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John Newman and Greg Burnham Interview

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13 minutes ago, Ron Bulman said:

Is this where Poppy Bush got his nickname?

Not officially.  Bet he moved plenty of dope thru Zapata Off-Shore, tho.

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9 hours ago, Cliff Varnell said:

So Moynihan helped take down the Corsican Mafia?  What was his role?

I suspect the downfall of the French Connection in the early 70's was engineered by traffickers out of the Golden Triangle, a cabal headed by Averell Harriman.  When the Golden Triangle got squeezed by Communist takeover of SE Asia -- Hello Afghanistan!


Memorandum from the Assistant to the President (Moynihan) to Attorney General Mitchell. Washington, September 18, 1969. Moynihan argued that the United States could cripple international heroin trafficking in 1-2 years through diplomatic initiatives with economic inducements.

Historical Documents - Office of the Historian


No shortage of material on this.




"I suspect the downfall of the French Connection in the early 70's was engineered by traffickers out of the Golden Triangle, a cabal headed by Averell Harriman.  When the Golden Triangle got squeezed by Communist takeover of SE Asia -- Hello Afghanistan!"


This is not very off.  Shutting down French Connection meant eliminating the Golden Triangle competition basically.  And yes that's partly why Helms went to Iran and Moynihan to India.  But that's a funding mechanism (heroin and drugs) plus destabilization mechanism. 


Pardon this long excerpt, but as I have written, albeit somewhat rough still in places:



The ship of State is the only known vessel that leaks from the top.

– James Reston, Columnist, sometimes member of The President’s Foreign Intelligence Board


On Friday, October 17, 1986, Eugene Hasenfus confessed to the Sandinista government in Nicaragua that he been employed by the C.I.A. when his Air America plane carrying weapons to the Contras had been shot down.  His confession bookended William Buckley’s, who had been kidnapped in Beirut in 1984 and tortured by Iranian-led Islamic Jihadists, when he confessed to working for the C.I.A.  

The same day Hasenfus confessed down in Managua, up in Washington, Congress approved $100 million in funds for the Nicaraguan rebels, reversing the Boland Amendment’s two-year ban on military aid to the South American country.  Over in the Middle East, twenty-six containers of munitions departed Israel for Iran, nearly the last of a series of illegal shipments that had been carried out over the past year, dating back to November 1985, when a cargo-load of TOW missiles first shipped to Iran under the direction of then C.I.A. Deputy Director John N. McMahon.  In the weeks and months to come, as details leaked out after Hasenfus’ confession, these events swallowed the Reagan administration in the Iran-Contra scandal, a threateningly close-to-constitutional crisis not seen since the days of Deep Throat and Watergate.

October 17 had been an eventful day, even by Washington standards.  And it wasn’t over.  In the evening, as dusk settled, Ben Bradlee, the editor of Kay Graham’s Washington Post, famous for his cool, steady steerage of that newspaper’s reporting during Watergate, and the publication of “The Pentagon Papers” the year before, received a call from F.B.I. Director Bill Webster.  It was just before deadline.  Webster had something urgent he needed to talk to Bradlee about.  “Right away,” he said over the telephone.  Could he come by and pick Bradlee up?  Sensing something ominous approaching on the horizon, Bradlee sounded “General Quarters” – the Navy’s term for high alert, meaning “unidentified blips had appeared on someone’s radar screen, and until they were identified, God knows what was going to happen.”  

Minutes later, Webster’s navy-blue limousine pulled up outside The Post building on 15th Street in downtown Washington.  There was Bradlee, waiting on the corner.  He got in and sat beside Webster in the back.  “The Judge,” as he was (and still is) called, instructed his driver to head north a couple of blocks, turn onto N Street, pull over, and get out.  

Webster was dressed in a tuxedo for a dinner he was on his way to attend.  He got right to the point: “The F.B.I. had received information from a source it considered reliable … that a Washington Post reporter had accepted $1,000 in cash from a K.G.B. official in Moscow.”  As Bradlee tells in his memoirs:

My heart stopped.  I could think of no more grievous blow.  Absolutely nothing could be more harmful to the paper that was my life, and to the Grahams, whose courage and dedication were so vital.  It was literally a long minute before I felt it just couldn’t be true and asked Webster who it was and how could he be sure his source was reliable.

