Edwin Walker

[Paul Trejo]

Paul - you completely evaded the issue that Knight raised. I find it strange that you wouldn't simply address the question directly.

Not at all, Paul B. I answered Mark Knight's question three times. He couldn't believe that Lee Harvey Oswald would be stupid enough to fall for Guy Banister's game -- but history shows (and Jim Garrison proved) that Oswald completely fell for Banister's game.

Mark's error was in his imagination -- he imagined that Oswald would somehow be a "Lone Shooter" in Cuba, and that Fidel Castro's body-guards would easily stop him, so that Oswald himself would never agree to go to Cuba on that basis.

Yet nobody said that Oswald would be a "Lone Shooter" in Cuba. We don't know the plan, but we do know that Oswald fell for it -- because we have records of his completely "stupid" behavior in Mexico City, trying to get passage into Cuba with a 10-page dossier of newspaper clippings showing him to be a Communist and an Officer of the FPCC, that he obtained with the help of Guy Banister.

That's a historical fact. That's not my guesswork.

My theory only begins by explaining WHY Oswald went to Mexico with Guy Banister's FPCC dossier. The only logical conclusion based on the data is that Oswald was working with Guy Banister on the only project that Guy Banister (and David Ferrie and Clay Shaw) were interested in, namely, in the assassination of Fidel Castro.

Those who wish to cite Antonio Veciana (Alpha 66) and his eye-witness of Lee Harvey Oswald sitting with CIA Officer David Atlee Phillips in Dallas that summer should also underscore that Phillips was wholly committed to the assassination of Fidel Castro.

Therefore, it is just as likely that Oswald was told that once he succeeded in sneaking into Cuba, he would meet several other accomplices already inside Cuba. The assassination might have involved the same poison that AMLASH was planning to give Fidel -- or that Marita Lorentz was supposed to give Fidel -- or that Judyth Vary Baker was working on. We just don't know.

Whatever Oswald was told, we have PROOF that Oswald tried to use Guy Banister's faked FPCC credentials to weasel his way into Cuba on 27 September 1963.

This TOTALLY answer's Mark Knight's question.

Sincerely,

--Paul Trejo

Edited November 25, 2014 by Paul Trejo

[Paul Brancato]

His question was about Oswald's ability to speak Spanish.

[Paul Trejo]

His question was about Oswald's ability to speak Spanish.

Well, I already said that I had no evidence that Oswald knew Spanish. I've long noted that at the doorstep of Silvia Odio only two days before his Mexico City consulate humiliation, our own Lee Harvey Oswald could barely say "Buenos dias" in Spanish.

Perhaps you're stuck on the idea that if an FPCC Officer went to visit Fidel Castro, then he must necessarily have to speak fluent Spanish. It's just incorrect.

We have positive evidence that one FPCC Officer from Chicago, namely, Harry Dean, visited Fidel Castro in 1960 to be recognized for his many contributions to the 26th of July Movement fund-raising efforts in Chicago. Harry Dean speaks almost no Spanish at all.

Many FPCC Officers were from the USA, and Spanish simply wasn't a criterion for holding an FPCC office. Rather, commitment to the cause, and especially raising funds for Castro -- that was the main criteria.

Fidel Castro spoke a little English. Many Cubans speak some English; some more than others. When it came to friends, language was not a major barrier.

In my theory, Lee Harvey Oswald was going to Cuba as a FAKE FRIEND. So, Spanish simply wasn't necessary for him. He didn't worry too much about it, mainly because Oswald believed in his (fake) CIA handlers. He trusted Guy Banister.

In fact, Lee Harvey Oswald trusted his (fake) CIA handlers all the way to Dallas, Texas and into the hands of Jack Ruby on 11/24/1963.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited November 25, 2014 by Paul Trejo

[Paul Brancato]

We have proof that Dean visited Castro and spoke with him in English?

[Paul Trejo]

We have proof that Dean visited Castro and spoke with him in English?

Well, Paul B., the FBI refers to Harry Dean's FPCC and Cuba period in a memo dated 12/3/1963 to Hoover from LAX (105-12933). Harry Dean's Chicago FPCC period is not generally disputed (probably because it has nothing directly to do with the JBS or the JFK murder).

Harry Dean's claim that he was an FPCC officer in Chicago is also confirmed by hearings in the US Congress on Un-American Activities. It is undisputed to the best of my knowledge.

Harry Dean told me that he was embarrassed that he had no speech ready for the few seconds he was taken into the presence of Fidel Castro, and they both exchanged some clumsy greetings and left it at that.

Fidel Castro's facility (and difficulty) with the English language was made plain first in his interview with Ed Sullivan shortly after his Havana victory in early 1960. Castro again spoke English when he appeared as a guest on the TV game show, "What's My Line," in New York City where he was to attend a United Nations meeting.

Castro spoke English on that show, but his accent was so thick that many failed to understand him. He tended to speak only Spanish after that point -- but he could understand English well.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited November 26, 2014 by Paul Trejo

[Ernie Lazar]

We have proof that Dean visited Castro and spoke with him in English?

Well, Paul B., the FBI refers to Harry Dean's FPCC and Cuba period in a memo dated 12/3/1963 to Hoover from LAX (105-12933). Harry Dean's Chicago FPCC period is not generally disputed (probably because it has nothing directly to do with the JBS or the JFK murder).

Harry Dean's claim that he was an FPCC officer in Chicago is also confirmed by hearings in the US Congress on Un-American Activities. It is undisputed to the best of my knowledge.

Harry Dean told me that he was embarrassed that he had no speech ready for the few seconds he was taken into the presence of Fidel Castro, and they both exchanged some clumsy greetings and left it at that.

Fidel Castro's facility (and difficulty) with the English language was made plain first in his interview with Ed Sullivan shortly after his Havana victory in early 1960. Castro again spoke English when he appeared as a guest on the TV game show, "What's My Line," in New York City where he was to attend a United Nations meeting.

Castro spoke English on that show, but his accent was so thick that many failed to understand him. He tended to speak only Spanish after that point -- but he could understand English well.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

For factual accuracy:

1. The FBI memo which Paul refers to is a summary of what Harry told interviewing Agents. I think what Paul B. might have been referring to is whether or not we have any independent confirmation that Harry visited Cuba and spoke with Castro.

2. Harry's name as an FPCC officer in Chicago appears in a Senate report i.e. Hearings Before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee of the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, Part 2, July 13-14, 1961, "Castro's Network in the United States (Fair Play For Cuba Committee)."

On page 84 of that Report, the Subcommittee copied the text of an August 6, 1960 notice which the Acting Chairman of the Chicago chapter of the FPCC [John Rossen] had circulated regarding a FPCC meeting at which they elected temporary officers.

In that notice, Harry is mentioned as "Secretary". There is no further discussion regarding Harry because when John Rossen testified and was asked about the Treasurer and Secretary of the Chicago chapter i.e. "Who are Angus Sumner and Harry Dean?", Rossen answered: "I refuse to answer that question for all the reasons stated before."

Significantly, the Subcommittee did not think that the mere listing of Harry's name as a temporary officer of Chicago-FPCC deserved any further exploration or concern. And we also know that the FBI did not develop any interest in Harry either -- until he contacted the FBI by phone (at first anonymously).

After Harry identified himself, the FBI conducted a routine background check (as was standard practice for all potential sources of information) but the Chicago field office decided that they did not want any further assistance from or connection to Harry. This also was standard practice when the Bureau discovered derogatory information about someone who wanted to provide information to the FBI on an ongoing and confidential basis.

However, sometimes exceptions were made IF the information source was the only person whom had access to the type of information which the Bureau wanted -- particularly with respect to things like financial records, mailing lists, membership lists, etc. But the FBI had at least four other informants providing information about the FPCC (Chicago).

Also significant: All of the major officers of the FPCC-Chicago were on the FBI's Security Index. Harry was not. This probably is because Harry had no direct connection to the communist movement (CPUSA or Socialist Workers Party) as did the other officers. It does not appear that Harry even had any significant connections to the most prominent Communist-front organizations in Chicago or Illinois. And, as far as I know, it does not appear that Harry was subscribing to Communist publications.

When I receive the FBI-Chicago field file on FPCC, I might be able to make a more definitive statement but my interpretation of available documentary evidence is that insofar as FBI-Chicago was aware of Harry Dean it was in the context of him being a dupe or pawn and not somebody who was of any actual security concern -- which explains why (1) Harry's FBI-HQ file was not even created until after Harry sent his 11/63 letter to Hoover and (2) why the FBI had no copy of Harry's June 1961 letter to JFK until Senator Murphy forwarded a copy to the FBI when Harry contacted him in October 1966.

Edited November 26, 2014 by Ernie Lazar

[Ernie Lazar]

The article copied below was recently posted online. After the article, I copy a brief book review of the Douglass book referenced.

Was there a plot to kill JFK in Chicago, just weeks before his assassination?

Was there a plot to kill JFK in Chicago, just weeks before his assassination on November 22, 1963? And did the unraveling of that scheme force the plotters to move on to a secondary plan, in Dallas?

There is so much fascinating — and often mind-boggling — information in James W. Douglass’ meticulously researched, extensively footnoted book “JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters.” (“The 2013 edition of the book was endorsed by Kennedy’s nephew Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., who said it had moved him to visit Dealey Plaza for the first time.”)

Douglass relates that several days before Kennedy’s planned visit to the city on November 2, “an informant” alerted Secret Service agents in Chicago of a plot to kill Kennedy by a four-man sniper team, probably from one of the overpasses of the Northwest Expressway (now called the Kennedy Expressway). Two men were seized on October 31, soon after a landlady had independently called the FBI about men with rifles and telescopic sights in their rooms, along with a sketch of Kennedy’s route into the city from the airport. They were said to be “right-wing fanatics.”

Also in Chicago, and of interest to the Secret Service, was Thomas Arthur Vallee, an ex-Marine described as a John Birch Society member and paranoid schizophrenic.

As Douglass relates it, Vallee’s story twins oddly with Oswald’s; Vallee, like Oswald, had worked with the CIA while in the Marines. A few months before Kennedy’s planned visit, Vallee had taken a job at a warehouse with a direct view of the president’s route along the expressway.

A few days before the president’s planned arrival, a police lieutenant named Berkeley Moyland met Vallee at a cafeteria, where he had been heard to make loud and violent statements against Kennedy. Moyland saw Vallee, who had suffered a serious concussion in the Korean War, as unstable and suggested he keep his thoughts to himself.

After meeting Vallee, Moyland alerted the Secret Service office in Chicago, and Vallee was picked up by Chicago police officers on the day Kennedy was set to arrive. (One of the police officers who picked up Vallee was Sargent Daniel Groth, who in 1969 led the attack on the apartment where Black Panthers Fred Hampton and Mark Clark were assassinated.) Vallee, it turns out, was driving a car with a license plate whose registration information was classified; that is, “restricted to U.S. intelligence agencies.”

The events in Chicago took place just as a U.S.-supported military coup was unrolling in South Vietnam, which ended with the murder of President Diem. As a result, Kennedy’s Chicago trip was cancelled at the last moment.

Lieutenant Berkeley Moyland was soon contacted by federal officials about his encounter with Vallee and ordered, “Don’t tell anyone about it. Just forget about it.” Which he did, until near the end of his life.

