

In May 1920, twelve of the most distinguished attorneys in the
United States published a profoundly significant, sixty-three page
pamphlet entitled To The American People— Report Upon the Il-
legal Practises of the United States Department of Justice. Among
the authors of this report were such noted jurists as Roscoe Pound,
Dean of the Harvard Law School; Felix Frankfurter, Professor of

* Mrs. Hard was mistaken about Post's age. He was seventy-one years old
when he testified.


Law at Harvard Law School; Zechariah Chafee, Jr., one of the
nation's outstanding authorities on constitutional law; and Francis
Fisher Kane, who had resigned from his post as U. S. District At-
torney in Philadelphia in protest against the Palmer raids.

The report of these attorneys contained a painstakingly docu-
mented account of the unconstitutional activities of the Justice
Department at the time of the Palmer raids, and a penetrating analy-
sis of the ominous implications of these activities.

The report opened with these words:

For more than six months we, the undersigned lawyers, whose sworn
duty it is to uphold the Constitution and Laws of the United States,
have seen with growing apprehension the continued violation of that
Constitution and breaking of those Laws by the Department of Justice.

Under the guise of a campaign for the suppression of radical activities,
the office of the Attorney General . . . has committed illegal acts . . .

The report charged that in order to convince the American public
of the existence of a "Red plot" against the Government and "to
create sentiment in its favor, the Department of Justice has con-
stituted itself a propaganda bureau, and has sent to newspapers
and magazines of this country quantities of material designed to
excite public opinion against radicals."

Proceeding to a comprehensive study of the Palmer raids, the
report catalogued various violations of the Constitution by the Jus-
tice Department, under such headings as: Cruel and Ufiusual Pun^
ishmenty Arrests Without Warrants, U7ireaso7iable Searches and
Seizures, Compelling Persons to be Witnesses Against Themselves,

"The American People," stated the lawyers in a section entitled
Provocative Agents, "has never tolerated the use of undercover
provocative agents or 'agents provocateurs', such as have been
famihar in old Russia or Spain." But the Justice Department had
been using such agents for "instigating acts which might be called
criminal . . ."

Concluding, the twelve eminent attorneys declared:

Free men respect justice and follow truth, but arbitrary power they
will oppose until the end of time . . .

It is a fallacy to suppose that, any more than in the past, any servant
of the people can safely arrogate to himself unlimited authority. To pro-
ceed upon such a supposition is to deny the fundamental theory of the
consent of the governed. Here is no question of a vague and threatened
menace, but a present assault upon the most sacred principles of our
Constitutional liberty.


An equally scathing indictment appeared in a lengthy report
which was inserted into the Congressional Record by Senator
Thomas J. Walsh, the chairman of a Senate committee investigating
the practises of the Justice Department. The report was entitled
The Illegal Practises of the Depamnent of Justice,

"Those who conceived the procedure here criticized," stated this
Senate report, "were oblivious of the letter and wholly unapprecia-
tive of the spirit of the Bill of Rights."

But the sensational disclosures and grave admonitions of men like
Louis F. Post, Senator Thomas J. Walsh, and the twelve attorneys
who authored the report. To the American People, were largely
ignored or grossly distorted by the press. Their sober voices were
drowned out in a rising tide of anti-radical hysteria, prejudice and

2. "The Foulest Page"

The months of inflammatory agitation against the "Reds," the
ominous warnings by Government oflicials of imminent revolution,
the blood-curdling bomb plots, and the panic and terror surround-
ing the Palmer raids had had their effect on the country as a whole.
Fear of the Red Menace pervaded the nation like a contagious mad-

"Innumerable . . . gentlemen now discovered that they could
defeat whatever they wanted to defeat by tarring it conspicuously
with the Bolshevist brush," historian Frederick Lewis Allen later
wrote. "Big-navy men, believers in compulsory military service, . . ,
book censors, Jew-haters, Negro-haters, landlords, manufacturers,
utility executives ... all wrapped themselves in the Old Glory and
the mantle of the Founding Fathers and allied their opponents with

Newspapers and magazines overflowed with hair-raising accounts
of "Bolshevik atrocities" in Russia and sinister plots of "paid Soviet
agents" in America. On January 8, 1920, the nation's press head-
lined the news that Justice Department agents were "hunting down"
the Soviet representative to the United States, Ludwig C.A.K.
Martens, who was reported to be financing a "conspiracy to over-
throw the American Government." * Two days later, the House of

• Acting on the request of the Justice Department, the Department of Labor


Representatives refused to seat Socialist Congressman Victor Berger
of Milwaukee declaring that his "continued presence" in the Lower
House constituted "a menace" to that legislative body.