Webster said the reporter’s name was Dusko Doder, The Post’s “cigar-chomping expert on Soviet affairs.”  A Yugoslav by birth, Doder had immigrated to this country as a young man in 1960, to St. Louis, Missouri.  He underwent a crash-course in American higher education (Russian Studies and International Relations at Columbia, where he received bi-partisan tutoring from the likes of future national security advisors Zbiginew Brezinski and Bret Scowcroft).  Doder rapidly became a star reporter for The Post in the 1970s and 1980s, producing one scoop after another, most famously in February 1984 when he reported – before confirmation from either the U.S. Embassy or the C.I.A., even before the Kremlin – that Soviet Premier Yuri Andropov had died, thus setting off the sequence of succession in Kremlin leadership that would lead to the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev, and ultimately to the fall of the Soviet Union.  

The source for this claim against Doder, said Webster, was Col. Vitaly Yurchenko, head of the K.G.B.’s counterintelligence directorate, or S.M.E.R.S.H. (translated as “Death to Spies”), who had defected to the West the year before and then re-defected back to the East three months later.  Yurchenko had given valuable information to the F.B.I., wrote Bradlee.  He told them about how National Security Agency clerk Robert Pelton had betrayed the country by handing over “priceless” secrets to the Russians, involving the 1970s-era undersea taps on Russian communication lines (Operation “Ivey Bells”), and Yurchenko “had been right,” Bradlee wrote.  Yurchenko also told the F.B.I. about Edward Lee Howard, whom Bradlee described as “the former Peace Corps volunteer who later defected to Moscow,” after he received extensive C.I.A. training in surveillance and counter-surveillance.  He turned up in Moscow on August 7, 1986, the first former C.I.A. employee ever to defect to Russia, or so it was reported at the time.  According to former K.G.B. General Oleg Kalugin (now a U.S. citizen), Howard gave up “reams of information on [the United States’] moles in the K.G.B.”  Yurchenko was right again, apparently.  

But as for Yurchenko’s allegations about Doder, Bradlee said those he could not believe.  How did the F.B.I. know this wasn’t an effort by the Soviets to discredit Doder?  After all, he asked Webster, hadn’t his “reporting had been head and shoulders over embassy and C.I.A. reporting about the U.S.S.R?”  Hadn’t anyone at the Bureau bothered to check on this, to find any hint of Soviet propaganda in what he wrote?  

Webster reassured Bradlee that the F.B.I. went over every story Doder filed and found “nothing but the obvious.”  Doder simply had better contacts.  Webster added that Yurchenko did not claim to have first-hand knowledge about any actual payment to Doder; only that he had heard about the payment, second-hand.

But why now?  Why was Webster only bringing this to Bradlee in October 1986, a year after Yurchenko told the F.B.I. what he knew, before he turned around and defected back again, a move which cast his legitimacy as a genuine defector into doubt?  Because, said Webster, “the F.B.I. had heard that Doder had been recently assigned to the intelligence beat.  And the intelligence community did not “like to be covered by anyone, much less by someone whose 201 file now contained Yurchenko’s hearsay.” 

The conversation ended as Bradlee told Webster that The Post could not take Doder off of intelligence coverage based on hearsay testimony from a once and future K.G.B. agent.  Webster said he understood but Bradlee should be aware: “the intelligence community had decreed that no one should talk to Doder, at least for now.”  At that, Bradlee got out of the car and walked back to The Post.



The Greatest Generation credited Webster not for his combat experience as such (he had none), but “for the discipline and organizational skills he learned from the Navy,” which helped him in “the formidable job of reorganizing the F.B.I. after the chaos of the Watergate years.”  He received his law degree from Washington University at St. Louis where he was in private practice in the 1950s and 1960s, interrupted by a two-year stint as a U.S. District Attorney there, from 1960-1961.  Just around the time Dusko Doder arrived from Yugoslavia, come to think.  In 1970 President Nixon appointed Webster to the federal bench as a district court judge in St. Louis.   