And the two alleged snipers seized by Secret Service? They disappeared, never to be seen or heard from again.

Douglass sees Vallee as a character who could have perfectly filled the role of the “lone wolf” assassin that Lee Harvey Oswald performed in Dallas a few weeks later.

Who tipped off the FBI in Chicago of the plot to kill the president?

An informant named “Lee.”

Much of the information of the Chicago plot related by Douglass comes from Anthony Bolden, a Chicago-based agent who in 1961 had been tapped by Kennedy himself to become the first black Secret Service agent to serve at the White House. While there, he questioned the actions and allegiances of agents charged to protect the president, most of whom seemed to loathe Kennedy. He also heard gross racial epithets.

Disgusted, Bolden decided to leave Washington and return to Chicago. There, he witnessed much that disturbed him before and after Kennedy’s assassination, including odd actions by superiors.

Soon thereafter, Bolden was found guilty of seemingly trumped-up charges that sent him to a federal prison, where he was eventually placed in a psychiatric unit and heavily medicated. His home on the South Side was repeatedly vandalized. After New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison (played by Kevin Costner in Oliver Stone’s JFK) visited Bolden in prison, Bolden was placed in solitary confinement.

He was released in 1969

--------------------

The acclaimed book Oliver Stone called “the best account I have read of this tragedy and its significance,” JFK and the Unspeakable details not just how the conspiracy to assassinate President John F. Kennedy was carried out, but WHY it was done…and why it still matters today.

At the height of the Cold War, JFK risked committing the greatest crime in human history: starting a nuclear war. Horrified by the specter of nuclear annihilation, Kennedy gradually turned away from his long-held Cold Warrior beliefs and toward a policy of lasting peace. But to the military and intelligence agencies in the United States, who were committed to winning the Cold War at any cost, Kennedy’s change of heart was a direct threat to their power and influence. Once these dark “Unspeakable” forces recognized that Kennedy’s interests were in direct opposition to their own, they tagged him as a dangerous traitor, plotted his assassination, and orchestrated the subsequent cover-up.

Douglass takes readers into the Oval Office during the tense days of the Cuban Missile Crisis, along on the strange journey of Lee Harvey Oswald and his shadowy handlers, and to the winding road in Dallas where an ambush awaited the President’s motorcade. As Douglass convincingly documents, at every step along the way these forces of the Unspeakable were present, moving people like pawns on a chessboard to promote a dangerous and deadly agenda.

JFK and the Unspeakable shot up to the top of the bestseller charts when Oliver Stone first brought it to the world’s attention on Bill Maher’s show. Since then, it has been lauded by Mark Lane (author of Rush to Judgment, who calls it “an exciting work with the drama of a first-rate thriller”), John Perkins (author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, who proclaims it is “arguably the most important book yet written about an American president), and Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., who calls it “a very well-documented and convincing portrait…I urge all Americans to read this book and come to their own conclusions.”

----------------------------------

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

http://www.thechicagoplot.com/The%20Chicago%20Plot.pdf

http://22november1963.org.uk/jfk-assassination-plot-chicago

Edited November 26, 2014 by Ernie Lazar

[Paul Brancato]

Thanks for posting this Ernie. JFK and the Unspeakable is the book I recommend to friends who ask me why this subject is so important to me. I was especially moved when I found out that RFK jr did the same. The press covered his trip to Dallas, but very poorly imo.

If you haven't read the book I sincerely hope you do.

You are correct - the question I meant to ask was whether there was independant corroboration of Dean meeting Castro.

[William Kelly]

What was the address - the Dallas skyscraper where Walker's office was located?

Thanks

BK

[Ernie Lazar]

What was the address - the Dallas skyscraper where Walker's office was located?

Thanks

BK

OFFICE: Corrigan Tower, 212 N. Saint Paul Street, Dallas

HOME: 4011 Turtle Creek Blvd, Dallas

Edited November 26, 2014 by Ernie Lazar

[Steven Gaal]

Vallee, it turns out, was driving a car with a license plate whose registration information was classified; that is, “restricted to U.S. intelligence agencies.”// ERNIE LAZAR

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Mr. Lazar Vallee's car was not a national security issue. (SEE LINK RED BELOW)

HOWEVER THE CHICAGO PLOT MAKES THE WALKER THEORY AS MASTERMIND INVALID.

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

LARRY HANCOCK POST

Vallee, Thomas Arthur

(4614 N. Paulina and 1725 N. Wilson - Chicago IL)

327-30- 4015; b: 11-15-33 (Chicago); d: 03-26-88 (Chicago)

8/12/49 = Enlisted in Marine Corps in Green Bay WI

11/28/53 = honorably discharged

2/55 = re-enlisted in Marine Corps Reserve

11/28/55 = called to active duty while in Chicago and honorably discharged 9/14/56 due to physical disability (army doctors classified him as schizophrenic)

5/63 = Arrested in Knoxville TN for DWI

10/30/63 = interviewed by US Secret Service prior to JFK visit to Chicago; employed by IPP Printing Co. as lithographer

11/2/63 = Chicago PD arrested him and discovered guns/ammo in his car; had California driver’s license with address in Oakland

JBS member

Secret Service master file on Thomas Arthur Vallee, memorandum of Nov. 6, 1963, p. 2 (JFK Document 008581).

======================================= end post

http://www.maryferre...72&relPageId=50

http://www.maryferre...72&relPageId=51

"NYS MVB reflect New York license plate threeone one zero RF listed to Thomas Vallee, two one three one Bond Lane, Hicksville, New York, on nineteen sixty two Ford Falcon." http://www.maryferre...72&relPageId=51

==

JFK and the Unspeakable
by James W. Douglass

Reviewed by James DiEugenio

Thomas Vallee, the presumed patsy, is just as interesting. The Chicago version of Oswald had suffered a severe concussion during the Korean War. It was so debilitating, he was discharged and then collected disability payments. When he got home he was in a bad car crash and suffered serious head injuries, which caused him to slip into a two-month coma. (p. 205) He was later diagnosed as mentally disturbed with elements of schizophrenia and paranoia. The CIA later recruited him to train Cuban exiles to assassinate Castro. It was these connections which probably helped maneuver him to be in a warehouse overlooking President Kennedy's parade route for a scheduled visit to the Windy City. .....

Abraham Bolden was a Secret Service agent who had asked to leave the White House in 1961. He did not care for the lackadaisical practices of the White House detail. (p. 200) On October 30, 1963 Bolden was in Chicago when the local agents were briefed on what they knew about an attempt being planned on JFK's life there. After Vallee's arrest and the foiling of the plot, Bolden felt a foreboding about Kennedy's upcoming trip to Dallas. When Kennedy was killed, Bolden noted the similarities between what had occurred in Dallas and what almost occurred in Chicago. In May of 1964 he was in Washington for a Secret Service training program. (p. 215) He tried to contact the Warren Commission about what he knew. The day after his call to J. Lee Rankin, he was sent back to Chicago. Upon his arrival he was arrested. The pretense was that he was trying to sell Secret Service files to a counterfeiter. Upon his arraignment he was formally charged with fraud, obstruction of justice, and conspiracy. (Ibid) Needless to say, Bolden was convicted based upon perjured testimony. (The phony witness later admitted this himself.) He was imprisoned at Springfield where he was placed in a psychiatric unit. (p. 216) He was given mind-numbing drugs. But other inmates alerted him to the nature of the drugs in advance. So he knew how to fake taking the pills. While in prison, his family endured a bombing of their home, setting fire to their garage, and a sniper shooting through their window. Mark Lane, while working for Garrison, visited him in 1967. Lane then wrote about Bolden's knowledge of the plot in Chicago. When the prison authorities learned about this, they placed Bolden in solitary confinement. He was finally released in 1969.

==

Reclaiming Parkland Reviewed By Hasan Yusuf

Posted October 29, 2013

The designated patsy for the assassination plot in Chicago was a disgruntled ex-Marine named Thomas Arthur Vallee (ibid). As the author explains to the reader, there are many similarities between the Chicago plot and the assassination in Dallas, and between Oswald and Vallee. There are so many that no objective researcher (which Bugliosi is not) could possibly dismiss all of them as meaning nothing. For example, as James W. Douglass, the author of the fine book JFK and the Unspeakable discovered, the President's motorcade in Chicago would have taken him past the building in which Vallee was working, in a similar slow turn in which his motorcade made in Dallas from Houston Street onto Elm Street (ibid). As far as Oswald and Vallee are concerned, both of them had been US Marines, and both of them had been stationed in a U2 base in Japan while in the Marines. Also, just like Oswald, the cover unit for Vallee's probable CIA recruitment was allegedly called the Joint Technical Advisory Group. Like the Oswald who appeared at Sylvia Odio's, Vallee had actually spoken bitterly about President Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs invasion failed (ibid). Yet Bugliosi never mentionsd any of the above in Reclaiming History. . He does however, snidely describe Black's magazine article as follows; "For a long magazine article trying to make something of the Vallee story ... see HSCA record 180-10099-10279..." (ibid). This about what is perhaps the most crucial essay written on the JFK case at that time.

===

http://22november1963.org.uk/jfk-assassination-plot-chicago

President Kennedy had been due to appear at Soldier Field, the American football stadium just south of Grant Park in Chicago, on Saturday 2 November 1963. Three days before Kennedy’s arrival, the FBI in Washington, DC, contacted the Secret Service office in Chicago and informed them of a plot to assassinate JFK on his journey to the stadium.

The Nature of the Chicago Plot

According to the FBI, a group of four right–wing extremists, armed with rifles, would probably attempt the assassination while the president’s car was on the Northwest Expressway between O’Hare Airport and downtown Chicago.

Secret Service investigators followed two leads:

• On Thursday 31 October, a landlady telephoned the Chicago police, telling them that she had discovered four rifles in one of her rooms which was rented to a group of four men. The police informed the Secret Service, who took two of the four men into custody the next day. There are no records of any weapons having been discovered. The two men were interrogated, but refused to admit to being part of a conspiracy to murder the president.
• An unknown source accused a man named Thomas Arthur Vallee of threatening to assassinate JFK. Although Vallee was not associated with the two men in custody, he appeared to be a right–wing extremist and he certainly owned several guns and a large quantity of ammunition. At about 9 o’clock on Saturday morning, two hours before Kennedy was due to land at O’Hare, Vallee was stopped by the police on the pretext of having committed a minor driving offence, and was arrested.

Kennedy’s trip to Chicago was called off at the last moment, ostensibly because of the need for the president to monitor the progress of the military coup d’état in South Vietnam, which had taken place the previous day. The two men in custody were released without charge, and have never been identified.

The Chicago Plot and the Dallas Plot

Threats of violence against political figures happen all the time. The significance of the Chicago plot, if there was one, rested on its apparent similarities to the events in Dallas three weeks later. In particular, there were several similarities between the career of Lee Harvey Oswald and Thomas Arthur Vallee’s account of his own career:

• Both were former Marines.
• Both had served at Marine bases in Japan that hosted the U–2 spy plane: Oswald at Atsugi, Vallee at Camp Otsu.
• Both had been involved with anti–Castro Cubans: Oswald in New Orleans, Vallee at a training camp at Levittown on Long Island, New York.
• Both had recently started working at premises that overlooked the routes of presidential parades: Oswald at the Texas School Book Depository on Elm Street in Dallas, Vallee at IPP Litho–Plate at 625 West Jackson Boulevard in Chicago.

