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Was George Herbert Walker Bush Involved in Kennedy Assassination?


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Its pretty interesting, it could be slightly related to Hoover's seizure of Union Bank years before, or, it could be that Hoover was basically asked, figuratively (and as Hankey once commented on a BreakForNews Audio Show) "so.....where do you stand Mr. Hoover?". If I had to guess? I'd say it was a way of telling Hoover something sinister, having Bush and this Capt. Edwards (anyone get info on this guy yet?) visit the FBI to ask the FBI what they (the CIA) were up to, it seems very, very strange to me for them to do that, however....the alternative feeling is that it was possibly a threat to Hoover. Again, I am speculating.

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B. A. Copeland points out the DIA link in its representative, Capt. Edwards. From the organizational apparatus below the text - apparently there was no meeting between Bush and Edwards, and the information was conveyed by them orally to an FBI subordinate, not Hoover. So, I admit, any insult or threat motivating the memo would be indirect.

Still - do we often see Bureau documents released to investigating committees without significant redactions of covert operatives' names? Street-thug informants get more protection under black Magic Marker cover. What protection did DIA officers get in FBI memos? Are their names redacted, if recorded at all?

This is why the memo's appearance in the HSCA records, unredacted, has to be evaluated, hopefully to determine time of placement, and formal consonance with other documents in which covert sources are named. If genuine, we have to look for consonance with Hoover's behavior in other memos.

The "substance of the foregoing information" that Bush and Edwards provided seems to refer only to paragraph 3, in which either CIA or DIA reveals it has an informant in the pro-Castro movement. Information in earlier paragraphs seems to be attributed to FBI sources.

Link to memo:

http://www.tomflocco.com/Docs/Jfk/HooverFbiMemo.htm

I corrected an error in post #31: Len Colby wanted more explication, not Tom Scully. Mea culpa.

Len asks what we "know" about Bush's Zapata-CIA connection? Admittedly, much is inferential, much anecdotal. I have to check William Pawley for comparison. Do we call him an "operative," in the sense of being an unpaid associate for mutual interest? Was Bush, like Pawley, a financier or facilitator of covert ops? (Did they each loan out some boats?) How much of what we accept about Pawley are we accepting by inference and unevidenced anecdote? That I'm going to look at, since I called for a methodology of consonance in textual matters.

Edited by David Andrews
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Guest Tom Scully
For Tom Scully:

"If the memo stands up, I'm betting that Hoover was covering his chips against the Agency, or that Hoover felt insulted or threatened by something Bush had to say during his visit. Why else blow someone's cover that way?"

I should have explained what I meant by "that way." I know that the memo didn't see daylight for many years. But why would Hoover commit Bush's name and affiliation to paper at all, in an FBI organizational document, unless he suspected some risk to himself or to the Bureau in letting the contact with "Mr. George Bush of the CIA" go unreported?

That's why this document needs more scrutiny - to judge if it is genuine (unlike the Dallas PD hoax memo leaked to Mark Lane, e.g.). Once that is decided, we can better judge if the hypothesis of risk protection is a plausible motive or not.

Based not on any debatable YouTube documentary, but on Bush's Zapata Oil activities, involving BOP or not, I'm inclined to answer the question that started the thread by saying, It's my opinion that Bush was a CIA operative, officer, or both, during the 1960s.

I wonder if the memo will someday bear up my opinion. I tried to give a plausible hypothesis for Hoover taking the effort to "out" Bush - like Valerie Plame - within the FBI, and possibly for extramural application of the memo to disarm a future threat.

David,

I think there is a strong chance that Hoover was sending a message (even it it was for posterity, since we have no idea who the audience the actual memo was accessible to, in the era when it was created) to a level much higher than then "foot soldier" George Bush.

Is the Tarpley/Chaikan passage posted below, only mere coincidence, when combined with the info in my last post, with the points that Dean Acheson was the only other named reference, besides Tom Clark, named by Earl Warren to support the appointment of Henry Crown's and Dorfman/Teamster Pension Fund lawyer, Albert Jenner to the WC, and that Clark Clifford later promoted Jenner to LBJ for a Supreme Court nomination, or that C. Douglas Dillon made the curious appointment of William Macomber, Jr. as President of the Met. Museum of Art? Or, this list of names, at the 1948 wedding of Charles Shipman Payson's daughter, Sandra, to Cord Meyer, Jr's brother, William?

http://news.google.com/archivesearch?q=Rob...n&scoring=a

Thomas D. Meyer was best man for his twin brother.

The usher were Cord Meyer Jr., another brother;

http://news.google.com/archivesearch?q=%22...n&scoring=a

Willetts Meyer. cousin of the bridegroom; David F. Bartlett of Hobo Sound, Fla.; Robert Watts of Mount Kisco, N. Y.,

...especially when considered in the context that Cord Meyer's first cousin, S. Willets Meyer was Edward Gordon Hooker's choice for his best man...and that early CIA personnel director was Robert Lovett's best friend, Trubee Davison, and the NY Times reported this, in 1930.: (John J. McCloy was of course, the groom...)

http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.htm...78FD85F448385F9

TRAVELS BY AIRPLANE FOR ZINSSER WEDDING; F. Trabee Davison, Assistant Secretary of War, Alights onHudson River. Calkins--Celler.

April 25, 1930, Friday

HASTINGS-ON-HUDSON, N.Y., April 24.--Assistant Secretary of War F. Trubee Davison arrived here today by plane from Washington to attend tomorrow the marriage of Miss Ellen Zinsser, daughter of Colonel ...

http://www.apfn.org/bush/bush4.htm

George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography --- by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter - IV -`The Center of Power is in Washington'

Residents on Jupiter Island

# Jupiter Islander Robert A. Lovett,@s4, Prescott Bush's partner at Brown Brothers Harriman, had been Assistant Secretary of War for Air from 1941 to 1945. Lovett was the leading American advocate of the policy of terror-bombing of civilians. He organized the Strategic Bombing Survey, carried out for the American and British governments by the staff of the Prudential Insurance Company, guided by London's Tavistock Psychiatric Clinic.

In the postwar period, Prescott Bush was associated with Prudential Insurance, one of Lovett's intelligence channels to the British secret services. Prescott was listed by Prudential as a director of the company for about two years in the early 1950s.

Their Strategic Bombing Survey failed to demonstrate any real military advantage accruing from such outrages as the fire-bombing of Dresden, Germany. But the Harrimanites nevertheless persisted in the advocacy of terror from the air. They glorified this as `` psychological warfare, '' a part of the utopian military doctrine opposed to the views of military traditionalists such as Gen. Douglas MacArthur.

Robert Lovett later advised President Lyndon Johnson to terror-bomb Vietnam. President George Bush revived the doctrine with the bombing of civilian areas in Panama, and the destruction of Baghdad.

On Oct. 22, 1945, Secretary of War Robert Patterson created the Lovett Committee, chaired by Robert A. Lovett, to advise the government on the post-World War II organization of U.S. intelligence activities. The existence of this committee was unknown to the public until an official CIA history was released from secrecy in 1989. But the CIA's author (who was President Bush's prep school history teacher; see chapter 5) gives no real details of the Lovett Committee's functioning, claiming: `` The record of the testimony of the Lovett Committee, unfortunately, was not in the archives of the agency when this account was written. ''@s5

The CIA's self-history does inform us of the advice that Lovett provided to the Truman cabinet, as the official War Department intelligence proposal.