A little-known story is that Webster did not just clean up after the Watergate mess, he had actually been there, at the Watergate, the night of the break-in, as the mess was being made.  June 17, 1972.  Clare Boothe Luce, the widow of TIME magazine cofounder Henry Luce, was hosting a dinner party at her Watergate apartment.  Bill Webster was in attendance, then a publicly-obscure Midwestern judge.  Also attending that night was a former movie star, a prominent Democrat-turned Republican, the far less obscure Governor of California, Ronald Reagan.  As Reagan, Webster, and Luce (maybe others) raised their glasses, perhaps even wearing Black Tie as Webster would be his limo meeting with Bradlee fourteen years later, Nixon’s Plumbers, wearing business suits and surgical gloves, were breaking-in, down the hall as it were, taking photographs and repairing surveillance equipment on the phones in the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, where they had first broken into a couple nights before.   


The Plumbers didn’t originate as leak-fixers, and they didn’t originate with Nixon.  They started out as a C.I.A.-run domestic intelligence operation code-named CHAOS, utilized under the Johnson Administration and revived (meaning continued) during the Nixon years.  Their operations portfolio expanded under Nixon, to be sure, both domestically and internationally, to include not just infiltration and surveillance of subversives, radicals, anti-war groups, and Democrat opponents but also, often critically overlooked, to combat the heroin problem then exploding across American cities.  Their   task was to shut down the importation of Turkish opium through Marseilles into American cities such as New York, Chicago and New Orleans.  “The French Connection.”  Shutting down the French Connection out of Turkey, which was mafia-run, translated to eliminating the competition for the Golden Triangle Connection, out of Southeast Asia, which was C.I.A. run, facilitated by the Agency’s airline, Air America, during the Vietnam War.  Monopoly capitalism or, as an economist like George Shultz would recognize, if there’s demand, supply will follow.  [CRIME PROBLEM/origins of reforming the criminal justice system]

The very plane that would carry Eugene Hasenfus to Nicaragua in October 1986, with a cache of Soviet-made arms and munitions for the Contras on-board, had been used in the C.I.A.’s Golden Triangle operations fifteen years before, doing virtually the same thing, only across Laos, Burma and Thailand.  Had Hasenfus’ plane not been shot down in Nicaragua, it would have returned to the United States with a payload of cocaine, most likely to a clandestine airstrip at Mena, Arkansas, where another future President, William J. Clinton, was Governor.  Indeed, by the 1980s the C.I.A. had repurposed its operations from guns-for-heroin from the Hmong in Laos during Vietnam to guns-for-cocaine from the Contras in Nicaragua.  After the 1989 Soviet withdrawal in Afghanistan, and especially after September 11, 2001, the arrangement would shift yet again, to guns-for-heroin from the Taliban.  Wherever these operations went, a wake of destabilization and destruction inevitably followed.  A lot of people died, a lot of refugees fled, and a lot of guns went on the market.  Harvard’s Samuel P. Huntington, Ph.D., and his “Clash of Civilizations” borne out by now, from predictive theory to historical fact. 

Today, synthetic heroin derivatives like Oxy-Contin, often prescribed by doctors, are a mostly rural problem in America, for which we have … a “drug czar,” whatever his or her (or … ahem) name is.  In the late 1960s and early ‘70s though, naturally processed heroin, made from poppies, was pro-scribed by lawmakers, was a mostly urban problem.  And, owing to its prohibition, heroin then was a crime problem, too.  As such, during the Nixon Administration, where the “War on Drugs” began, responsibility for eradicating the Turkish poppy supply was shared across many departments in the Executive Branch, including the Treasury Department, where G. Gordon Liddy was employed, the Justice Department, headed by Attorney General John Mitchell, the C.I.A., headed by Director Richard Helms, and the newly-created President’s Urban Affairs Council, headed by the Harvard professor and urban affairs expert, and future Senator from New York, Daniel Patrick Moynihan.  

The Domestic Policy Council of “Dr.” Moynihan, as he was called in the Nixon White House, became a Cabinet-level position, a counterpart comparable in status and influence on domestic policy as Dr. Henry A. Kissinger’s National Security Council was on foreign policy.  Policy, whether domestic or foreign, having fused already by 1968, across science, academia and the military, with most of their work, the good stuff they say, classified Top Secret or higher.  The mirrored symmetry endures today not only within Administrations but across them, as in the Biden White House for example, where Dr. Susan E. Rice, formerly President Obama’s National Security Advisor, is now head of President Biden’s Domestic Policy Council. 