Soon afterwards, the New York State Assembly announced the
expulsion of five Socialist members on the grounds that they were
affiliated with "a disloyal organization composed exclusively of
traitors." Commented the New York Times regarding their expul-
sion: "It was an American vote altogether, a patriotic and conserva-
tive vote."

More than seventy Federal sedition bills were under consideration
in Congress. Some of these bills stipulated a maximum penalty of
twenty years imprisonment for "unlawful discussion," and the de-
naturalization and deportation of naturalized citizens for similar
offenses. Senator Kenneth D. McKellar of Tennessee called for the
establishment of a penal colony in Guam to which "subversive"
native-born Americans might be deported.

Almost every state had enacted criminal syndicalist laws making
it a felony to advocate "revolutionary" changes in American so-
ciety. The West Virginia statute defined as criminal any teachings
in sympathy with "ideals hostile to those now or henceforth exist-
ing under the constitution and laws of this state."

In thirty-two states it had become a criminal offense to display
publicly a red flag. Some of these states provided penalties for the
use of any emblem of any color "distinctive of bolshevism, anar-
chism, or radical socialism." In several states the wearing of a red
tie constituted a misdemeanor ...

In schools and universities throughout the land investigations of
the "loyalty" of teachers and students were instigated by local and
state authorities. On the recommendation of the Lusk Committee
Investigating Seditious Activities, the New York State Legislature
passed a law requiring "teachers in public schools to secure ... a
special certificate certifying that they are of good character and
that they are loyal to the institutions of State and Nation." The bill
read in part:

had issued a warrant for Marten's arrest for deportation. The brief against
Martens was prepared by J. Edgar Hoover.

In December 1920, Secretary of Labor Wilson ruled that Martens **was not
proved to have done anything unlawful as an individual." The illegal deporta-
tion warrant which Hoover had obtained was cancelled. In January 192 1,
Martens returned to Russia of his own accord.


No person who is not eager to combat the theories of social change
should be entrusted with the task of fitting the young and old of this
State for the responsibilities of citizenship.

Well-known liberals of the day like Jane Addams, Rabbi Stephen
S. Wise, Oswald Villard and Felix Frankfurter were widely de-
nounced as "tools of the Reds." Charles Chaplin, Will Rogers,
Norma Talmadge and other actors and entertainers were accused
of being "Communists." According to the Better American Federa-
tion of California, Sinclair Lewis' novel, Main Street, was "subver-
sive" because it "created a distaste for the conventional good life
of the American."

An Indiana jury, after deliberating two minutes, acquitted a man
who had murdered an alien for shouting, "To hell with the United
States" . . .

In this miasmic climate, vigilante groups of self-styled patriots
were mushrooming in every corner of the land. The white plague
of the Ku Klux Klan began swiftly spreading through Georgia,
Indiana, Colorado, Ohio and a score of other states; and every
month tens of thousands of new members joined the hooded ter-
rorists who were pledged to purge America of "Catholics, Com-
munists, Jews and aliens." * In Michigan, the Dearborn Independent,

* Organized during the Reconstruction era of the 1870's to deprive Negroes
of rights won in the Civil War, the Ku Klux Klan had been dormant from
the turn of the century until 19 15, when the secret terrorist society was re-
vived under the leadership of a former preacher and traveling salesman named
William J. Simmons. In 1920 the membership of the Klan soared to 700,000.
By 1925 its members numbered almost 9,000,000; and the Klan had become a
national power.

With its vast secret apparatus— the Invisible Empire— the Klan came to domi-
nate the political life of Texas, Georgia, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Indiana, Oregon,
and other states. In 1924 Klan-sponsored candidates won the gubernatorial
elections in Kansas, Indiana and Maine and the senatorial races in Oklahoma
and Colorado.