Lovett decided that there should be a separate Central Intelligence Agency. The new agency would `` consult '' with the armed forces, but it must be the sole collecting agency in the field of foreign espionage and counterespionage. The new agency should have an independent budget, and its appropriations should be granted by Congress without public hearings.

Lovett appeared before the Secretaries of State, War and Navy on November 14, 1945. He spoke highly of the FBI's work because it had `` the best personality file in the world. '' Lovett said the FBI was expert at producing false documents, an art `` which we developed so successfully during the war and at which we became outstandingly adept. '' Lovett pressed for a virtual resumption of the wartime Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in a new CIA.

U.S. military traditionalists centered around Gen. Douglas MacArthur opposed Lovett's proposal.

The continuation of the OSS had been attacked at the end of the war on the grounds that the OSS was entirely under British control, and that it would constitute an American Gestapo.@s6

But the CIA was established in 1947 according to the prescription of Robert Lovett, of Jupiter Island.

# Charles Payson and his wife, Joan Whitney Payson, were extended family members of Harriman's and business associates of the Bush family.

Joan's aunt, Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney, was a relative of the Harrimans. Gertrude's son, Cornelius Vanderbilt (`` Sonny '') Whitney, long-time chairman of Pan American Airways (Prescott was a Pan Am director), became Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Air Force in 1947. Sonny's wife Marie had divorced him and married Averell Harriman in 1930. Joan and Sonny's uncle, Air Marshall Sir Thomas Elmhirst, was director of intelligence for the British Air Force from 1945 to 1947.

Joan's brother, John Hay (`` Jock '') Whitney, was to be ambassador to Great Britain from 1955 to 1961--when it would be vital for Prescott and George Bush to have such a friend. Joan's father, grandfather and uncle were members of the Skull and Bones secret society.

Charles Payson organized a uranium refinery in 1948. Later he was chairman of Vitro Corp., makers of parts for submarine-launched ballistic missiles, equipment for frequency surveillance and torpedo guidance, and other subsurface weaponry.

Naval warfare has long been a preoccupation of the British Empire. British penetration of the U.S. Naval Intelligence service has been particularly heavy since the tenure of Joan's Anglophile grandfather, William C. Whitney, as Secretary of the Navy for President Grover Cleveland. This traditional covert British orientation in the U.S. Navy, Naval Intelligence and the Navy's included service, the Marine Corps, forms a backdrop to the career of George Bush--and to the whole neighborhood on Jupiter Island. Naval Intelligence maintained direct relations with gangster boss Meyer Lansky for Anglo-American political operations in Cuba during World War II, well before the establishment of the CIA. Lansky officially moved to Florida in 1953.@s7

# George Herbert Walker, Jr. (Skull and Bones 1927), was extremely close to his nephew George Bush, helping to sponsor his entry into the oil business in the 1950s. `` Uncle Herbie '' was also a partner of Joan Whitney Payson when they co-founded the New York Mets baseball team in 1960. His son, G.H. Walker III, was a Yale classmate of Nicholas Brady and Moreau D. Brown (Thatcher Brown's grandson), forming what was called the `` Yale Mafia '' on Wall Street.

# Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. had been chairman of the finance committee of the Du Pont Corporation (1930-40). In 1933, Carpenter oversaw Du Pont's purchase of Remington Arms from Sam Pryor and the Rockefellers, and led Du Pont into partnership with the Nazi I.G. Farben Company for the manufacture of explosives. Carpenter became Du Pont's president in 1940. His cartel with the Nazis was broken up by the U.S. government. Nevertheless, Carpenter remained Du Pont's president as the company's technicians participated massively in the Manhattan Project to produce the first atomic bomb. He was chairman of Du Pont from 1948 to 1962, retaining high-level access to U.S. strategic activities.

Walter Carpenter and Prescott Bush were fellow activists in the Mental Hygiene Society. Originating at Yale University in 1908, the movement had been organized into the World Federation of Mental Health by Montagu Norman, himself a frequent mental patient, former Brown Brothers partner and Bank of England Governor. Norman had appointed as the federation's chairman, Brigadier John Rawlings Rees, director of the Tavistock Psychiatric Clinic, chief psychiatrist and psychological warfare expert for the British intelligence services. Prescott was a director of the society in Connecticut; Carpenter was a director in Delaware.

# Paul Mellon was the leading heir to the Mellon fortune, and a long-time neighbor of Averell Harriman's in Middleburg, Virginia, as well as Jupiter Island, Florida. Paul's father, Andrew Mellon, U.S. Treasury Secretary 1921-32, had approved the transactions of Harriman, Pryor and Bush with the Warburgs and the Nazis. Paul Mellon's son-in-law, David K.E. Bruce, worked in Prescott Bush's W.A. Harriman & Co. during the late 1920s; was head of the London branch of U.S. intelligence during World War II; and was Averell Harriman's Assistant Secretary of Commerce in 1947-48. Mellon family money and participation would be instrumental in many domestic U.S. projects of the new Central Intelligence Agency.

# Carl Tucker manufactured electronic guidance equipment for the Navy. With the Mellons, Tucker was an owner of South American oil properties. Mrs. Tucker was the great aunt of Nicholas Brady, later George Bush's Iran-Contra partner and U.S. Treasury Secretary. Their son Carll Tucker, Jr. (Skull and Bones 1947), was among the 15 Bonesmen who selected George Bush for induction in the class of 1948.

# C.Douglas Dillon was the boss of William H. Draper, Jr. in the Draper-Prescott Bush-Fritz Thyssen Nazi banking scheme of the 1930s and 40s. His father, Clarence Dillon, created the Vereinigte Stahlwerke (Thyssen's German Steel Trust) in 1926. C. Douglas Dillon made Nicholas Brady the chairman of the Dillon Read firm in 1971 and himself continued as chairman of the executive committee. C. Douglas Dillon would be a vital ally of his neighbor Prescott Bush during the Eisenhower administration.

# Publisher Nelson Doubleday headed his family's publishing firm, founded under the auspices of J.P. Morgan and other British Empire representatives. When George Bush's `` Uncle Herbie '' died, Doubleday took over as majority owner and chief executive of the New York Mets baseball team.

# George W. Merck, chairman of Merck & Co., drug and chemical manufacturers, was director of the War Research Service: Merck was the official chief of all U.S. research into biological warfare from 1942 until at least the end of World War II. After 1944, Merck's organization was placed under the U.S. Chemical Warfare Service. His family firm in Germany and the U.S. was famous for its manufacture of morphine.

# A.L. Cole was useful to the Jupiter Islanders as an executive of Readers Digest. In 1965, just after performing a rather dirty favor for George Bush (see Chapter 9), Cole became chairman of the executive committee of the Digest, the world's largest-circulation periodical.

From the late 1940s, Jupiter Island has served as a center for the direction of covert action by the U.S. government and, indeed, for the covert management of the government. Jupiter Island will reappear later on, in our account of George Bush in the Iran-Contra affair.