Writing in The Reporter, in 1963, Meg Greenfield, a friend and former colleague of Moynihan’s at the magazine, later herself to become the opinion page editor at The Post in 1979, took notice of the arrival of the new species of government employee in Washington – the doctors and the scientists and the “whiz kids” – in an article titled “Science Goes to Washington.”  “New hybrids,” she called them, “so thoroughly enmeshed and infiltrated into every level of government that no one seems capable of stating with any precision just what their function is.”  Not without violating national security law that is.  Secrecy controlling, then as now.

The fusion of this classified trinity across government, science and academia was long in the making, probably inevitable.  But it certainly received a booster shot in 1957, after reports in the West of the Soviet’s launch of Sputnik, the 23-inches-in-diameter chromed ball of terror orbiting above the free world.  As Lyndon Johnson was portrayed exclaiming for the majority view in 1983’s The Right Stuff, “pretty soon they’ll be able to drop goddamned nuclear bombs on us, like rocks from a highway overpass.”  The U.S. responded in turn, with the predictable, algebraic symmetry required by the Cold War tension, to keep the balance of terror in check, with its eye-in-the sky, the Top-Secret Corona satellite program, codenamed “Keyhole,” first successfully launched in August 1960.


The Corona satellites were meant to replace the high-altitude U-2 spy plane, the Dragon-lady, a jet/glider which first flew in 1956 and kept flying for … well, it’s … it’s still flying reconnaissance missions today I see, even with the 49 or so acknowledged National Reconnaissance Office satellites presently claimed to be in orbit.  A “belt and suspenders” approach, you might say.  The U-2 plane had a high-resolution stereoscopic photographic camera on board, developed “Dr.” Edwin H. Land, the inventor of Polaroid film.  Though Land never finished college, he received an honorary Ph.D. from Harvard and, according to the New York Times, “the title of doctor came to be widely used with his name.”  The U-2 only made the giant leap to digital in June of this year (202X), probably owing to “rolling shutter” problems attendant to digital motion photography.  The problem exists in analogue photography as well, especially at very high rates of motion but, apparently, Dr. Land figured out how to build a motion-compensating camera that could take high resolution photographs strapped to a plane traveling up to 500 m.p.h., and as high as 70,000 feet, if you can believe that.  The gliding ability of the Dragon-fly reduced vibrations and buffeting that occurred under jet propulsion but, still, talk about image stabilization requirements.  Try that with a $6,000 state of the art Nikon D.S.L.R. today strapped to a car going just 60 m.p.h. and see what image quality can be achieved.  Land’s camera, needless to say, was classified until 19XX, along with the photographs it took.  

Ironically, the Corona satellite birds, although impressive in concept, were not in all ways the “giant leap for mankind” that the space race represented, culminating a decade later, with the American flag planted on the Moon in 1969, broadcast live as if by magic from the surface of the earth’s satellite.  It was the Corona program’s privatized communications satellite company, COMSAT, which broadcast the images.  Corona was at least one step back technologically, both in results and in engineering, from what the U-2 planes could already do.  First, the pictures from Corona weren’t as good as the pictures from the U-2.  The Corona satellites didn’t have the Land camera onboard that the U-2 had and what came back was low resolution and often times blurry.  (Not unlike the first video-feed images of Neil Armstrong on the Moon, which today are not classified, just lost or destroyed.)  Second, the Corona satellites relied on a high-risk, high-variable procedure of Rube-Goldberg-like complexity to retrieve the film on board.  The early satellites, the Corona “birds,” took pictures above the clouds and jettisoned their return capsules containing the undeveloped film back down to Earth via parachute, which were then safely caught in mid-air by a plane towing a large net, if you can believe that.  Talk about timing requirements.


Starting to tie things together here ...

But the advantages that the older technology on the U-2 had over the nascent satellite technology was nullified after May 1, 1960 when a U-2 plane, which was supposed to fly beyond the reach of surface-to-air missiles, was shot down over the Soviet Union on May 1, 1960.  Soviet Premier Khrushchev presented the plane and the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, to the world, claiming the U.S. had violated XXX.  [OSWALD] President Eisenhower first lied and then admitted the pilot, Francis Gary Powers, was flying the mission for the C.I.A.  

This resulted in the Missile gap.  Kennedy claimed there was one Nixon knew there wasn’t but he could not say so.  Those who listened on radio thought Nixon won; those who saw on TV thought Kennedy won, a testament to the power of seeing is believing or if you prefer Eyes Wide Shut.   Blinded by the light.