There were two other curious coincidences:

• The tip–off to the FBI about the assassination plot in Chicago came from an informant identified only as ‘Lee’. In the first few weeks after the assassination, there were rumours that Lee Oswald had been a paid informant of the FBI.
• Thomas Vallee was arrested at 9:10am Chicago time, having been under constant surveillance since the previous day. Five minutes later, at 10:15 Washington time, President Kennedy’s press spokesman, Pierre Salinger, announced that the visit to Chicago had been cancelled. The decision to cancel the trip had presumably been made several minutes earlier. The timing has led some commentators to conclude that Vallee was allowed to remain on the streets until he was no longer required to perform his unwitting role as designated patsy.
• ===========
• 
• ba·lo·ney WALKER MASTERMIND THEORY

  THE CHICAGO PLOT MAKES THE WALKER THEORY AS MASTERMIND INVALID.

  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

  Dear Senator Church:
  
  The Warren Commission found and concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald attempted to assassinate the undersigned at his home, at 9pm. on April 10, 1963. The initial and immediate investigation at the time of the incident reported two men at my home, one with a gun, seen by an eye-witness -- a neighbor. Within days I was informed by a Lieutenant on the Dallas City Police Force that Oswald was in custody by 12pm that night for questioning. He was released on a higher authority than that in Dallas. There were two men, not a "Lonely Loner". Please inform me if the CIA was involved in this attempted assassination?
  
  Yours sincerely,
  Edwin A. Walker
  

  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

WALKER NO MASTERMIND FOR IN HIS OWN WORDS HE DOESNT KNOW WHATS GOING ON.

Edited November 27, 2014 by Steven Gaal

[Paul Trejo]

...

ba·lo·ney WALKER MASTERMIND THEORY

THE CHICAGO PLOT MAKES THE WALKER THEORY AS MASTERMIND INVALID.

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

Dear Senator Church:

The Warren Commission found and concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald attempted to assassinate the undersigned at his home, at 9pm. on April 10, 1963. The initial and immediate investigation at the time of the incident reported two men at my home, one with a gun, seen by an eye-witness -- a neighbor. Within days I was informed by a Lieutenant on the Dallas City Police Force that Oswald was in custody by 12pm that night for questioning. He was released on a higher authority than that in Dallas. There were two men, not a "Lonely Loner". Please inform me if the CIA was involved in this attempted assassination?

Yours sincerely,

Edwin A. Walker

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

• WALKER NO MASTERMIND FOR IN HIS OWN WORDS HE DOESNT KNOW WHATS GOING ON.

Well, Steven, you have two main objections there. Let's take them one at a time.

(1) You say that the Chicago plot invalidates my theory that Edwin Walker masterminded the Dallas plot. This is incorrect, since in fact there was also a Florida plot, a Washington DC plot, and many other plots. In fact there were COUNTLESS plots against JFK. Santos Trafficante tells of another plot. Jimmy Hoffa was said to have his own plot. Carlos Marcello had a plot.

Just because there were other plotters of the death of JFK, does not prove that Walker had no plot.

On the contrary -- we know that there were MANY plots against JFK (mostly by big talkers) but we also know that the one and only plot that succeeded against JFK was the plot that involved Lee Harvey Oswald specifically.

For that plot, we must go to DALLAS, where Edwin Walker called home.

(2) You then duplicate the letter of Edwin Walker to Senator Frank Church which I posted last month. It's a great letter because it is actual evidence in the JFK murder, according to me.

Yet you interpret it as showing that Edwin Walker "doesn't know what's going on." That's a naïve way of reading that letter.

Actually, that letter betrays many points against Edwin Walker and his Dallas-based plot against JFK. For example:

(2.1) It shows that Edwin Walker was lying to the Warren Commission when he told Attorney Liebeler that he never thought about Lee Harvey Oswald before the JFK murder.

In fact, this letter shows that Edwin Walker was actually obsessed with Lee Harvey Oswald for the entire year of 1963 and beyond, because he knew by Easter Sunday 1963 that Lee Harvey Oswald was one of two men who tried to kill him in his Dallas home.

(2.2) It shows that Edwin Walker believed that the US government ("a higher authority than that in Dallas") was in cahoots with Lee Harvey Oswald in this murder attempt. Indeed, his personal papers show that Walker believed RFK and JFK had sent Oswald to his home to kill him. (Whether RFK or JFK really did this is immaterial -- the point is that Edwin Walker believed this. If Walker was paranoid, then we have another motive for his desire to murder JFK.)

(2.3) It is naïve to read this letter as an innocent query to Senator Frank Church, solely on its face value. Walker's personal papers did not suspect the CIA of being involved, although Walker knew that Frank Church intended to investigate the CIA for the murder of JFK. Walker wanted Frank Church to add Oswald's April shooting to the Church Committee investigations. (Walker desperately wanted to identify that second shooter. That became clear during the Warren Commission hearings.)

(2.4) In addition, Edwin Walker saw that Frank Church was re-opening the JFK murder trial. By portraying himself as an innocent "victim" in the JFK murder, Edwin Walker was reaffirming his own alibi.

(2.5) Edwin Walker was 100% certain that Lee Harvey Oswald was never a "Lonely Loner" in the JFK murder. Walker knew this because he knew just how many people were actually involved -- and all of their leaders' names.

On a psychological level, Walker was also subconsciously boasting that he was the JFK plotter who actually won, and that he was never caught, and further boasting that Frank Church would not catch him either.

Sincerely,

--Paul Trejo

Edited November 27, 2014 by Paul Trejo

[Steven Gaal]

• Both were former Marines.
• Both had served at Marine bases in Japan that hosted the U–2 spy plane: Oswald at Atsugi, Vallee at Camp Otsu.
• Both had been involved with anti–Castro Cubans: Oswald in New Orleans, Vallee at a training camp at Levittown on Long Island, New York.
• Both had recently started working at premises that overlooked the routes of presidential parades: Oswald at the Texas School Book Depository on Elm Street in Dallas, Vallee at IPP Litho–Plate at 625 West Jackson Boulevard in Chicago.

(1) You say that the Chicago plot invalidates my theory that Edwin Walker masterminded the Dallas plot. This is incorrect, since in fact there was also a Florida plot, a Washington DC plot, and many other plots. In fact there were COUNTLESS plots against JFK. Santos Trafficante tells of another plot. Jimmy Hoffa was said to have his own plot. Carlos Marcello had a plot.// TREJO

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++

_{Similarities of LHO/Vallee indicates a more powerful force orchestrated Chicago/Dallas.}

₌₌

_{If Oswald Was an Intelligence Agent of Some Sort, How Was He Manipulated Into Being a Patsy?}

ANSWER

BY 15 and a half there is something already off in SS# of LHO.

LHO subject to photographic homosexual blackmail. Its the early 1950s......put yourself into that time frame and think how/what would you respond as a teenager to such pressure.

###############################################################

To Jake Rubenstein, c/o The Carousel Club

William Weston

October 2001

On October 31, 1976, a government agent greeted a gray-haired gentleman who, on his own initiative, came into the FBI office in Memphis, Tennessee. He had a secret about the Kennedy assassination, he said, and he wanted to disclose it. [1]

The distinguished-looking visitor did not appear to be the type who would know something about the world of spies, pimps, drug dealers, con artists, and other disreputable denizens inhabiting the murky milieu of assassination intrigue. Daniel T. McGown, by anyone's standards, was a pillar of the community, a successful businessman with an honorable career in a prestigious profession. Born in 1908 in Brownwood, Texas, his family moved to Memphis prior to his graduation from high school. After receiving a degree from the School of Architecture at Georgia Tech, he went to work for Schulz & Norton, an architectural and engineering firm in Memphis. In 1941, he married Irma Lee Beasley, a daughter from one of Tennesee's more respectable families. During the course of their marriage, the couple had two children. In 1948, he started his own architectural firm, which over the years grew and prospered. He became president of the local chapter of the American Institute of Architects and was a member of the Calvary Episcopal Church. [2] Family man, businessman, church member, community server, Mr. McGown lived a life that was largely indistinguishable from thousands of other men of his class who lived around the country. However, in that fateful year of 1963, a strange twist of fate had placed within his hands a hitherto unknown secret regarding a connection between Lee Harvey Oswald and Jack Ruby.

The incident occurred during a business trip to Texas in March 1963. McGown had flown to Austin, in order to check over the plans for a new building that was to be constructed on the campus of the University of Texas. When he had completed his survey, he rented a car and drove north to the city of Brownwood, where he spent a day with some relatives. He then drove to Fort Worth, where he visited his first cousin, a prominent attorney in that city. Late in the evening, he used his cousin's telephone to call his wife Irma. He wished her a happy birthday and said that he would see her the next day, when his plane arrived in Memphis. Irma's birthday was March 28.

McGown left his cousin's house and drove east to Dallas. It was almost midnight when he checked in at the Adolphus Hotel on Commerce Street. After getting settled into his room, he felt like having a nightcap before going to bed. He left his room, went down the elevator to the lobby, and went outside. The brightly lit sign of the Carousel Club beckoned from across the street. He walked over to the club entrance door and opened it. Behind the door was a staircase, leading up to the second floor. When he reached the top of the stairs, he was stopped by a heavy-set man. The club was closing up, the man said, who then complained about city regulations that prevented him from keeping the place open after midnight. [3] Rebuffed by the manager of the club, McGown went back to his room.

The following morning, McGown decided to do a little sightseeing, since he had a few hours to kill before his plane departed from Dallas. As he was walking down Commerce Street, he paused at the Carousel Club. Near the entrance was a showcase display featuring pictures of female performers. As he was gazing at the pictures, another man who was walking down the street crowded into the entryway to look at them too. It was an awkward moment for McGown as he tried to make room for the other man while at the same time trying to keep a favorable point of view for himself. Presently, the other man turned to leave. As he did so, he brushed by an overstuffed mailbox that hung on the entrance door. A few large pieces of mail, two magazines, and three letters spilled on the ground. The man continued on his way without stopping.

McGown proceeded to pick up the envelopes and magazines and stuff them back into the box. He noticed that the three letters were written by women and were addressed to "Jake Rubenstein, c/o The Carousel Club." Rubenstein must have been the heavy-set man whom McGown met the previous night. He was probably also the one who hired women to be performers in the club. Perhaps the senders of the three letters were prospective applicants for employment. McGown looked at the envelopes again. Two of the women lived in Fort Worth, and one lived in Dallas. The name on the Dallas letter caught his attention, for he happened to have a friend who had the same last name. [4] After making a mental note of the address, he put the letters back in the box with the rest of the mail. The woman he was planning to visit was "Lee Oswald."

Using a city map as a guide, McGown drove toward Miss Oswald's place. As he was approaching her street, he looked at the houses in the neighborhood. Expecting to see lower class housing, he was surprised to find upper middle class or upper class residences. McGown wondered about this. Why would anyone living in such an area have any dealings with a strip joint?