"The rise of the Ku Klux Klan from 1922 to 1925 was no accident," Roger
N. Baldwin, director of the American Civil Libenies Union, later wrote. "Its
organized intolerance was only a transfer to the field of racial and religious
conflict of the domination of the ruling economic class. ..."

In large sections of the country, the hooded Klansmen terrorized the popu-
lation with crossburnings, nightriding, intimidatory parades, floggings, mutila-
tions and lynchings. In Louisiana, Klansmen killed some victims with a steam
roller. In Oklahoma, an investigation revealed over 2,000 cases of violence by
the Klan in two years. There were no arrests or prosecutions in connection
with these crimes.

In the late 1920's, after a series of newspaper exposes and public investiga-
tions, the membership of the Klan and its influence underwent a rapid decline.
The secret society, however, began to grow again in the middle 1930's when


a weekly newspaper published by the famous auto magnate, Henry
Ford, launched a nationwide campaign of vitriolic anti-Semitic
propaganda with a front page editorial headlined, "The International
Jew: the World's Problem"; and shortly thereafter Ford's news-
paper began serializing the infamous anti-Semitic forgery, The
Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion.

Appearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee in Washing-
ton that summer. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer declared:
"I apologize for nothing that the Department of Justice has done
... I glory in it. I point with pride and enthusiasm to the results
of that work; and if . . . some of my agents out in the field were
a little rough and unkind, or short and curt, with these ahen agita-
tors ... I think it might be well overlooked in the general good
to the country which has come from it."

The Attorney General recommended that Congress pass a law
stipulating the death penalty for "dangerous acts" of peactime
sedition . . ,

The round-up of "Soviet spies" and "dangerous radical aliens"
continued. Among those arrested— taken into custody on May 5 in a
small town near Boston and charged with robbery and murder-
were two obscure Italian anarchists whose names were destined to
become world famous: Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti.*

In Boston that same May, an undistinguished Republican Senator
told a group of businessmen: "America's present need is not heroics
but healing, not nostrums but normalcy, not revolution but restora-

The Senator was Warren G. Harding of Ohio.

"America is no longer a free country, in the old sense; and liberty
is, increasingly, a mere rhetorical figure . . . ," wrote Katherine
Fullerton Gerould in an article in Harper's Magazi?ie. "On every
hand, free speech is choked off in one direction or another. The
only way in which an American citizen who is really interested in
the social and political problems of his country can preserve any
freedom of expression, is to choose the mob that is most sympathetic
to him and abide under the shadow of the mob."

its members played a leading role in combatting the growth of industrial trade
* For details on the case of Sacco and Vanzetti, see pages 93 ff.


During the course of a sermon delivered at the Cathedral of St.
John the Divine in New York City, Bishop Charles D. WilHams of
the Protestant Episcopal Diocese of Eastern Michigan declared:

Businessmen are seeing "red." They commenced seeing "red" with
their drive on radicalism. They branded everyone who had a progressive
thought as a "parlor bolshevist," and persons have been secretly arrested
by paid spies on manufactured information and deported without cause.

Bishop Williams added:

The very principles of Americanism have been undermined by hys-
teria and panic. It is the foulest page in American history!


Chapter iii

The postwar wave of reaction in the United States cost the Ameri-
can people many of their most cherished democratic rights. It
fomented nationwide intolerance, hysteria, hatred and fear. Thou-
sands of innocent persons had been arrested, jailed and tortured.
Scores had died in labor struggles, lynchings and race riots. Never
before had terror and repression been so widespread in the nation.
What were the causes behind this "foulest page in American

Federal authorities explained the Palmer raids and other postwar
repressions as necessary measures to protect the nation against a
"Communist plot" to overthrow the United States Government.

Actually, the crusade against Communism played a role of sec-
ondary importance. The left-wing forces in the United States at
the time were extremely few in number. According to an estimate
made late in 19 19 by Professor Gordon S. Watkins of the Univer-
sity of Illinois, the combined membership of the Socialist, Com-
munist and Communist Labor Parties was between eighty and one
hundred thousand. "In other words . . . ," writes Frederick Lewis
Allen in Only Yesterday, "the Communists could muster at the
most hardly more than one-tenth of one per cent of the adult
population; and the three parties together . . . brought the pro-
portion to hardly more than two-tenths of one per cent, a rather
slender nucleus, it would seem, for a revolutionary mass movement."