Target: Washington

George Bush graduated from Yale in 1948. He soon entered the family's Dresser oil supply concern in Texas. We shall now briefly describe the forces that descended on Washington, D.C. during those years when Bush, with the assistance of family and powerful friends, was becoming `` established in business on his own. ''

From 1948 to 1950, Prescott Bush's boss Averell Harriman was U.S. `` ambassador-at-large '' to Europe. He was a non-military `` theater commander, '' the administrator of the multi-billion-dollar Marshall Plan, participating in all military/strategic decision-making by the Anglo-American alliance.

The U.S. Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal, had become a problem to the Harrimanites. Forrestal had long been an executive at Dillon Read on Wall Street. But in recent years he had gone astray. As Secretary of the Navy in 1944, Forrestal proposed the racial integration of the Navy. As Defense Secretary he pressed for integration in the armed forces and this eventually became the U.S. policy.

Forrestal opposed the utopians' strategy of appeasement coupled with brinkmanship. He was simply opposed to communism. On March 28, 1949, Forrestal was forced out of office and flown on an Air Force plane to Florida. He was taken to `` Hobe Sound '' (Jupiter Island), where Robert Lovett and an army psychiatrist dealt with him.@s8

He was flown back to Washington, locked in Walter Reed Army Hospital and given insulin shock treatments for alleged `` mental exhaustion. '' He was denied all visitors except his estranged wife and children--his son had been Averell Harriman's aide in Moscow. On May 22, James Forrestal's body was found, his bathrobe cord tied tightly around his neck, after he had plunged from a sixteenth-story hospital window. The chief psychiatrist called the death a suicide even before any investigation was started. The results of the Army's inquest were kept secret. Forrestal's diaries were published, 80 percent deleted, after a year of direct government censorship and rewriting.

North Korean troops invaded South Korea in June 1950, after U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson (Harriman's very close friend) publicly specified that Korea would not be defended. With a new war on, Harriman came back to serve as President Truman's adviser, to `` oversee national security affairs. ''

Harriman replaced Clark Clifford, who had been special counsel to Truman. Clifford, however, remained close to Harriman and his partners as they gained more and more power. Clifford later wrote about his cordial relations with Prescott Bush:

Prescott Bush ... had become one of my frequent golfing partners in the fifties, and I had both liked and respected him.... Bush had a splendid singing voice, and particularly loved quartet singing. In the fifties, he organized a quartet that included my daughter Joyce.... They would sing in Washington, and, on occasion, he invited the group to Hobe Sound in Florida to perform. His son [George], though, had never struck me as a strong or forceful person. In 1988, he presented himself successfully to the voters as an outsider--no small trick for a man whose roots wound through Connecticut, Yale, Texas oil, the CIA, a patrician background, wealth, and the Vice-Presidency.@s9

With James Forrestal out of the way, Averell Harriman and Dean Acheson drove to Leesburg, Virginia, on July 1, 1950, to hire the British-backed U.S. Gen. George C. Marshall as Secretary of Defense. At the same time, Prescott's partner, Robert Lovett, himself became Assistant Secretary of Defense.

Lovett, Marshall, Harriman and Acheson went to work to unhorse Gen. Douglas MacArthur, commander of U.S. forces in Asia. MacArthur kept Wall Street's intelligence agencies away from his command, and favored real independence for the non-white nations. Lovett called for MacArthur's firing on March 23, 1951, citing MacArthur's insistence on defeating the Communist Chinese invaders in Korea. MacArthur's famous message, that there was `` no substitute for victory, '' was read in Congress on April 5; MacArthur was fired on April 10, 1951.

That September, Robert Lovett replaced Marshall as Secretary of Defense. Meanwhile, Harriman was named director of the Mutual Security Agency, making him the U.S. chief of the Anglo-American military alliance. By now, Brown Brothers Harriman was everything but Commander-in-Chief.

These were, of course exciting times for the Bush family, whose wagon was hitched to the financial gods of Olympus--to Jupiter, that is....

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Guest Tom Scully
Thanks, Tom, and sorry for the misnomer.

David,

I doubt if we'll see Len press his question here further, as there are softer targets for him to attempt to discredit,

than Bush and his curious background. Observe below that Bush goes to the trouble of providing endorsement for

a book about the life of Lindbergh's fascist friend, the son of "the merchant of death," Sam Pryor, Jr., in a tag team effort with Karl Rove, but Bush is absolutely silent on the subject of his relationship with his very close friend, Edward G. Hooker, except in internal documents at the CIA. Barbara Bush observes the same silence about Hooker. Why, when the NY Times reports that Bush was an usher in Hooker's wedding, and Hooker's surrogate in his daughter, Susan's wedding?

In his role as WC investigative counsel, Albert Jenner fails to explore Edward Hooker beyond asking Demohrenschildt about the history of his personal and business relationship with Hooker, yet Jenner was much more thorough in his questioning when it came to Demohrenschildt contacts with much less complex or longstanding relations with Demohrenschildt.

The referenced characters and organizations in the Tarpley/Chaitkin passage displayed in my last post are a relatively small number, yet the depth of the repeated associations seem beyond coincidence or random chance.

This reveiw alone would make me want to read the book:

President George H.W. Bush: "I have read every word of Make It Happen and got an enormous kick out of it."

Peter, Rove's "reaction" to Sam Pryor III's new book is even more priceless....the question is, how ******** stoopid do GHW Bush, Karl Rove, and Sam Pryor III, think we are?

http://samuelpryor.com/Home_Page.html

Karl C. Rove: If anything, Make it Happen underplays Sam Pryor's role in the 1940 Republican Convention and nomination of Wendell Willkie. Pryor was the pivot on what so much turned in those quick and important months.

If mainstream US journalists were not thoroughly compromised, the opinion above, of Karl Rove, would justly insure that he would be judged as having lost all remaining credibility and would never work again in any politically related capacity.....

(Henry Crown was chairman of the board of the group that in December, 1951, purchased the Empire State Building

from the Raskob family through principle financing and proceeds from the purchase of the land under the building

by Prudential.)

104 steps, 600 documents, and a skyscraper is sold - Google Books Result

LIFE - Jan 7, 1952 - Vol. 32, No. 1 - 84 pages - Magazine

http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/m...1968_6_14.shtml

...The Empire State Building cost just under 41 million dollars, including land; in 1951, the year after John J. Raskob died, a group headed by Roger L. Stevens bought the building for 34 million dollars. The Prudential Insurance Company of America bought the land for another 17 million dollars and set up a lease-back arrangement with the new owners. In 1954 a Chicago syndicate led by Colonel Henry Crown acquired the Empire State for 51.5 million dollars....

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...,939859,00.html

Real Estate: Highest Finance

Friday, Sep. 01, 1961

The tallest building in the world was sold last week for the highest price ever paid for a single structure. For $65 million, Chicago Financier Henry Crown sold the 102-story Empire State Building, a flop when it was built in the Depression but a moneymaker now, to a syndicate headed by a personable Manhattan lawyer and real estate wheeler-dealer, Lawrence Wien, 56.