When he arrived at his destination, he stopped the car and looked at it. It was a two-story apartment building, constructed in the cheap, boxy style that was becoming the prevailing fashion at that time. It had an outside stairway that led up to a balcony walk on the second floor. It was a new building, perhaps two or three years old at the most. For the convenience of the postman, there was a mailbox with individual compartments that stood facing the street next to the curb. In order to find the unit that Miss Oswald was renting, McGown got out of his car and looked over the names of the tenants posted on the compartment doors. When he found Oswald's name, he realized that he had made a mistake. The middle name of Lee Harvey Oswald showed that this person was not a woman. Without further ado, McGown got back into his car and drove away.

Eight months later, when the names of Lee Oswald and Jack Ruby were being broadcasted on radio and television, the details of this episode came vividly back to his memory. Should he tell the authorities what he knew, or should he not? His reputation might suffer if this embarrassing incident ever became widely known. He hoped that the authorities would find out about Oswald's connection to Jack Ruby without his help. When the Warren Report was published, he bought a copy and read it from cover to cover. There was nothing in it to indicate that the government knew what he knew. Furthermore he read that the commission could find no "credible evidence" of an association between Oswald and Ruby. After the death of Jack Ruby in January 1967, McGown wondered if he was the only one left who still had the "credible evidence" that eluded the Warren Commission. Finally, nine years later, he told his wife about it. She encouraged him to go to the FBI. After all, his story might make a difference in the new, upcoming investigation into the JFK assassination that Congress was preparing to launch. Such were the circumstances that led Daniel T. McGown to the local office of the FBI in 1976.

The FBI of course wanted to know where the apartment was. McGown could not remember its exact location, but he drew a diagram depicting the apartment in relation to the mailbox out front, as well as in relation to a nearby apartment that faced another street. He remembered that the address had four digits and sounded something like "Diceland." A Dallas city map showed that there were was no street with the name of "Diceland," but there were two with the name of "Diceman." One was Diceman Drive, and the other was Diceman Avenue.

Dallas FBI agent Robert Gemberling drove out to Diceman Drive to see if there were any apartments matching McGown's diagram and description. Diceman Drive had single-family houses but no apartments. A few inquiries among the residents showed that no apartment had ever existed on that street.

Next stop was Diceman Avenue. Gemberling looked from one end of the avenue to the other, and the only dwellings that he could see were single-family homes - with one exception. At the point where Diceman ran into Cedar Crest Boulevard was a two-story building made of brick. It was the Cedar Crest Heights Apartment. It had a second floor balcony walk with an iron railing just as McGown described it. Next to the curb was a large mailbox with sixteen key-locked compartments with tenant nametags. Adjacent to the building was another apartment facing Birdsong Street. The apartment at 1106 Diceman Avenue must be the place that McGown had visited in 1963. There was no other possibility. Still, Gemberling was not satisfied. He noticed that all the buildings in the neighborhood were rundown, dilapidated, and occupied entirely by lower-class blacks. This was not the upper class neighborhood that McGown claimed to have seen.

Gemberling looked for the manager. He found him at a nearby office at 2514 Birdsong Avenue. The manager told him that the apartment was owned by a company called General Rental. It was built around 1959 or 1960, and it was the only apartment that had ever been on that street. The mailbox seen out front had been there since the apartment was first constructed. So far these extra details provided additional confirmation for McGown's story. Gemberling wanted to see the tenant records for 1963, but the manager told them that they no longer existed. They were destroyed with all the other tenant records in a fire that occurred in April 1968. Gemberling asked the manager if he knew anything about Oswald living in the apartment in 1963. Although the manager acknowledged that he had only been working for General Rental since 1969, he was nevertheless positive that Oswald could not have lived in the apartment in 1963. In an all-black neighborhood, people would have certainly remembered Oswald as the only white man living among them, and such was not the case.

Apparently the manager's statement was enough to convince Gemberling that the 1106 Diceman lead was a dead end. No further inquiries were made, as far as the available records show. (There are however some "postponed in full" documents from the Memphis office of the FBI regarding a "Daniel McGowen" that are now in the National Archives.) To find out more about the apartment, I checked the 1963 Dallas criss-cross directory and found a former tenant by the name of Orlean Dorsey. I located Dorsey in Lufkin, Texas and called him up. Contrary to what the General Rental manager told Gemberling, Dorsey, who is black, said it was not an all-black apartment in 1963. Both white and black people lived there. Furthermore, the apartment was indeed located in a prestigious area. About a mile south of the apartment was the Lakeview Golf Course, where Dorsey worked as a landscape and maintenance man. Among the celebrities who played golf there were such baseball legends as Mickey Mantle and "Dizzy" Dean. At that time, the golf course was racially segregated. Whites played there during the day and blacks played at night.

Not just anyone could live at the Cedar Crest Apartment. A prospective tenant had to have a very good background and excellent references. Dorsey was able to get his unit because he knew the manager, a black named Denny Blair, who often played golf at Lakeview. Blair was an employee of Bailey Rental, a white-owned company that had title to the Diceman apartment. (Bailey Rental was later renamed General Rental.)

The Cedar Crest Apartment was an expensive place to live. It took all of Dorsey's wages to pay the rent. He was making $1.25 per hour and the rent was about $210 per month. The only way he could afford to live there was by working a lot of overtime on the weekends. By way of comparison, Oswald was making $1.35 per hour at Jaggers Chiles Stovall during the month of March 1963, and he was paying $72.68 a month for a one-bedroom flat at the Neely Street house. [5]

Dorsey and his family moved into the apartment in November 1962. Because of his long working hours and because he was going to plumbing school at the same time, he did not get to know the other tenants. His wife and children also did not do much socializing. Thus he was unable to confirm or deny whether Oswald lived there. Dorsey and his family moved to another apartment in October 1963.

The transition from an affluent, mainly white neighborhood to black lower class ghetto occurred during the mid-1960's, according to Dorsey who would come back to visit his former apartment from time to time. The quality of the building and the surrounding area deteriorated as a result of vandalism and neglect. When I called the General Rental office in 1995, I found out that the apartment was still owned by the Bailey family. I also learned that rent was only $50 per week - a real bargain for anyone brave enough to live there.

Did Oswald live at the Cedar Crest Apartment? Considering the high cost of rent in 1963, it is unlikely he would have chosen to live there. A more reasonable possibility is that he used the address simply to receive his mail. As a man astute in the ways of intelligence, he no doubt realized that a mailbox at the post office was under surveillance. A second mailbox in another area would be highly useful for receiving mail from more sensitive sources. This line of reasoning is supported by the fact that most of the units at 1106 Diceman were listed as "vacant" in the criss-cross directories of 1962 and 1963. In 1962 only five of the sixteen units available were occupied. This ratio dropped to only four occupied units the following year. An apartment manager with a 75% vacancy rate might let someone temporarily use an unused mailbox for a small fee.

It is interesting to note that on March 29, the day that McGown was at the Diceman apartment, Oswald was seen at a barbershop in Sparta, Wisconsin. Oswald told John Abbott, the barber, that he got his money by blackmailing a Texas nightclub operator, for whom he had previously worked. Each time he made a contact with this man, he would get fifty dollars. The money he obtained would be used to cover his travelling expenses. (He never gave the name of the nightclub operator.) Perhaps the Oswald letter that McGown saw was another demand for more money.

McGown's story lends credence to the story of a connection between Ruby and Oswald in the May 17 edition of the National Enquirer. It said: "After a sniper shot at but missed General Walker in Dallas, April 10, 1963, Dallas police suspected that Oswald was the sniper and Ruby was the payoff man. The cops were set to arrest the pair. But they never got the chance, because of heavy pressure brought to bear by the Justice Dept. and so Oswald and Ruby were to remain free." The article also said that a top secret document, signed by a high official of the Justice Dept., was sent in April 1963 to Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry requesting the police not to arrest Oswald and Ruby. This document was reportedly in the hands of the Warren Commission.

Given the potentially explosive implications of the above story, it is no wonder that the Warren Commission chose to discount all witnesses to a connection between Oswald and Ruby, including Wilburn Litchfield, Joe Franklin, and Bill DeMar. McGown's story is not only important in rehabilitating the credibility of these undeservedly maligned witnesses, but it also provides a glimpse into the covert ways by which Oswald and Ruby communicated with one another.

ENDNOTES

1. Sources for this article were FBI reports in Memphis and Dallas. Also referred to were ten pages of McGown's hand-written account that was photocopied by the FBI.

2. Engagement announcement, Sept. 14, 1941; wedding announcement, Dec. 3, 1941, and obituary of Daniel T. McGown, March 5, 1985, in the Memphis newspaper, The Commercial Appeal.

3. According to Jack Ruby's bartender, Andrew Armstrong, clean up started at midnight on weeknights and at 1:00 am on Saturday and Sunday. All bottles and glasses had to be cleared off the tables by 12:15. If a vice squad police officer saw anyone drinking after 12:15, he could slap a five-day suspension on the club (Vol. 13 of the Warren Commission Hearings and Exhibits, p. 325).

4. Actually the friend's surname had a slightly different spelling. Felix Oswalt, a member of the Board of Education in Memphis, was the friend McGown was talking about.

5. Warren Report, p. 743.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

A professional man is traveling alone and

sees an opportunity to meet strippers.

Eight months later, when the names of Lee Oswald and Jack Ruby were being broadcasted on radio and television, the details of this episode came vividly back to his memory. Should he tell the authorities what he knew, or should he not? His reputation might suffer if this embarrassing incident ever became widely known. He hoped that the authorities would find out about Oswald's connection to Jack Ruby without his help. When the Warren Report was published, he bought a copy and read it from cover to cover. There was nothing in it to indicate that the government knew what he knew. Furthermore he read that the commission could find no "credible evidence" of an association between Oswald and Ruby. After the death of Jack Ruby in January 1967, McGown wondered if he was the only one left who still had the "credible evidence" that eluded the Warren Commission. Finally, nine years later, he told his wife about it. She encouraged him to go to the FBI. After all, his story might make a difference in the new, upcoming investigation into the JFK assassination that Congress was preparing to launch. Such were the circumstances that led Daniel T. McGown to the local office of the FBI in 1976.

**********************************************

PAUSE AND REFLECT

PAUSE AND REFLECT

PAUSE AND REFLECT ...............

What would motivate a professional married man to contact the FBI and say he ," improperly looked at US Mail and wanted to 'hunt' down a stripper." ???? Would /could this not hurt his career ?? (YUP)=========

_{Greg Parker}

_{Posted 06 September 2012 - 12:40 AM}

_{Back in 2001, I made the following post to a news group:}

_{DPD Criminal Intel Report on narcotics filed on Boxing Day,}

1963 in summary states:

From confidential source:

Everett Edward Burnett DPD# 31924 and Robert Ray Jordon DPD#

30119 recently robbed an unknown Mexican from San Antonio,

Texas of 2.5 ounces of heroin.

Source further stated that these two men have also been

committing drug store burglaries.

They live in an apartment house on Gaston Ave. Exact address

unknown.

Informant further stated that Everett Edward Burnett is a

homosexual and has had unnatural sex relations with Jack

Leon Ruby.