Allen indicates some of the more compelhng motives behind the
postwar "anti-Communist" drive:

. . . the American businessman . . . had come out of the war with his
fighting blood up, ready to lick the next thing that stood in his way. . . .
Labor stood in his way and threatened his profits. ... he developed a
fervent belief that 1 00-percent Americanism . . . implied the right of


the businessman to kick the union organizer out of his workshop. ... he
was quite ready to believe that a struggle of American laboring-man for
better wages was the beginning of an armed rebellion directed by Lenin
and Trotsky. . . .*

American workers who went on strike in defense of their unions
and living standards were widely branded as "Reds" and "pawns of
Bolshevik agents."

"To smash these strikes," writes Henry M. Morals and William
Cahn in their biography, Gene Debs, "the cry of a 'red plot' was

The Associated Employers of Indianapolis called for the im-
mediate passage and "enforcement of laws to check the radicalism
of the A. F. of L. and the Bolshevists . . ."

The stratagem of the "Red Menace" was well adapted to the
mood of the time. As Selig Perlman and Philip Taft state in The
History of Labor in the United States:

For the large strata of the general population, the wartime emotion
was now ready to be transferred into an anti-red hysteria, with strikes
and wage demands often held manifestations of "redness."

The chief objectives of the Palmer raids and the postwar crusade
against "Communism" were to crush the organized labor move-
ment, drive down wages, restore the open shop on a national scale,
and effect greater profits for the large corporations.

* During the war itself, there had been harsh, widespread repressions against
those sections of the labor movement whose demands were regarded as "unrea-
sonable," and against left-wing elements opposed to America's participation
in the war on the grounds that it was an imperialist war. Throughout the
country, members of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) were
subjected to intense persecution by law-enforcement agencies and vigilante
mobs, were brutally beaten, jailed and lynched. Militant trade union leaders
and radicals were convicted on trumped-up charges and imprisoned.

The two most famous working class leaders to be jailed during the war
were Thomas J. Mooney and Eugene V. Debs.

An outstanding trade unionist in California, Mooney was framed on a bomb-
ing charge in San Francisco in July 191 6 and sentenced to be hanged. Nation-
wide protests resulted in the commutation of the sentence to life imprison-
ment. In 1939, after serving twenty-two years at San Quentin Penitentiary,
Mooney was granted an unconditional pardon by Governor Culbert Olson of
California and released.

The renowned Socialist and former leader of railroad workers, Eugene V.
Debs, was sentenced in September 191 8 to ten years imprisonment on charges
of violating the Espionage Act, because of his opposition to America's partici-
pation in the war. After serving three years, Debs was pardoned by President
Harding in December 192 1. (In 1920, while still in prison, Debs received


The Department of Justice shared the objectives of big business.
From the first, the Palmer raids and the "anti-radical" operations
of J. Edgar Hoover's General Intelligence Division of the Bureau
of Investigation were aimed chiefly at the trade unions and the
labor movement.

According to the subsequent testimony of Attorney General A.
Mitchell Palmer before the House Rules Committee, a strike in
June 1919 at the Ansonia, Connecticut, branch of the American
Brass Company had been "instituted entirely by the foreigners"
and was dealt with in this effective fashion:

A number of the most active leaders were arrested on deportation
warrants; some were included in the passenger list of the Buford . . .
However, a number of prominent agitators who were citizens continued
their efforts. The strike failed after federal and state prosecutions.

The Attorney General went on to tell the members of the Rules
Committee that the great steel strike of 19 19 was "terminated . . .
through the action of the Department of Justice."

On January 3, 1920, the New York Times offered this account
of the Justice Department preparations for the Palmer raids of the
previous night:

The action, though it came with dramatic suddenness, had been care-
fully mapped out, studied and systematized . . . For months. Department
of Justice men, dropping all their work, had concentrated on the Reds.
Agents quietly infiltrated into the radical ranks . . . and went to work,
sometimes as cooks in remote mining colonies, again as steelworkers, and
when the opportunity presented itself, as agitators of the wildest type.
. . . several of the agents, 'under-cover' men, managed to rise in the
radical movement and become, in at least one instance, the recognized
leader of the district . . .

During the steel strike, coal strike, and threatened railway strikes,
secret agents moved constantl