The transaction was as complex as keen-eyed tax lawyers could make it. As soon as his Empire State Building Associates takes title to the property next December 27, Wien (rhymes with keen) will sell the building to the Prudential Insurance Co. for $29 million. Prudential, which already owns the land on which the Empire State sits (worth $17 million), will turn right around and lease the building and land back to the Wien syndicate for 114 years. Advantages for Prudential: a 7% return on invested capital and a way around a New York law that limits Prudential's investment in a single piece of real estate to less than $50 million. Advantages for Wien: the $29 million from Prudential can be applied toward Colonel Crown's selling price, thereby reducing the actual cost to the syndicate to 36 million, and the annual lease payments ($3,220,000) to Prudential can be written off as a business expense.

Is it possible that J. Edgar Hoover was actually pushing back via his "George Bush of the CIA" memo, against the wealthiest and most powerful cabal in the U.S., the creators and overseers of OSS and CIA, and everything else, for that matter, signalling that he was on to them, to their complicity in the murder of the century...and that their secret was safe with him? I think this suspicion is bolstered by the fact that between 1981 and 2009, George Bush or his son were either US president or V.P. during 20 years of that 28 year span

Edited by Tom Scully
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Guest Tom Scully

Consider that no prominent journalist has ever demanded that Bush comment personally on the Hoover memo linking him to the CIA in 1963.

If the US Corporate News Media was not locked down by the Elite's ownership of the owners of the media,

why would this be a very unusual happenstance, taking up several pages of google search results, and reported almost immediately in the press,...

http://www.daytondailynews.com/news/dayton...ent-648556.html

Man hit, killed by own car appears to be freak accident

Hot Topics

o “Bizarre” accident kills Kettering man trapped beneath his minivan Apr 12

By Kelli Wynn, Jeremy P. Kelley and Steve Bennish

Staff Writers Updated 4:41 PM Monday, April 12, 2010

...Sanders was seen backing his 1997 Plymouth Voyager out of his driveway at 1052 Eldorado Ave. about 6 p.m. Sunday, Kettering police Officer Michael Burke said....

...The car was in reverse gear, Burke said. One of the first witnesses on the scene found Sanders trapped underneath and put the vehicle into park, Burke added. The vehicle was on a level surface driveway, Burke said....

..Burke called the accident “very unusual.”

“It may be a case where the family and (police) are left with some unanswered questions,” Burke said. “In any case, where a death is involved, it is obviously difficult for the family. In this situation, it may be especially hard since the accident was so bizarre. The family has our sympathy.”

The Ohio State Highway Patrol does not keep statistics on the number of people who are killed by their own vehicles rolling over them....

....while a nearly identical, fatal accident, occurring at the home of Bush's son in 2003, was not reported by the WaPo until six days after it happened, and without the descriptions by police, so prominent in the article above?

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?p...A46190-2003Oct5

Bush Family Babysitter Killed in Fairfax

Sunday, October 5, 2003; Page C03

A babysitter for the family of Marvin Bush was found dead Monday night outside the family's Fairfax County home, and police said that she had been crushed when her car rolled into her, pinning her between the vehicle and an outbuilding on the property.

Fairfax County police said Bertha Champagne, 62, had worked for several years for Marvin Bush, President Bush's brother, and lived at the family home on Fort Hunt Road in the Alexandria section of Fairfax.

Officer Courtney Young, a police spokeswoman, said Champagne had gone outside the house about 9 p.m. Monday, reportedly to retrieve something from her car.

The vehicle had been in gear, police said, and appeared to have rolled in her direction when Champagne was in front of it.

After pinning Champagne, Young said, the car continued rolling toward Fort Hunt Road, near the intersection of Edgehill Drive.

Champagne was taken to an area hospital and declared dead that evening. Young said she did not know the cause of death.

Who else, but a Bush, could strike and kill a police officer adorned in a yellow, reflectorized, safety vest, and not be investigated for possibly driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs, or for any other irregularity?

http://nymag.com/daily/intel/2007/03/bushc...be_inves_1.html

Intel

3/15/07

6:15 PM

Bush-Cousin Judge Won't Be Investigated for Car Crash That Killed New Haven Cop

A federal judge who is George W. Bush's cousin killed a New Haven, Connecticut, police officer in a traffic accident in October, and this afternoon New Haven police decided not to pursue criminal charges. Judge John Mercer Walker Jr., a senior judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, is first cousin to former President George H.W. Bush — they share a grandfather, George Herbert Walker — and first cousin once removed to the current president. On October 17, in what a New Haven police spokeswoman termed "difficult weather conditions," the 66-year-old Walker was driving an SUV that struck 38-year-old Officer Daniel Picagli, a seventeen-year veteran of the New Haven police department.

Picagli was working extra duty, directing traffic at a road construction site in the Wooster Square section of the city, and died October 21 from injuries sustained in the accident. Picagli was wearing a black rain coat and a reflective vest when the accident happened, the Associated Press reported. Visibility was poor where the accident happened, the New Haven Register said. Walker was not tested for drugs or alcohol at the scene....

http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-1...e-officer_x.htm

Officer struck by Bush's cousin dies

Updated 10/22/2006 10:05 PM ET

....The SUV was driven by John M. Walker Jr., a senior judge on the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New York, who maintains court chambers in New Haven. He was leaving work when the accident happened, police said.

No charges have been filed.

Police Chief Francisco Ortiz said the accident remained under investigation, but officers did not feel it was necessary to test Walker for drugs or alcohol.

Walker, 65, voluntarily stepped down this month as chief judge of the court. He was appointed to the court in 1989 by President George H.W. Bush, who is a cousin of the judge......

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/20/nyregion...amp;oref=slogin

Officer Is Struck by S.U.V. Driven by a Federal Judge, the Police Say

By ALAN FEUER

Published: October 20, 2006

.....Officer Picagli, 38, remained under the care of doctors at Yale-New Haven Hospital, Ms. Winchester said. He was standing on a dimly lighted stretch of Chapel Street in a black police raincoat and a yellow reflective vest when Judge Walker’s black Ford Escape sport utility vehicle struck him.

The judge stopped immediately after the accident, Ms. Winchester said, and officers at the scene determined that there was no reason to administer a field alcohol and drug test.

“He’s been very cooperative and very disturbed,” Ms. Winchester said. She added that Judge Walker had, in fact, called the department several times to check on Officer Picagli’s condition.......

An astounding epilogue to the unusual treatment of members of the George Bush family by our media, authorities, and by the American public, in general, are these exchanges between a New Haven police department sergeant, members of the public, and even the widow of the police officer killed after being struck by Judge Walker's vehicle. http://newhavenindependent.org/index.php/a...wells_2_worlds/

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What were his answers?

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Guest Tom Scully

One situation when Bush did answer an uncomfortable press query. Bush was CIA director for less than a full year, a ful decade before the following was exposed. If his official cover story of his 1960's activity is to be believed, he made all of his lasting relationships only after he became CIA director in late '75.:

http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/latimes/access...mp;pqatl=google

Met With Contra Supply Head, Bush Says

Los Angeles Times (pre-1997 Fulltext) - Los Angeles, Calif.