_{http://jfk.ci.dallas...39/3936-001.gif}

On pages 4 and 5 of this doc, the FBI has Pike saying that Ruby liked to "surround himself with clean-cut, well-dressed "Hollywood-type" men to make himself feel important.

http://www.maryferre...717&relPageId=5

What immediately struck me about that was at least one of Ruby's prison psych's put in his report that Ruby thought Oswald looked like Paul Newman,

It's also mentioned here:

http://www.maryferre...bsPageId=367099

_{++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++}

_{What would motivate a professional married man to contact the FBI and say he ," improperly looked at US Mail and wanted to 'hunt' down a stripper." ???? Would /could this not hurt his career ?? (YUP)}

_{Answer ZERO.}

2. In fact, this letter shows that Edwin Walker was actually obsessed with Lee Harvey Oswald for the entire year of 1963 and beyond, because he knew by Easter Sunday 1963 that Lee Harvey Oswald was one of two men who tried to kill him in his Dallas home.// TREJO

_{++++++++++++++++++++++++++}

Yes

Walker had been to Diceman and had to be silent.

Edited November 27, 2014 by Steven Gaal

[Paul Trejo]

###############################################################

To Jake Rubenstein, c/o The Carousel Club

William Weston

October 2001

On October 31, 1976, a government agent greeted a gray-haired gentleman who, on his own initiative, came into the FBI office in Memphis, Tennessee. He had a secret about the Kennedy assassination, he said, and he wanted to disclose it...

...In that fateful year of 1963, a strange twist of fate had placed within his hands a hitherto unknown secret regarding a connection between Lee Harvey Oswald and Jack Ruby....

...As he was walking down Commerce Street, he paused at the Carousel Club.... Near the entrance was a showcase display featuring pictures of female performers. As he was gazing at the pictures, another man who was walking down the street...brushed by an overstuffed mailbox that hung on the entrance door. A few large pieces of mail, two magazines, and three letters spilled on the ground. The man continued on his way without stopping. McGown proceeded to pick up the envelopes and magazines and stuff them back into the box. He noticed that the three letters were written by women and were addressed to "Jake Rubenstein, c/o The Carousel Club."

...Perhaps the senders of the three letters were prospective applicants for employment. McGown looked at the envelopes again...The name on the Dallas letter caught his attention, for he happened to have a friend who had the same last name. After making a mental note of the address, he put the letters back in the box with the rest of the mail. The woman he was planning to visit was "Lee Oswald."

...Using a city map as a guide, McGown drove toward Miss Oswald's place...When he arrived at his destination, he stopped the car and looked at it...To find the unit that Miss Oswald was renting, McGown got out of his car and looked over the names of the tenants posted on the compartment doors. When he found Oswald's name, he realized that he had made a mistake. The middle name of Lee Harvey Oswald showed that this person was not a woman. Without further ado, McGown got back into his car and drove away....

Ex-General Edwin Walker made no secret of his belief that Lee Harvey Oswald and Jack Ruby were closely associated with each other. Here is what Edwin Walker told the Warren Commission on 23 July 1964 in Dallas, about the alleged relationship of Oswald and Ruby:

--------- BEGIN -- FROM TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. WALKER AND COUNSEL CLYDE J. WATTS -- 7/23/1964 ----------

<snip>

Mr. LIEBELER. Now do you have any knowledge or any information that would indicate that Oswald was involved in a conspiracy of any type on the assassination of the President?

General WALKER. I think he designated his own conspiracy when he said he was a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. That to me is a definite recognition of Conspiracy.

Mr. LIEBELER. Suggesting that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was involved?

General WALKER. I would say as a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, it could not be segregated from being involved in it when one of its members does it, who thinks like they do.

Mr. LIEBELER. Well, that is of course, your view. My question of you is this. Do you have any evidence or any knowledge that would either the involvement of organization in a conspiracy or plot to assassinate the President. The fact that Oswald may have been a member of this organization, which he was, of course, is a fact that can be viewed from many different ways. But my question to you is somewhat different from that, and that is, do you know of or have any evidence to indicate that this organization or any other organization or any other person was involved with Oswald in the assassination of the President?

General WALKER. My answer to you is that I have exactly the evidence that you have, which is evidence that it was involved in the conspiracy, he said he was a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and I consider the objectives of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee a Communist activity and a conspiracy.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you know if anyone discussed the assassination with Oswald prior to the time that he assassinated the President; if he did the assassination; do you have any indication of that?

General WALKER. I have no personal knowledge that they did.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you have any indication that they did?

General WALKER. I certainly do.

Mr. LIEBELER. Would you tell us what that is?

General WALKER. The indications seem to be not only mine, but all over the country that Rubenstein and Oswald had some association.

Mr. LIEBELER. Can you indicate to us what it was?

General WALKER. Well, I am wondering about one thing, how Rubenstein can take his car in to be fixed and Oswald can sign the ticket and pick up the car.

Mr. LIEBELER. Now can you tell us when and where that happened?

General WALKER. I haven't been able to verify that it happened for sure, but I have been told that it happened.

Mr. LIEBELER. Who told you that?

General WALKER. My information came from a repairman, from another fellow to a friend of mine, to me.

Mr. LIEBELER. Could you give us the name of the person?

General WALKER. I don't think it is necessary. I think you have all the information, because the information also includes the fact that the records were picked up in the repair shop.

Mr. LIEBELER. Whether we have the information or not, I am asking you if you know the name of that repairman who said that Oswald said he picked up his car?

General WALKER. No; I don't.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do. you know the name of the garage?

General WALKER. No; I don't. As I remember, it was a hotel garage.

Mr. LIEBELER. Can you give us the name of the people that brought the information to you, so it can be traced back to this source? Who the garage-man is, apparently as you say, that it came from a garageman somewhere.

General WALKER. No; I think your sources are better than mine on this.

Mr. LIEBELER. That is not my question. My question is, do you know their names?

General WALKER. Yes; I do, but I am not telling.

Mr. LIEBELER. So you are not going to tell us the names of these people?

General WALKER. Hold up. Off the record.

(Discussion off the record.)

General WALKER. We are all working in the best interests of this thing. I don't see where my sources of information have to be revealed. You know whether the information is any good or not, and I don't see any reason to get any more people involved than are already involved in it. The information is either correct or incorrect, and can be substantiated by your Commission, or it is not. This that I am telling you is the information I have got. Now, if you all find out that it is absolutely necessary to your information, but revelation of the names of the people isn't necessary to your information with regard to the assassination. I think we have covered the assassination, and--as helpful as I can be don't think I wouldn't be delighted to see exactly all the truth that can probably come out of it, come out of it.

Mr. LIEBELER. All we are asking you to do is give us whatever information you have that can help us in this investigation...I am going to let the question stand. I do ask you to tell me who advised you or who apprised you of information that Oswald picked up Jack Ruby's car, because I am not able to make a determination as to whether or not that information would be worthless to the Commission. It might be helpful and it it might be that these people should be questioned by people on the Commission staff or by the FBI. So for that reason, I am compelled to let the question stand, and I do renew my request for you to give me the answer.

General WALKER. I will answer that at some later date if you find it necessary, I will reconsider it.

Mr. LIEBELER. Now, aside from the matter we have just discussed, can you tell us what other common acquaintances Mr. Ruby and Mr. Oswald had, as that is the statement that started all this? You indicated that Ruby and Oswald had common acquaintances.

General WALKER. I thought DeMar's statements--I believe the man is De-Mar--were very interesting, and they were only by hearsay from the newspaper, if you call that hearsay.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you have any other indication that Oswald and Ruby were connected?

General WALKER. I am going back on the other question. I say it was only from newspapers. They have been also from the owner or editor of the newspaper, who may have told me that his reporter had been in touch with DeMar. I believe the town is on the Tennessee-Kentucky border or somewhere up there. I don't recall the name of the town where he was at the time.

Mr. LIEBELER. This is DeMar that was up there?

General WALKER. Yes. Have I got the right name? DeMar is the man that was on the program in one of Rubenstein's clubs.

Mr. LIEBELER. The name seems familiar to me. I don't know the man's name actually myself.

General WALKER. As I recall, it was DeMar, the one that made the original statement that he saw Oswald in the club one night. That was printed in the press.

Mr. LIEBELER. Aside from the fellow DeMar having made the statement, do you know of any other connection between Ruby and Oswald or any other common acquaintances that they may have?

General WALKER. I believe we verified that Oswald had been for a short period living in the same apartment house where Ruby's sister lived.

Mr. LIEBELER. What is Ruby's sister's name?

General WALKER. Eva Grant.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you know what apartment house that is?

General WALKER. No; I don't recall.

Mr. LIEBELER. Who verified this?

General WALKER. I say I believe I verified it.

Mr. LIEBELER. You did yourself?

General WALKER. With assistance.

Mr. LIEBELER. Now, you are telling me that you conducted an investigation of some sort into the possibility that Ruby's sister, Eva Grant, and Oswald lived in the same apartment house? Now is that in the city of Dallas?

General WALKER. That is correct. And as I recall the address, I never did pinpoint it, but as I recall, it wouldn't be too far from where I live. And of course, I am still interested in my case with respect to Oswald, if there is any significance.

Mr. LIEBELER. Now can you tell me when they were supposed to have lived in this apartment house?

General WALKER. I don't recall the date.

Mr. LIEBELER. Was it 1963?

General WALKER. This is getting pretty old in my mind. It definitely would have been in 1963; yes.

Mr. LIEBELER. 1963?

General WALKER. Right.

Mr. LIEBELER. Was the apartment on Neely Street, if you remember?

General WALKER. As I recall---is Neely over in Oak Cliff or on this side?

Mr. LIEBELER. It is in Oak Cliff.

General WALKER. No; it wasn't that far away.

Mr. LIEBELER. It wasn't in Oak Cliff at all?

General WALKER. Well, I had the .idea at the time that it was on this side of town, out the side I am on.

Mr. LIEBELER. Well, from the time Oswald came back from the Soviet Union and moved to Dallas and the time he was killed, he lived in an apartment on Neely Street, and on Elsbeth Street and in a room on Marsalis Street, and 1026 North Beckley Street. Those are the only four places he ever lived. Was it on any one of those four streets that this is supposed to have happened?

General WALKER. I can't recall definitely. Are they over in Oak Cliff?

Mr. LIEBELER. I believe each and every one of them, with the possible exception of Marsalis, is.

General WALKER. I can get the information that I must have recorded somewhere on the address we have.

Mr. LIEBELER. If you have any indication that Oswald lived in the same apartment house that Ruby's sister lived, I will appreciate it very much if you would supply it to the Commission.

General WALKER. Take a note on that, will you. I believe there is a paper release on it.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you have any other information that would indicate any connection between Ruby and Oswald? By that question I do not mean to characterize the previous testimony.

General WALKER. If Oswald was the one that was at my house, I wonder where he was from the time he left until he got home, since the Las Vegas Club is not too far from my house.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you have any indication that Oswald went to that club?

General WALKER. No; I don't.

Mr. LIEBELER. Do you have any other information that would suggest a connection between these two men?

General WALKER. I think the two boxes in the post office are very interesting.

Mr. LIEBELER. Well, are you suggesting that because two men both happened to have post office boxes in the same post office, that that suggests there is some connection between them and indicates conspiracy to assassinate the President?

General WALKER. The boxes were rented the same week.

Mr. LIEBELER. Were what?

General WALKER. I believe the boxes were arranged the same week in the post office.

Mr. LIEBELER. Rented?

General WALKER. Rented.

Mr. LIEBELER. You think that suggests a conspiracy between Oswald and Ruby to assassinate the President?

General WALKER. I think that is more information.

Mr. LIEBELER. But I want to know.

General WALKER. That suggests a possible relationship. I think the fact that Rubenstein shot Oswald suggests plenty. I am convinced he couldn't have shot him except for one basic reason, and maybe many others, but to keep him quiet. That is what shooting people does. I think the whole city of Dallas is very interested. I would be interested in the information on a Professor Wolf, William T. Wolf.

<snip>

Mr. LIEBELER. Well, now, does this relate to the possibility of a conspiracy between Oswald and Ruby to assassinate President Kennedy?

General WALKER. I think many unusual deaths in the city of Dallas might show some indication of what is going on in Dallas, to include what happened on the 22d of November. And I would refer to one other, a professor by the name of Deen. His name is George C. Deen.

Mr. LIEBELER. What has that got to do with the assassination of President Kennedy? What are the facts about it?

General WALKER. I would think it has to do with the investigation...

<snip...the conversation never returns to Jack Ruby>

--------- END -- FROM TESTIMONY OF EDWIN A. WALKER AND COUNSEL CLYDE J. WATTS -- 7/23/1964 ----------

Ex-General Edwin Walker wanted the world to believe that the Communists killed JFK. That is the essential idea of those who FRAMED Lee Harvey Oswald as a Fake Officer of the Fake FPCC chapter in NOLA, organized by Guy Banister (as proved by Jim Garrison).

In one of this many personal papers meandering about his "second shooter" of 10 April 1963, Edwin Walker speculated that it might have been Jack Ruby.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

<edit typos>

Edited November 28, 2014 by Paul Trejo

[Steven Gaal]

How did Gerry Patrick Hemming say he contacted James Jesus Angleton ? He said he just called him.

The CIA would not abandon the CIA project "Oswald"

ED 5-4211 Sec 16/448 fone nbr. from an LHO notebook. Is Govt. Switchboard

in Fort Worth. Ref: CD 735 pp 33, 395 & 397.

===============================================

The Reissue of Oswald and the CIA

By John Newman

Reviewed by James DiEugenio

Oswald and the CIA is not an easy book to read. And I think this is one of the reasons that it was underappreciated when it was first published in 1995. One would expect this result in the mainstream press. But even the research community was not up to the task of understanding the true value of this important work when it was originally published.

Jerry Rose's The Fourth Decade discussed the book twice: once directly and once indirectly. That journal specifically reviewed the book in late 1995 (Vol. 3 No. 1). The reviewer was a man named Hugh Murray. His review was completely inadequate. He gave the book less than two pages of discussion. Murray never even addressed the volume's two crucial chapters on Mexico City, which are the key to the book. (This would be like criticizing the Warren Report and never addressing the single bullet theory.) In the summer of the following year (Vol. 3 No. 3), Peter Dale Scott did something that may have been even worse. He wrote a long article for Rose's publication entitled "Oswald and the Hunt for Popov's Mole". This piece seriously distorted and misinterpreted both the book itself and some of the important information Newman had unearthed. This sorry performance partly explains why the book's achievement was never really comprehended even within the critical community.

But to be honest, Newman made some mistakes that contributed to the book's disappointing reception. The author felt it was important to get the book out quickly. He thought he should do so while the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB)) was still operating in order to draw attention to its work. I thought this was an error at the time. I still do. For there were some documents, not fully processed at the time, which would have been useful to the endeavor. For instance, The House Select Committee's Mexico City Report, aka the Lopez Report, had not yet been fully declassified. And to his credit, Newman updated his work on Mexico City with a 1999 article for Probe (Vol. 6 No. 6 ). This is included in The Assassinations.

Secondly, because of this haste, the book is--to put it gently--not adroitly composed. Newman's previous book, JFK and Vietnam, also deals with a complex topic: President Kennedy's intent to withdraw from the Vietnam conflict. Yet that book is skillfully arranged and written. When I asked the author about the comparison between the two, he said, "But Jim, that book was ten years in the making." I should also add that he had an editor on the first book. Something he did not have, at least to my knowledge, on the second.

Third, Major John Newman was an intelligence analyst for twenty years. And he approached Oswald and the CIA in that vein. In other words, he played to his strengths. Therefore the book is a study of Oswald as he is viewed through the intelligence apparatus of the United States government. Or, as the author notes, it's about "Oswald the file". The author rarely tries to fill out the story or the personage. For instance, the alleged attempted suicide of Oswald in Russia is not mentioned here. Ruth Paine is mentioned once; Michael Paine not at all. Only a highly disciplined, almost obsessed mind, could hew to that line almost continuously. Or the mind of a former intelligence analyst. Consequently, because of its inherent longeurs, the book makes some demands on the reader. Which some, like Scott and Murray, were not up to.

II

Now, with caveats out of the way, lets get to the rewards in this valuable, and undervalued, book. No person, or body, not even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), has ever dug more deeply into what the American intelligence community knew about Oswald prior to the assassination. What Newman reveals here literally makes the Warren Commission look like a Model T Ford. All the denials issued to that body by the likes of John McCone and J. Edgar Hoover are exposed as subterfuges. Contrary to their canards, there was a lot of interest in Oswald from the time he defected to Russia until the assassination.

Newman first discovered this when he was hired by PBS to work on their ill-fated Frontline special about Oswald in 1993. And it was this discovery that inspired him to write the book. The CIA Director at the time of the debate in Congress over the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board had testified there were something like 39 documents at CIA about Oswald. Most of them were supposed to be clippings. Newman discovered there was many, many times that amount. Further, he discovered the Agency held multiple files on Oswald. And finally, and perhaps most interestingly, there were some puzzling irregularities within the record. (When the author expressed his continuing bewilderment about this to the archivist, the archivist replied, "Haven't you ever heard of Murphy's Law?" To which Newman shot back, "Every time I turn around I'm walking into Mr. Murphy.")

Mr. Murphy makes his appearance right at the start. Once Oswald defected to Russia in 1959 the FBI opened up a file on him for security purposes. But at the CIA there is a curious, and suspicious, vacuum. Richard Snyder of the American Embassy in Moscow sent a cable to Washington about Oswald's defection. But the exact date the CIA got it cannot be confirmed (p. 24). Further, the person who received it cannot be determined either. Since Oswald was a former Marine, the Navy also sent a cable on November 4th. This cable included the information that Oswald had threatened to give up radar secrets to the Soviets. But again, no one knows exactly when this cable arrived at CIA. And almost as interesting, where it was placed upon its immediate arrival. (p. 25) This is quite odd because, as Newman points out (Chapter 3), Oswald's close association with the U-2 plane while at Atsugi, Japan should have placed alerts all over this cable. It did not. To show a comparison, the FBI recommended "a stop be placed against the fingerprints to prevent subject's entering the US under any name." (Ibid) So, on November 4, 1959, the FBI issued a FLASH warning on Oswald. This same Navy memo arrived at CIA and, after a Warren Report type "delayed reaction", eventually went to James Angleton's CI/SIG unit on December 6th. Angleton was chief of counter-intelligence. SIG was a kind of safeguard unit that protected the Agency from penetration agents. It was closely linked to the Office of Security in that regard. But as Newman queries: where was it for the previous 31 days? Newman notes that the Snyder cable and this Navy memo fell into a "black hole " somewhere. In fact, the very first file Newman could find on Oswald was not even at CI/SIG. It was at the Office of Security. This is all quite puzzling because, as the author notes, neither should have been the proper resting place for an initial file on Oswald. This black hole "kept the Oswald files away from the spot we would expect them to go-the Soviet Russia division." (p. 27)

Another thing the author finds puzzling about this early file is that he could find no trace of a security investigation about the danger of Oswald's defection. This is really odd because while talking to some of his friends the author found out that Oswald knew something that very few people did: the U-2 was also flying over China. If Snyder's original memo said that Oswald had threatened to give up secrets on radar operation to the Russians, and Oswald had been stationed at the U-2 base in Japan, there should have been a thorough security investigation as to what Oswald could have given the Russians. For the obvious reason that the program could be adjusted to avoid any counterattack based upon that relayed information. Newman could find no evidence of such an inquiry. (pgs 28,33-34) Further, the author found out that Oswald was actually part of a unit called Detachment C, which seemed to almost follow the U-2 around to crisis spots in the Far East, like Indonesia. (p. 42)

Needless to say, after Oswald defected, the second U-2 flight over Russia--with Gary Powers on board--was shot down. Powers felt that, "Oswald's work with the new MPS 16 height-finding radar looms large" in that event. (p. 43) The author segues here to this question: Whatever the CIA did or did not do in regard to this important question, it should have been a routine part of the Warren Commission inquiry. It was not. As the author notes, "When called to testify at the Warren Commission hearings, Oswald's marine colleagues were not questioned about the U-2." (p. 43) Oswald's commander in the Far East, John Donovan, was ready to discuss the issue in depth. The Commission was not. In fact, Donovan was briefed in advance not to fall off topic. (p. 45) When it was over, Donovan had to ask, "Don't you want to know anything about the U-2." He even asked a friend of his who had testified: "Did they ask you about the U-2?" And he said, "No, not a thing." (Ibid) Donovan revealed that the CIA did not question him about the U-2 until December of 1963. But this was probably a counter-intelligence strategy, to see whom he had talked to and what he had revealed. Why is that a distinct probability? Because right after Powers was shot down, the CIA closed its U-2 operations at Atsugi. Yet, Powers did not fly out of Atsugi. As Newman notes, the only link between Powers and Atsugi was Oswald. (p. 46)

Right after this U-2 episode, Newman notes another oddity. The CIA did not open a 201 file on Oswald for over a year after his defection, on 12/8/60. (p. 47) This gap seriously puzzled the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Investigator Dan Hardway called CI officer Ann Egerter about it. It was a short conversation. She didn't want to discuss it. (p. 48) The HSCA tried to neuter the issue by studying other defector cases. But as Newman notes: defection is legal but espionage, like giving up the secrets to the U-2, is not. (pgs 49-50) So the comparison was faulty. In fact, when Egerter finally opened Oswald's 201 file, the defection was noted, but his knowledge of the U-2 wasn't. This delay in opening the 201 file was so unusual that the HSCA asked former CIA Director Richard Helms about it. His reply was vintage Helms: "I am amazed. Are you sure there wasn't? ... .I can't explain that." (p. 51) When the HSCA asked where the documents were prior to the opening of the 201 file, the CIA replied they were never classified higher than confidential and therefore were no longer in existence. Newman notes that this is a lie. Many were classified as "Secret" and he found most of them, so they were not destroyed. Further, the ones that were classified as confidential are still around also. (p. 52)

And this is where one of the most fascinating discoveries in the book is revealed. Although no 201 file was opened on Oswald until December of 1960, he was put on the Watch List in November of 1959. This list was part of the CIA's illegal HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program-only about 300 people were on it. Recall, this is at a time when Oswald's file is in the so-called Black Hole. It was not possible to find a paper trail on him until the next month. How could he, at the same time, be so inconsequential as to have no file opened, yet so important as to be on the quite exclusive Watch List? This defies comprehension. In fact, Newman is forced to conclude, "The absence of a 201 file was a deliberate act, not an oversight." (p. 54) Clearly, someone at the CIA knew who Oswald was and thought it was important enough to intercept his mail. Long ago, when I asked Newman to explain this paradox in light of the fact that his first file would be opened at CI/SIG, he replied that one possibility was Oswald was being run as an off the books agent by Angleton. In light of the other factors mentioned in this section, i.e. concerning the U-2 secrets, the "black hole" delay, plus what we will discover later, I know of no better way to explain this dichotomy.