Author: NORMAN KEMPSTER; DOYLE McMANUS

Date: Oct 12, 1986

Vice President George Bush said Saturday that he twice met Max Gomez, the Bay of Pigs veteran identified as the head of a secret air operation to supply weapons to anti-government rebels in Nicaragua, but he denied that Gomez was employed by the U.S. government.

"To my knowledge, I met with him twice, shook hands with him a third time," Bush said, according to an Associated Press report from Charleston, S.C., where the vice president was campaigning for Republican candidates.

"To the best of my knowledge, this man is not working for the United States government," Bush said. "His role was to help the government of El Salvador put down an insurrection, put down a Marxist-led revolution."

The Times reported Saturday that Gomez has told associates that he reported to Bush about his activities. The report also said that Bush's national security adviser, Donald P. Gregg, recommended Gomez for a job with the El Salvador military, which served as a cover for his role in supervising supply flights for the Nicaraguan rebels known as contras.

The contras' supply flights originated at the Ilopango airfield, which is owned by the El Salvador air force but is also used by the U.S. government, and at another airfield in Honduras.

Bush said he would "deny unequivocally" that he was running the operation. However, the sources quoted by The Times did not say that Bush was running the operation, only that he had met Gomez and received reports from him.

Meanwhile, a rebel spokesman said the contras will continue to use clandestine flights to supply arms and other equipment to their front-line forces despite the crash of a plane last Sunday that killed two Americans and resulted in the capture of a third.

"We will continue supplying our forces by whatever means are called for," said Bosco Matamoros, spokesman for the Nicaragua Democratic Forces, the largest contra organization. "The war cannot be suspended."

A contra official said that a C-123 cargo plane-the sister of the craft that was shot down by the Nicaraguan army-arrived at the contras' Aguacate base in Honduras on Saturday, ready to resume the flights.

Elliott Abrams, U.S. assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, said Eugene Hasenfus, the U.S. crewman who survived the crash of the C-123, probably believed he was working for the CIA although the agency actually had no connection with the network of private individuals and foreign governments aiding the rebels.

Hasenfus, now a captive of the Sandinista government, told a news conference in Managua that he was hired by the CIA and that the operation was run by Gomez, whom he identified as a CIA agent.

Abrams, the Administration's chief Latin America strategist, said former CIA operatives were employed at all levels of the program established to keep uthe rebels fighting despite congressional restrictions on direct U.S. support.

Under current U.S. law, it would be illegal for the U.S. government to be involved in any way in providing supplies to the contras, although new legislation that would permit such aid is close to final passage.

Abrams, interviewed on Cable News Network and later by telephone by The Times, reiterated the Administration's denials that the CIA or any other agency of the U.S. government was directly involved in the supply effort. But he said it was not surprising that the program's managers sought to hire people with CIA backgrounds, because they had experience in covert operations.

"They came up with some people who were in Air America, which had connections with the CIA in Vietnam, and who were in Vietnam, and who were in the CIA," he said. "You'll find a close pattern of relationships here. You'll find some old school ties. You will not find any current ties."

Under those circumstances, Abrams said, it was "perfectly plausible" that Hasenfus-a former Air America employee who was a $3,000-a-month "cargo kicker" aboard a C-123 cargo flight-thought he was working for the CIA.

"When you get down to the level at which Mr. Hasenfus was working . . . I very much doubt whether he was exactly sure who was paying him," Abrams said.

Gomez, who is also know as Felix Rodriguez, participated in the ill-fated CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961. Sources said Saturday that Gomez was employed by the CIA as recently as the 1970s.

Bush is a former CIA director, and Gregg is a retired executive of the intelligence agency.

The House Western Hemisphere subcommittee has scheduled hearings starting Wednesday on the ill-fated cargo flight in an effort to determine if the U.S. government was involved. The House Intelligence Committee also was considering an investigation.

Matamoros, in a telephone interview, said the contras must use airdrops to resupply their forces because the "front line" in Nicaragua is a 60-day march from rebel bases in Honduras and a 10-day march from bases in Costa Rica.

He insisted that the contras had received no help from the U.S. government, which would violate the law.

"Our relationship was with a private organization and not in any way linked to the United States government," Matamoros said.

He said the cargo flights were conducted by Corporate Air Services, a firm that he said was owned by William J. Cooper, the pilot killed in the C-123 crash, and headquartered in Panama. Federal aviation records show that Corporate Air Services has the same Miami address as Southern Air Transport, a company previously owned by the CIA.

Matamoros said he did not know where the contras obtained the money to pay for the flights, but he said it was "farfetched" to suggest that it came from the U.S. government.

http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/latimes/access...mp;pqatl=google

Bush Linked to Contra Supply Operation Had Vice President's Approval, Air Drops Organizer Tells Aides;

DOYLE McMANUS. Los Angeles Oct 11, 1986.

Max Gomez, a Cuban-American veteran of the CIA's ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion, has told associates that he reported to Vice President George Bush about his activities as head of the secret air-supply operation that lost a cargo plane to Nicaraguan missile fire last weekend, knowledgeable sources said Friday.

Gomez has said that he met with Bush twice and has been conducting operations against the Nicaraguan government from El Salvador with the vice president's knowledge and approval, the sources said.

The emerging story of Max Gomez illustrates the way a group of White House and Administration officials over the last two years knit together a web of private military and financial assistance to sidestep the legal restrictions imposed by Congress in 1984 and keep the Nicaraguan guerrillas, or contras, fighting while President Reagan campaigned here for resumption of direct aid.

The exposure of the secret supply effort has caused an uproar in Congress, consternation in El Salvador and alarm in the Administration. But leading members of Congress said they do not expect the disclosures to block the final passage of a new $100-million fund of U.S. aid for the contras that both houses have already approved.

And as far as Administration officials are concerned, the private supply effort has been a success-for it has kept the contras fighting during two years without U.S. military aid.

"What's kept the resistance alive has been private help," said Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams. "Some members of Congress accuse us of approving of this with a wink and a nod. A wink and a nod, hell. We think it's been fine."

Organized at Reagan's behest and operating with critical assistance from senior government officials, a network of private citizens and foreign governments has worked to provide the contras with airplanes, guns and food-to maintain their war against Nicaragua's leftist government whether Congress approved or not.

No U.S. government funds were directly involved, officials said, and the CIA was carefully kept at arms' length because of Congress' close scrutiny of that agency's operations. But Reagan, Bush and other officials made it clear-both to conservative donors at home and allied governments abroad-that they hoped others would aid the contras where Congress did not.

And, several U.S. officials and contra sources said, Reagan and Bush detailed aides to help the private aid network get organized-with instructions to insulate the Administration from any direct responsibility for its operations.

As a result, members of Congress said, the White House appears to have skirted and stretched the law forbidding direct aid to the rebels, but stopped just short of breaking it.

On Thursday, Eugene Hasenfus-the American crewman who survived the crash of the cargo plane and was captured by Nicaraguan troops-identified Gomez as head of the elaborate aerial supply system based in El Salvador that sent his plane over Nicaragua. Hasenfus, speaking at a press conference organized by Sandinista officials, told reporters that he believed Gomez worked for the CIA.

But several sources said that Gomez formally works for the air force of El Salvador-a job he apparently gained with the help of an aide to Bush, not the CIA.

Gomez's account of meetings with Bush and the vice president's staff was first reported by the San Francisco Examiner on Friday. Knowledgeable sources confirmed the story and provided additional information about the overall relationship between senior Administration officials and the contras.

U.S. officials refused to confirm or deny the accounts of Gomez's link to the White House. Marlin Fitzwater, a spokesman for Bush, said: "Neither the vice president nor anyone on his staff is directing or coordinating an operation in Central America." But he refused to say whether Bush had met with Gomez, or whether Bush's staff had helped Gomez in any other way.

According to one knowledgeable source, Bush aide Donald Gregg provided Gomez with a recommendation that introduced the Cuban-American to Gen. Juan Rafael Bustillo, the chief of staff of El Salvador's air force, from whose base at Ilopango many of the contras' supply flights ran.

In other cases, Administration and contra sources said, a National Security Council aide, Marine Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, put rebel officials in touch with Americans who could help them raise money and obtain arms.

But in every case, the sources said, the White House aides were careful to avoid giving direct orders to either the contras or their backers.

"You're not going to find a smoking memo in this program," one knowledgeable U.S. official said. "It's not that simple."

Still, members of Congress said Friday that they want to investigate the Administration's conduct further. And after a secret, three-hour briefing by Administration officials, several said that their focus has shifted from the CIA to the White House.

"The CIA has been staying away from the active promotion of the paramilitary operation," said Sen. David Durenberger (R-Minn.), chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. "I cannot say the same thing about the President of the United States or a lot of other people who have by their own admission actively encouraged the private supply of the contras.

"I urge the Administration to be a little more forthcoming about two years of privatizing in Nicaragua," he said. "I think the White House knows and has not been telling the world."

`Stretched the Law'

Sen. Claiborne Pell (D-R.I.), ranking Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, added: "It would seem to me the CIA and our government have stretched the law, but stayed within it."

"We've got some people down at the White House, perhaps in the National Security Council, who have been watching too many Rambo movies," said Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), a leading opponent of aid to the contras. "It is time that this Administration came out of the closet and came clean."

So far, however, the Administration has publicly refused to provide any details of its role in the secret supply network. House Democrats formally demanded documents on Lt. Col. North's activities last year from the National Security Council but the White House refused. NSC officials admitted that they had met with contra leaders and even given them political advice, but denied any action that would violate Congress' ban on aid.

"The actions of the National Security Council staff were in compliance with both the spirit and the letter of the law," White House National Security Adviser John M. Poindexter said in a letter to House members in July.

Opponents Disagree

Congressional opponents of the Administration's policy in Nicaragua disagree.

"I personally think it's imperative that we hear from the National Security Council," said Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.). "I think we should hear from Oliver North under oath."

U.S. officials and contra sources have said that North put the rebels in contact with Richard Secord, a retired Air Force general with wide experience in arms sales and supply lines. Secord later arranged for the purchase of several small airplanes for the contras' air force, according to sales documents; the source of the funds for the purchase has never been disclosed.

North also worked with Robert W. Owen, a conservative activist who helped the rebels to set up their supply lines in Honduras, according to contra sources. Owen was awarded a State Department contract to help with U.S. non-military aid for the rebels last year, which was not prohibited under the Congressional ban, at the insistence of contra chief Adolfo Calero-and over the objections of Robert Duemling, the administrator of the "humanitarian aid" fund.

Owen, in turn, dealt with John K. Singlaub, a retired army general who has been the contras' most visible fund-raiser in the United States. Singlaub has acknowledged that he met with Owen; he says that he knows North, but could not legally discuss the contra issue with him. "That was one of the no-nos when the Boland Amendment (forbidding U.S. aid to the contras) went into effect," Singlaub said.

In the case of Max Gomez-who has also gone by the name of Felix Rodriguez, one source said-the White House role was even more subtle. Gomez first went to El Salvador to advise the Salvadoran air force on anti-guerrilla operations in 1985, several sources said.

Only this year did Gomez begin working solely on the contra supply system, the sources said-but he continued reporting to Gregg and Bush. He was paid by the Salvadoran air force, not by the U.S. government, they said.

http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/latimes/access...mp;pqatl=google

From Bay of Pigs to the Contras, Rodriguez Fights On Crash Puts Shadow Warrior in Spotlight

DOYLE McMANUS; WILLIAM R. LONG

Date: Oct 16, 1986

It was April 17, 1961. Felix Rodriguez, a 19-year-old Cuban-American, had been secretly inside Fidel Castro's Cuba for two months, waiting for a signal from the CIA that the Bay of Pigs invasion had begun. Rodriguez had explosive charges primed and in place, ready t1864393324were standing by to cut telephone lines and foment disorder.

The invasion began at dawn. But not until midday did the messages arrive for the saboteurs-and by then it was too late: Castro's men were already rolling up the underground networks. "The roads were closed, the houses were surrounded and they were arresting thousands of people," Rodriguez said later. "I cried."

For 25 years since that day, Felix Rodriguez has been fighting to avenge the CIA's failure, a secret soldier in the shadow world of U.S. clandestine operations. And no ordinary soldier-Rodriguez's exploits are the stuff, in the words of one of his comrades, "of a book-no, more than just one book."

Under one false name or another, Rodriguez has landed secretly in Cuba at least six times. He has fought in Vietnam, the Congo and El Salvador. In 1967, he helped Bolivian troops capture and kill Castro's lieutenant, Che Guevara, as he was attempting to spread Marxist revolution in South America; Rodriguez still wears Guevara's wristwatch to prove it.

His odyssey has also taken him to the White House office of Vice President George Bush.

But when a man called "Max Gomez" was named as the chief of a secret airborne supply line for Nicaraguan rebels based in El Salvador, it came as no surprise to veterans of clandestine warfare that Gomez's real name was Felix Rodriguez.

Today, Felix Rodriguez, the anonymous hero of a hundred unknown battles, is in the middle of a highly public controversy over America's role in Nicaragua. The Reagan Administration-and his old comrades-in-arms-say Rodriguez was acting as a private citizen, with no direction or pay from the U.S. government he served for so long. But the evidence has mounted that, while Rodriguez left the CIA payroll years ago, he remained solidly inside the shadow world of clandestine operations-a private soldier in a secret, but public, cause.

His story explains much of how the Reagan Administration could assemble a private U.S. network to help the Nicaraguan rebels, known as contras, continue their war despite Congress' ban.

It also illuminates some of the CIA's secret wars, which have long been little known, and a few operations that have never before been revealed in detail.

"He's a patriot," said Bush, who has acknowledged meeting Rodriguez three times. "I know what he was doing in El Salvador, and I strongly support it. . . . This man, an expert in counterinsurgency, was down there helping them put down a Communist-led revolution."

Declines Interviews

Rodriguez has reportedly lain low in Miami ever since he was publicly identified as the chief of the contras' supply operation by Eugene Hasenfus, an American crewman captured by Sandinista troops after his C-123 cargo plane was shot down inside Nicaragua. He did not respond to several requests for an interview.

But many of his friends and comrades-in-arms did agree to speak-some because they believe it is time that he received some credit for his exploits, others because they fear he may be made a scapegoat in the furor over the crash.