III

In his analysis of the Russian scene with Oswald on the ground, Newman made clear two important points. First, whereas most of the attention prior to this book was on embassy official Richard Snyder's interaction with Oswald, Newman revealed a man behind the scenes, peering through the curtains: John McVickar. It was this other embassy official who asked Priscilla Johnson to interview Oswald without Snyder's OK. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is the timing. Oswald had actually refused an interview with American reporter Bob Korengold. He had not been very forthcoming with Aline Mosby, the first journalist to talk to him. Then two things happened. First, the Russians communicated to Oswald that he would be allowed to stay in Russia (p. 73). Second, after McVickar gave Johnson the tip about Oswald, the defector agreed to meet her at her room. He arrived at nine at night. He stayed until well past midnight. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is that Newman reveals that Oswald's room at the Metropole Hotel was equipped with an infra-red camera for the observation of its occupants-and the CIA knew this. (p. 9) Second, Oswald found out he would be allowed to stay through a Russian official who actually visited his room.

After the long interview with Priscilla Johnson, McVickar had dinner with the reporter. Johnson, of course, worked for the conservative, and intelligence affiliated, North American News Alliance. At this dinner, somehow, some way, McVickar revealed that Oswald was going to be trained in electronics. (p. 84) Which he was.

Besides the discoveries about McVickar, Newman actually found documents that revealed that Johnson had applied to work for the CIA as early as 1952. She then worked with Cord Meyer, who helped fund the Congress for Cultural Freedom, exposed later as a CIA conduit. At the time Newman wrote the book, it was not yet revealed that the CIA did not hire her because they later deduced she could be used to do what they wanted anyway and they classified her as a "witting collaborator." (The Assassinations p. 435) The story based on this interview received little play in the media at the time, although it did announce that Oswald was a defector. But after the assassination, Johnson revised this original story-to Oswald's disadvantage-- and it received circulation through the wire services, including the front page of the Dallas Morning News. Thanks to Newman we now know that McVickar was ultimately responsible for it.

Another hidden action that was first revealed in this book was that in 1961, the CIA launched a counterintelligence program against the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which had been formed the year before. According to the author, that effort was launched by the CIA's Office of Security, under the orders of James McCord. (p. 95) Further, this operation was done within the United States, which made it illegal for the Agency, and without the permission of the FBI. Making it even more interesting is that, as Newman first revealed, David Phillips was also part of this program. (p. 241) This program used neighbors hired as spies, and double agents posing as sympathizers, both reporting back to the CIA. (p. 241)

When Oswald decided he wanted to return from Russia, Newman notes another appearance by Mr. Murphy. Actually two. No "lookout" card was inserted on Oswald by the State Department. Although it appears that one was prepared, it was never active. (p. 138) This would have alerted State and other agencies that a security risk had applied to reenter the country. Second, many FBI files that contained the security risk information on Oswald from 1959 are now missing. (p. 153) Finally, the FBI very selectively issued documents from these files to the Warren Commission. The HSCA got more of the picture. But in 1994, when the author went looking for the information hinted at to the HSCA, he couldn't find them. (p. 154)

When Oswald tries to return, he negotiates to have potential legal proceedings against him dropped. (p. 218) Interestingly, he was taken off the Watch List in 1960, then placed back on it in August of 1961. (But yet, his mail was opened even when he was off the list! p. 284) And at this time, there is the first documentary evidence that the CIA had an operational interest in Oswald. At the end of a memo about Oswald's probable return, the chief of the Soviet Russia division wrote, "It was partly out of curiosity to learn if Oswald's wife would actually accompany him to our country, partly out of interest in Oswald's own experiences in the USSR, that we showed operational intelligence interest in the Harvey [Oswald ] story." (p. 227)

Marina got her exit visa surprisingly fast. Oswald explained his behavior there as, "It was necessary to make this propaganda because at the time he had wanted to live in Russia." (p. 235) Oswald thought his passport would be confiscated when he returned. But, surprisingly-or not-Oswald was actually able to sign papers for a government loan at the American Embassy. A man named Spas Raikin of the Travelers Aid Society was contacted by the State Department to meet Oswald and his new wife in New York in June of 1962. The Oswalds made it through customs and immigration without incident. And without any evidence of an attempt at a debriefing.

When Oswald arrived back in Texas, FBI agent John Fain did do an interview with him. Oswald then got a job at Leslie Welding, and started to subscribe to communist newspapers. At this point, Mr. Murphy pops up again. Even though the FBI had informants in many post offices looking out for just this sort of thing-a former defector subscribing to communist periodicals- and Oswald has signed a post office form instructing the post office to deliver him foreign propaganda, the Bureau did an inexplicable thing. In October, they closed their Oswald file. (p. 271)

What makes the timing of this fascinating are two events. First, the CIA campaign against the FPCC begins to heat up, and the FBI opens up a similar front against the FPCC led by Cartha De Loach. (p. 243) Second, George DeMohrenschildt, the Baron, enters Oswald's life. In his interview with the Warren Commission, the Baron tried to conceal his knowledge of who J. Walton Moore was. Moore was the head of the CIA office in Dallas who, it was later revealed, approached the Baron about going out to meet the returned defector. But DeMohrenschildt told the Warren Commission that Moore was "some sort of an FBI man in Dallas. Many people consider him the head of the FBI in Dallas." (p. 277)

Newman closes this section of the book with a beautiful Mr. Murphy episode. He notes that FBI agent James Hosty was now, rather belatedly, looking for Oswald and his wife. This was in March of 1963. Hosty also recommended that Oswald's case be reopened. The grounds for this reopening? Oswald had a newly opened subscription to the Communist newspaper, The Worker. (p. 273) But, as the author notes, when the Dallas FBI office had previously learned of an earlier such subscription-to the exact same publication-it had closed his file! This recommendation had a caveat. Hosty left a note in Oswald's file "to come back in forty-five to sixty days." (Ibid) But by then, of course, Oswald would be in New Orleans. Newman poses the question: Was the reason Oswald's case was closed for these six months because DeMohrenschildt was now making his approach to Oswald? (p. 277) Was another reason because Oswald was now about to enter the fray, along with the CIA and FBI, against the FPCC in New Orleans? (p. 289)

IV

The two finest parts of this distinguished work are the sections on New Orleans and, especially, Mexico City. Newman notes that the official story is that the FBI lost track of Oswald while he was organizing his FPCC group in New Orleans under the name of Hidell. This is when many credible witnesses place him in league with Guy Banister and Sergio Arcacha Smith at 544 Camp Street. But even though FBI agents Regis Kennedy and Warren DeBrueys were specialists on the anti-Castro beat in New Orleans, the FBI holds that Hosty did not know that Oswald moved to New Orleans until June 26th. In this book, the author demonstrates with a chart why this is so hard to believe. On page 300 he lists seven different events between May 14th and June 5th that should have caused the Bureau to realize that Oswald had moved. If you believe the Bureau, it wasn't enough.

The author suspects this methodical obtuseness was due to the fact that Oswald was in, what Newman calls, his "undercover" phase in New Orleans. That is, he has visited Jones Printing to order flyers with two different stamps applied, neither of them in his name. The first is under the name Hidell, and the second is addressed 544 Camp St. Newman believes that Banister was using Oswald to smoke out leftwing students and liberal professors at Tulane, like Prof. Leonard Reissman. Newman also brings out the fact that in a memo to the Bureau from New Orleans, the information that several FPCC pamphlets contained the 544 Camp St. address was scratched out. (p. 310)

The next discovery made by the author is also arresting. The FBI says they discovered Oswald was in New Orleans at the end of June. (p. 317) Yet they did not verify where he lived until August 5th. As Newman notes, the latter is the same day that Oswald broke out of his undercover mode and contacted some Cuban exiles, using his real name. Or as the author puts it: " ... the FBI's alleged blind period covers-to the day-the precise period of Oswald's undercover activity in New Orleans." (Ibid)

On August 5th, Oswald begins to play an overt role as an agent provocateur with Carlos Bringuier of the anti-Castro exile group, the DRE. The Warren Commission never knew that the DRE had a CIA code name, AMSPELL. When Oswald is arrested on Canal Street after his famous altercation with Bringuier, he actually had the Corliss Lamont booklet, "The Crime Against Cuba" with him. This had the "FPCC 544 Camp Street" stamp on it. (As I showed in my first book, this particular pamphlet was very likely provided to Banister through the CIA itself. See Destiny Betrayed, p. 219) Newman then details Oswald's arrest, his court date, his activities in front of the International Trade Mart-with flyers in his own name with his own address, and how Oswald now goes to the papers to get ads published for his cause. Oswald was attracting so much attention that J. Edgar Hoover requested a memorandum on him in late August with a detailed summary of his activities. This went to the CIA. When Oswald debated Bringuier on a radio program, the moderator Bill Stuckey offered the tape to the FBI. And the DRE reported the incident to the CIA. As Newman builds to his climax, all of this is important in light of what will happen next.

After creating a lot of bad publicity for the FPCC in New Orleans, Oswald now lowers his profile again. At the Mexican consulate in New Orleans, he and CIA operative Bill Gaudet get visas to go to Mexico on September 17th .Why is the date important? Because on the day before, the 16th, the CIA told the FBI they were considering countering FPCC activities in foreign countries. A week later, Oswald leaves New Orleans on a bus to Mexico.

What Newman does with the legendary Oswald trip to Mexico is, in some respects, revolutionary. Greatly helped by the release of the finally declassified Lopez Report, he actually goes beyond that magnificent document. According to the Warren Commission, Oswald was in Mexico City from Friday September 27th to Wednesday October 3rd. The ostensible reason was to acquire an in-transit visa from the Cuban consulate so he could travel from Cuba back to the Soviet Union. But as Newman notes, this story makes little sense and is likely a ruse. (p. 615) Oswald already had a passport to Russia, but the stamp warned that a person traveling to Cuba would be liable for prosecution. If he really wanted to go to Russia, Oswald could have gone the same roundabout route he had in 1959. The route he was choosing this time actually made it much harder, if not impossible, to get to Russia in any kind of current time frame.

When Oswald first shows up at the Cuban consulate it allegedly is at 11:00 AM on Friday. (p. 356) Yet as the author notes on his chronological chart, he is supposed to have already called the Soviet Consulate twice that morning. (Ibid) The problem with those two calls is that they were both in Spanish which, as the Lopez Report notes, the weight of the evidence says Oswald did not speak. He tells receptionist Silvia Duran he wants an in-transit visa for travel via Cuba to Russia. But he has no passport photos. He leaves to get the pictures taken. When he returned with the photos, Duran told him that he now had to get his Soviet visa before she could issue his Cuban visa. (p. 357)

Oswald now went to the Soviet Consulate. But here we find another problem with what is supposed to be his third call there. The time frames for the call and the visit overlap. He cannot be outside calling inside when he is already inside. (Ibid) Further, this call is also in Spanish, which creates a double problem with the call. Once inside, Oswald learns he cannot get a visa to give to Duran unless he requested it from Washington first. And the process would take weeks. Oswald now makes a scene and is escorted out. He goes back to the Cuban consulate. Oswald tells Duran there was no problem with the Soviet visa. She does not buy his story and calls the Soviet consulate. They tell her they will call her back. Embassy official and KGB secret agent Valery Kostikov calls back. Oswald's attempt falls apart since Oswald knows no one in Cuba and the routing to the Russian Embassy in Washington will take too long. (p. 359) This call seems genuine. But as the author notes, and as we shall see, there was one problem with it: neither Duran nor Kostikov mentioned Oswald by name.