Felix Ismael Rodriguez Mendigutia, now 45, was born May 31, 1941, the son of a middle-class shopkeeper in the quiet colonial town of Sancti Spiritus, southeast of Havana.

Like many young men from conservative, anti-Communist families, young Rodriguez joined Brigade 2506, the Cuban exile organization armed by the CIA to overthrow Castro.

The CIA named Rodriguez the leader of a five-man infiltration team whose mission was to help prepare an internal uprising to coincide with the invasion at the Bay of Pigs. At the end of February, 1961, the saboteurs left Key West, Fla., on a 26-foot motor launch and crossed the Florida Strait, landing at night on a rocky shore east of Havana.

Took Part in Raids

When the invasion failed, the infiltration teams were left high and dry. Rodriguez made his way back to Havana and took political asylum in the Venezuelan Embassy; a few months later, he was granted permission to leave the country.

But Rodriguez's anti-Castro crusade was far from over. Jose Basulto, a longtime friend, said Rodriguez participated in at least six secret sabotage raids on Cuba and attempts to infiltrate the island, some of them CIA-assisted.

In the mid-1960s, the thread of Rodriguez's career becomes difficult to trace. He apparently told some friends that he was in the army, but Basulto, his closest friend, says that was a cover story: Rodriguez was now a full-time officer in the CIA's clandestine service.

"He worked for years for the CIA until he retired," Basulto said. "And I know he retired, because I have seen his retirement papers. I think he has the highest decoration the CIA gives."

In 1967 came the high point of Rodriguez's career: the capture of Ernesto (Che) Guevara.

Guevara, an Argentine theorist of revolution who was sent abroad by Castro as his apostle of revolution, was in Bolivia trying to start a rural guerrilla movement. A Bolivian army team, advised by the CIA, caught up with him in October, 1967.

"He is the guy who was in charge of that operation," said a longtime CIA veteran who refused to be quoted by name. "Felix was the last guy to see him alive. They had been adversaries for a long time. They faced each other with mutual respect. He still talks of Che with respect."

Gift from Che

Several former CIA officers and friends of Rodriguez said the CIA advisers wanted to keep Guevara alive for further interrogation, but Bolivian officials ordered his execution. Before he died, Rodriguez has told friends, Guevara handed him his watch-the watch the ex-CIA man still wears.

In the late 1960s, the CIA was swiftly expanding its operations in Vietnam, and Felix Rodriguez went along.

Several sources said Rodriguez became a specialist in "lightning" operations, in which small helicopters detected guerrilla columns and called in swift strikes by larger gunships.

"He was shot down twice," Basulto recalled. As a result of the last crash, Rodriguez hurt his back. In about 1975, friends said, he retired from the CIA with disability pay.

But Rodriguez left the CIA with a host of key contacts around the world and in Washington, including Donald Gregg, now the national security adviser to Vice President Bush-himself a former director of the CIA.

His war against communism-and against Fidel Castro-was still not over.

In about 1981, Basulto said, Rodriguez went to Honduras to help the anti-Sandinista Nicaraguan exiles there-the nucleus of the force that would later become the contras. "He was trying to get his old contacts in the governments of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador to give some support," the CIA veteran said. "And I guess, from the results, that he succeeded."

Organized Private Aid

The CIA moved into the fight at the end of 1981, and again Rodriguez's traces disappeared. American agents raided Nicaragua's coast by boat, ran air strikes into the country and helped the contras organize their army-but Rodriguez's friends, and contra sources, insist that Felix was not among them.

Yet when Congress cut off the contras' funding in 1984, Rodriguez almost instantly reappeared, organizing private help for the rebels in Miami. "I met him then," said Adolfo Calero, the leader of the largest contra army. "To me, he's a damn good man-a patriot, a free-lancer for democracy."

Rodriguez told Calero that he wanted to work for the contras full time, Calero said-"but then he vanished." The problem, one of Rodriguez's friends said, was that he was simply running out of money-and the contras were, too.

He found a place advising the Salvadoran air force, teaching its pilots how to apply the "lightning" tactics that he had used in Vietnam. But first, sources said, the Salvadorans wanted to see a recommendation from the U.S. government. Rodriguez met with Bush, and went back to San Salvador with the blessing of the White House.

The Salvadorans already had 55 U.S. military advisers, but under U.S. rules they couldn't go on combat missions; Rodriguez could. And that he did-according to two witnesses, at least once flying the lead helicopter, at the age of 44, in a lightning raid against Salvadoran guerrillas.

In 1985, when Honduras restricted contra supply operations there, the rebels turned to El Salvador. Sources said the commander of El Salvador's air force, Gen. Juan Rafael Bustillo, turned to Felix Rodriguez to help run the new, expanded operation.

On May 1, 1986, Rodriguez came back to Washington to meet again with Bush. Bush insists that they talked only about El Salvador, not Nicaragua; Donald Gregg has refused to comment on the subject of his talks with Rodriguez. (It was illegal then, as it is now, for U.S. officials to help anyone to provide weapons to the contras.)

At about the same time as those talks, the contras' flights through Ilopango increased, sources said.

Rodriguez told associates that he reported to Gregg about his activities at the Salvadoran air base of Ilopango, including his help for the contras.

Identified by Hasenfus

And, one knowledgeable official said Wednesday, U.S. Ambassador Edwin G. Corr had lunch "at least once" with Rodriguez, who was in the country under the nom de guerre Max Gomez.

But Rodriguez's last covert operation came to an abrupt end last Thursday when Hasenfus, the crewman captured in Nicaragua, named him as the chief of the supply line-and identified him as a CIA agent.

Rodriguez disappeared. His operation's "safehouse," a villa on one of El Salvador's most elegant streets, abruptly emptied-with a Salvadoran police guard from the U.S. Embassy stationed in the driveway.

His friends say he is hiding in Miami, staying with yet another old comrade from the first crusade-the Bay of Pigs campaign against Castro.

But this time, his cover has been badly blown. Veterans of the clandestine world all say they fear that Felix Rodriguez's war is over at last.

"I hate to see this happen to him," one official said.

But his oldest comrade, Basulto, believes Rodriguez will be back.

"He is like a volcano," he said. "He just can't hold that inside. Whenever he sees an opportunity to go fight against communism, he can't hold back."

http://news.google.com/newspapers?id=tBUhA...twork&hl=en

Bush Aides Explain 3-year Contact With Contra Aid Figure .

Schenectady Gazette - Google News Archive - Dec 16, 1986.......

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Perhaps there is something that can be called a memo in the form of a simple manual much like that described as balooned to Cuba. (I've actually have held a copy in my hand, not a very nice publication that reeks of CIA). A manual on how to sabotage from within. Then there is the mining of Managuas harbour. Also the enigmatic Bruce Jones (Costa Rica, Contra Southern) pictured in Life mag and one pic showing a computer (computers were just becoming standard CIA issue) on top of a pile of SOF mags.

(The notion that Felix was dissociated from the CIA strikes me as laughable. (similarly some of the stories about Felix and the Che' matter.))

edit:eh?

Edited by John Dolva
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The "Mr. George Bush of the CIA" memo ought to be investigated stringently for fraud, especially in light of the other allegation that Bush turned in to the FBI a right-wing acquaintance who supposedly threatened JFK.