Oswald creates another scene and quarrels with Cuban counsel Eusebio Azcue. Now, and this is important, Duran insists that this is the last time she saw or spoke to Oswald. This created a serious problem because the Warren Commission reported that she did talk to him again.(p, 408) The apparent source for this is an FBI memo of Dec. 3, 1963. The HSCA realized this was a problem. So they grilled Duran on this point. They tried three different ways to get her to admit she could be wrong. She stuck by her story. (pgs 409-410)

Why is this so problematic? Because on the next day, Saturday September 28th, the Lopez Report says there was a call from a man and a woman to the Soviet Consulate. Further, in his interviews, Newman discovered that the Russians maintain that the switchboard was closed on Saturday. (p. 368) From this and other evidence, Newman concludes that the man in this call is not Oswald. Duran says the woman is not her. Further evidence of this impersonation is that Oswald had visited the Russian Consulate earlier that day. And this phone conversation has little, if any, connection to what he discussed there. From information in the Lopez Report, from CIA Station Chief's Winston Scott's manuscript, and interviews with the transcribers, there was also a call made on Monday, the 30th, from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. This call is apparently lost today.

Finally, on Tuesday, October 1st, there are two calls from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. Right off the bat, these are suspicious because they are in poor Russian. Yet Oswald was supposed to have spoken fluent Russian. So again, these two calls appear to have been made by an imposter.

But why? In the new Epilogue written for this edition, Newman writes it is because when Duran originally called the Soviet Consulate, Oswald's name was not specifically mentioned. When Oswald then went to the Soviets on Saturday, and created another scene, this was the last of the actual encounters. The specific problem was this: There was no direct record made between Oswald and Kostikov. As we shall see, this could not be allowed. So the two calls on Tuesday had to be made. And the necessity was such that the risk was run of exposing the charade by not having Oswald's voice on the tapes. Why was this so important?

V

Prior to Oswald's Mexican odyssey, the FBI reports on his FPCC forays in New Orleans went into a new operational file at CIA, which did not merge with his 201 file. (p. 393) According to the author, this file eventually contained almost a thousand documents. Newman dates the bifurcation from September 23rd: shortly after Oswald goes to the Mexican consulate, and right about when he leaves New Orleans. The FBI report goes to Oswald's CI/SIG soft file and his Office of Security file. (p. 394) But after the assassination, all the FBI reports suddenly revert back to Oswald's 201 file. Only two compartments in the Agency had all of Oswald's file-CI/SIG and Office of Security. As we shall see, there is a method to all this meandering.

At CIA HQ, after the information about Oswald in Mexico City arrives, a first cable is sent on October 10. This cable is meant for the FBI, State Department and the Navy. This cable describes a man who does not resemble Oswald. He is 35 years old, has an athletic build, and stands six feet tall. (p. 398)

At almost the same time this cable was sent, a second cable from CIA HQ goes to Mexico City. This one has the right description of Oswald. So therefore, in a normal situation, the officers in Mexico City could match the description to their surveillance take. But it was missing something crucial. It said that the latest information that CIA had on Oswald was a State Department Memorandum dated from May of 1962. This was not true. For just one example, the Agency had more than one FBI report about Oswald's FPCC activities in New Orleans. Yet, for some reason, the file used to draft this cable was missing the FBI New Orleans reports. What makes these two varyingly false cables even more interesting is that Angleton's trusted assistant Ann Egerter signed off on both of them for accuracy. (p. 401) Apparently, she didn't know what she was signing, or if they contradicted each other. Further, Egerter sent Oswald's 201 file, which was restricted, to the HQ Mexico City desk until November 22nd. (Ibid)

For the first cable, Jane Roman was the releasing officer. She also participated in the drafting of the second cable. What makes her participation in all this so interesting is that she had read the latest information about Oswald in New Orleans on October 4th, less than a week before she signed off on the first cable. When Newman confronted her with these contradictory documents, she said: "I'm signing off on something that I know isn't true." (p. 405) She went on and tried to explain it with this: "I wasn't in on any particular goings-on or hanky-panky as far as the Cuban situation ... to me it's indicative of a keen interest in Oswald, held very closely on a need-to-know basis." (p. 405) Note her reference to the "Cuban situation". For it was Oswald's activities with the Cubans in New Orleans that was left out of the second cable to Mexico City. Therefore Mexico City chief Win Scott could not coordinate Oswald's New Orleans activities with what Oswald had done on his home turf.

For the second cable, the releasing officer was Tom Karemessines who was deputy to Richard Helms. It has never been explained why this cable had to go so high up into officialdom for permission to release it.

There is one last piece to this mosaic that is necessary for its deadly denouement to be fully comprehended. Ann Egerter testified that their counter-intelligence group knew Kostikov was a KGB agent. But the story is that they did not know he was part of Department 13, which participated in assassinations, until after Kennedy's assassination. (p. 419)

All of this is absolutely central to the events that occur on November 22, 1963. Consider: Here you have a defector who was in the Soviet Union for almost three years. He returns and then gets involved confronting anti-Castro Cubans in New Orleans. He then goes to Mexico City, and visits both the Cuban and Soviet embassies trying to get to Russia from Cuba. He creates dramatic scenes at both places, and here is the capper: He talks to the KGB's officer in charge of assassinations in the Western Hemisphere. By the time Oswald returned to Dallas, the alarm bell should have been sounding on him throughout the intelligence community. Especially in view of Kennedy's announced visit to Texas. He should never have been allowed to be on the motorcade route. The Secret Service should have had the necessary information about him and he should have been on their Security Index.

This did not happen. In fact, at the time his profile should have been rising, these false cables within the CIA and to the FBI, State, and Navy were actually lowering it. The final masterstroke, which made sure the information would be concealed until November 22nd, was not discovered until after the book's initial publication. As stated above, the FBI had issued a FLASH warning on Oswald back in 1959. After four years, this was removed on October 9, 1963! This was just hours before the first CIA cable mentioned above was sent. (The Assassinations p. 222)

As Newman notes, "the CIA was spawning a web of deception". (p. 430) When JFK is killed, and Hoover tells President Johnson about Oswald's trip to Mexico City and his visits to both the Cuban and Russian embassies, the threat of nuclear war quickly enters the conversation. But when the FBI discovers that the voice on the tapes are not really Oswald's it does two things: 1.) It points to something even more sinister, therefore throwing the intelligence community into a CYA mode, and 2.) It forces the Agency to hatch a cover story: the tapes were routinely destroyed days after they were made. The result of all this was an investigation that was never allowed to investigate. A presidential commission whose leader was told beforehand that millions of lives were at risk because the Cubans and Russians might be involved. And it exposed an intelligence community that was asleep at the switch, therefore allowing the alleged assassin to be moved into place by the KGB. The result was therefore preordained: a whitewash would follow. And Newman presents written evidence from both J. Edgar Hoover and Nicolas Katzenbach demonstrating that the subsequent inquiry was curtailed at its inception. Deputy Attorney General Katzenbach wrote that speculation about Oswald had to be "cut off" and the idea that the assassination was a communist conspiracy had to be rebutted. (p. 632) Newman later discovered that Hoover realized he had been duped by the CIA about Oswald in Mexico City. (The Assassinations, p. 224)

In his new Epilogue for this 2008 edition, Newman explains why only someone who a.) Understood the inner workings of the national security state, and b.) Understood and controlled Oswald's files, could have masterminded something as superhumanly complex as this scheme. One in which the conspiracy itself actually contained the seeds that would sprout the cover-up.

In this new chapter, Newman names James Angleton as the designer of the plot. (p. 637) He also names Anne Goodpasture, David Phillips' assistant in Mexico City, as the person who hatched the internal CIA cover up by saying the ersatz tapes had been destroyed in October. This is evidenced in a cable she sent on 11/23 (pgs 633-634). Yet she probably knew this was false. Because she later testified to the ARRB that a voice dub of a tape had been carried to the Texas border on 11/22/63, the night before she sent the cable (p. 654). Further, Win Scott had made his own voice comparison after the assassination. He could not have if the tapes had been destroyed. (p. 635) Angleton made sure Scott's voice comparison never became public by swooping into Mexico City and confronting, nearly threatening, Win Scott's widow after he died. Once he was inside the house, he removed four suitcases of materials from Scott's office. This included the contents of his safe where the Mexico City/Oswald materials had been stored. (p. 637)

This remarkable book could never have been composed or even contemplated without the existence of the Assassination Records Review Board. No book takes us more into Oswald's workings with the intelligence community than this one. And his section on Mexico City is clearly one of the 5 or 6 greatest discoveries made in the wake of the ARRB. The incredible thing about the case he makes for conspiracy and cover up is this: The overwhelming majority of his evidence is made up of the government's own records. Its not anecdotal, its not second hand. In other words, its not from the likes of Frank Ragano, Billy Sol Estes, or Ed Partin. It is material that could be used in a court of law. And it would be very hard to explain away to a jury. Imagine the kind of witness Jane Roman would make.

Which is why it all had to be concealed for over thirty years. So much for there being nothing new or important in those newly declassified files. Angleton knew differently. Just ask Win Scott's widow. Or read this book.

----- Original Message -----

Victor Marchetti reported that David Ferrie was a CIA contract employee. Many of David Ferrie's flights to Cuba allegedly took off from CIA-controlled Swan Island. The Agency ran traces in 1967 on all the major figures in New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's investigation. Most of the traces came up "(deleted) no record." David Ferrie's was "(deleted) no identifiable traces," followed by "No additional substantive information. Subject is dead." [CIA 1442-492-AK] In an earlier FBI document the CIA observed it came across numerous Office of Security traces on him. [CIA 1233-518] When he was arrested, police allegedly found three blank, stamped passports in his possession. [Wardlaw & James Plot pp44-46] ...In February 1968, the CIA prepared a report on David Ferrie that stated he was not a CIA employee, although a Office of Security file existed on him. When a synopsis of this file reached the period when David Ferrie was associated with the Cuban Revolutionary Front, the CIA deleted it.

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Garrison Subpoenas Helms to Testify on the. C.I.A

jfk.hood.edu/Collection/White%20Materials/.../SM-152.pdf

==

Peculiar Liaisons: In War, Espionage, and Terrorism in the ... - Google Books Result

books.google.com/books?isbn=0875863337

. According to Victor Marchetti, CIA
director Richard Helms was concerned about Garrison's investigation and
thought ...

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How did Gerry Patrick Hemming say he contacted James Jesus Angleton ? He said he just called him.

The CIA would not abandon the CIA project "Oswald"

ED 5-4211 Sec 16/448 fone nbr. from an LHO notebook. Is Govt. Switchboard

in Fort Worth. Ref: CD 735 pp 33, 395 & 397.