If the memo stands up, I'm betting that Hoover was covering his chips against the Agency, or that Hoover felt insulted or threatened by something Bush had to say during his visit. Why else blow someone's cover that way?

Blow his cover: The memo wasn't made public for 25 years and probably refers to the George Bush who admits he was a watch officer on the night of the assassination

It is ridiculous, in knowledge of the Zapata Oil involvement with BOP, to think that GHWB was not an Agency operative, or officer, in the 1960s.

What exactly is 'known' about "Zapata Oil involvement with BOP"?

There is a copy of a sworn affidavit available online, attributed to George William Bush. It includes his denial of receipt by him of any briefing or contact from the FBI during his six months, temporary service at CIA as a GS-5 grade staffer.

So one of the George Bushs lied. William gave a sworn affidavit and HW didn't but:

  • William admited he was on watch duty at CIA HQ that night while HW was in Texas that day with no indication he went to DC.
  • William seems to have concealed this fact from James McBride the author of the Nation articles.
  • We know William was a CIA agent at the time but no one has produced solid evidence HW was (though he probablly was an asset)

People who think it was HW make much of Wiliam's GS-5 grade but that was equvalent to being a Lietenant in the Army, Air Force and Marines, the DIA guy was a Captain only 1 rank higher. Thus the memo was routine communication give to low level agents.

William Butts Macomber, Jr., WWII Capt., USMC, OSS officer who operated in German occupied France and in Burma, spent two years at CIA, moved to State Dept. as CIA liason to State Dept. Macomber, Jr. was best man in Bush's sister's 1946 wedding' he attended the sweaing in ceremony in 1956, of newly elected Senator, JFK, as the invited guest of Sen. Prescott Bush.

In 1960, Macomber, Jr. is documented to have asked that Otepka investigate the defections of Oswald and the few others who had defected to the Eastern Bloc. In 1963, Macomber, Jr. married Phyliss Bernau, personal secretary to the late John Foster Dulles; Macomber had also served as Dulles's assistant at State.

How does any of this, including the parts I edited out for brevity suport the notions Bush was involved in the assassination or that Zapata was involved in the BOP?

Edited by Len Colby
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B. A. Copeland points out the DIA link in its representative, Capt. Edwards. From the organizational apparatus below the text - apparently there was no meeting between Bush and Edwards, and the information was conveyed by them orally to an FBI subordinate, not Hoover. So, I admit, any insult or threat motivating the memo would be indirect.

Still - do we often see Bureau documents released to investigating committees without significant redactions of covert operatives' names? Street-thug informants get more protection under black Magic Marker cover. What protection did DIA officers get in FBI memos? Are their names redacted, if recorded at all?

This is why the memo's appearance in the HSCA records, unredacted, has to be evaluated, hopefully to determine time of placement, and formal consonance with other documents in which covert sources are named. If genuine, we have to look for consonance with Hoover's behavior in other memos.

The "substance of the foregoing information" that Bush and Edwards provided seems to refer only to paragraph 3, in which either CIA or DIA reveals it has an informant in the pro-Castro movement. Information in earlier paragraphs seems to be attributed to FBI sources.

Link to memo:

http://www.tomflocco.com/Docs/Jfk/HooverFbiMemo.htm

I corrected an error in post #31: Len Colby wanted more explication, not Tom Scully. Mea culpa.

Len asks what we "know" about Bush's Zapata-CIA connection? Admittedly, much is inferential, much anecdotal. I have to check William Pawley for comparison. Do we call him an "operative," in the sense of being an unpaid associate for mutual interest? Was Bush, like Pawley, a financier or facilitator of covert ops? (Did they each loan out some boats?) How much of what we accept about Pawley are we accepting by inference and unevidenced anecdote? That I'm going to look at, since I called for a methodology of consonance in textual matters.

David your reading of the memo is quite confused. According to Hoover, “The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W.T. Forsyth of this Bureau” not from them to the FBI. That was the extent pf their involvement.

The informants he mentioned were providing information to the Bureau not the D or CIA. To make a long story short the State Department’s office for Cuban immigrants in Miami (the Office of [the] Coordinator of Cuban Affairs) advised the FBI’s office “the Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba”. Hoover was advising State that the FBI’s anti-Castro informants felt otherwise and that according to another FBI informant a small pro-Castro group was afraid of “strong repressive measures being taken against them”.

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Consider that no prominent journalist has ever demanded that Bush comment personally on the Hoover memo linking him to the CIA in 1963.

The story got wide coverage in 1988, he denied though a spokeman it wasn't him, no ne produced evidence it was.

If the US Corporate News Media was not locked down by the Elite's ownership of the owners of the media,

Great a 90 year-old source!

why would this be a very unusual happenstance, taking up several pages of google search results, and reported almost immediately in the press,...
http://www.daytondailynews.com/news/dayton...ent-648556.html

Man hit, killed by own car appears to be freak accident

Hot Topics

o “Bizarre” accident kills Kettering man trapped beneath his minivan Apr 12

By Kelli Wynn, Jeremy P. Kelley and Steve Bennish

Staff Writers Updated 4:41 PM Monday, April 12, 2010

...Sanders was seen backing his 1997 Plymouth Voyager out of his driveway at 1052 Eldorado Ave. about 6 p.m. Sunday, Kettering police Officer Michael Burke said....

...The car was in reverse gear, Burke said. One of the first witnesses on the scene found Sanders trapped underneath and put the vehicle into park, Burke added. The vehicle was on a level surface driveway, Burke said....

..Burke called the accident “very unusual.”

“It may be a case where the family and (police) are left with some unanswered questions,” Burke said. “In any case, where a death is involved, it is obviously difficult for the family. In this situation, it may be especially hard since the accident was so bizarre. The family has our sympathy.”

The Ohio State Highway Patrol does not keep statistics on the number of people who are killed by their own vehicles rolling over them....

....while a nearly identical, fatal accident, occurring at the home of Bush's son in 2003, was not reported by the WaPo until six days after it happened, and without the descriptions by police, so prominent in the article above?

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?p...A46190-2003Oct5

Bush Family Babysitter Killed in Fairfax

Sunday, October 5, 2003; Page C03

A babysitter for the family of Marvin Bush was found dead Monday night outside the family's Fairfax County home, and police said that she had been crushed when her car rolled into her, pinning her between the vehicle and an outbuilding on the property.

Fairfax County police said Bertha Champagne, 62, had worked for several years for Marvin Bush, President Bush's brother, and lived at the family home on Fort Hunt Road in the Alexandria section of Fairfax.

Officer Courtney Young, a police spokeswoman, said Champagne had gone outside the house about 9 p.m. Monday, reportedly to retrieve something from her car.

The vehicle had been in gear, police said, and appeared to have rolled in her direction when Champagne was in front of it.

After pinning Champagne, Young said, the car continued rolling toward Fort Hunt Road, near the intersection of Edgehill Drive.

Champagne was taken to an area hospital and declared dead that evening. Young said she did not know the cause of death.

With all the time you spend on the Net you think it odd that you get more hits for a 2010 incident rather than a 2003? Did the WaPo cover the Ohio accident?

Edited by Len Colby
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