 Lack of satellite imagery

 CIA had been awarded bureaucratic responsibility for overhead reconnaissance, including both the U-2 and the Corona satellite programs, in 1956 by the Secretary of the Air Force Harold E. Talbott.  As the result of bureaucratic infighting, the C.I.A. got reconnaissance and the Air Force got responsibility for developing the rockets that would carry them into orbit, as well as the nuclear warheads, an arrangement which suited many in the Air Force, such as Strategic Air Commander General Curtis “Bombs-Away” Lemay.  Who needed spy gliders and satellites when you had a fleet of B-52’s in the air, 24 hours a day, loaded with nuclear bombs combined with an arsenal of Thor, Redstone and Atlas rockets under development to make up the difference.  Who cares if our rockets always blew up.  LeMay it is said had been the inspiration for the phallicly-named General Buck Turdigson, comically portrayed in Stanley Kubrick’s 1964 film Dr. Strangelove, which had the often overlooked alternate title “How I learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb.”  Kubrick developed the concept for the movie on his curiosity of whether he was be incinerated in thermos-nuclear war.  [HERMAN KAHN]

Cuban Missile Crisis – Moynihan quote about scarring presidents half to death


Along with Corona, came N.A.S.A., https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85B00803R000100040039-8.pdf

to compete with the Soviet Union’s Cosmonauts.  America’s astronauts, the Mercury Seven, named for the messenger between gods and mortals, were presented heroically by a massive public relations campaign to present them as the frontier settlers of the new space age y the messengers of Henry Luce, in the pages of LIFE magazine.  Just as America’s final westward edges were claimed (Hawaii, then Alaska), and there being no other land left, the battle for hearts and minds went back to the East, to Vietnam, just at the time it also went vertical, to the Cosmos.  (It may be that the tighter confines of Europe as against America may provide useful explanation for that continent’s comparatively advanced experiences with not only Communism, but rocketry as well, and its attendant notions of escaping Earth.  Come to think that’s the Utopians’ goal as well more or less.  Communism being mostly a product of the scarce resources of population-dense, urban, industrial environments.)  In any event, Dr. Arthur C. Clarke’s predictive vision of a global communications network was coming, and not just to the pages of LIFE magazine or to Clarke’s science fiction novels, but to real-life, thanks to the threat, and the fear, of “those … those darn Russians!”  “xxxxin’ A, bubba,” is right.  And of course, to Meg Greenfield’s “new hybrids,” the doctors and scientists, be they mad or not, “Paperclip Nazi” or just “former Nazis” who didn’t really believe all that stuff about a Thousand Year Reich anyway, whether “our Nazis” were better than their Nazis, who had so infiltrated now into government, including the mysterious Advanced Research Projects Agency, where Stanley Kubrick’s Dr. Strangelove himself might have worked.  A.R.P.A., or D.A.R.P.A. as it is known today, were the inventors of A.R.P.A.-net, today’s Internet, the greatest tool for mass education – or mass censorship – on the planet, through which (I hope) you are reading this article now.  Hence this lecture.

D.A.R.P.A. was first headed by Lawrence Preston Gise, the grandfather of Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, and the owner today of The Washington Post.  [JEDI/CLOUD COMPUTING CONTRACT / SILICON VALLEY CAN’T ESCAPE THE BUSINESS OF WAR]  The Post has been an integral part of this program, the Internet, going back to Phil Graham, the publisher in 1963, who had been a member of the board of the Communications Satellite Company COMSAT, the CORONA program released in public form – what we know today as internet and cable provider COMCAST – before shooting himself with a shotgun in 1963.

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A little more here, background mostly, but useful nonetheless, especially on the fusion of science and government and on Moynihan's background:


Before that reports of the fission of the atom had been what got the ball really rolling in the first place.  The work of Dr. Edward Teller, the father of the hydrogen bomb, had not only split the atom but split the scientific community as well, into warring camps locked together in a moral and ethical debate lasting nearly the duration of the cold war, between those who would work on the atom’s destructive possibilities who, like Teller, went to the A.E.C., and those who would not, like Herman Feshbach, who went to M.I.T.  This war within science evaporated more peacefully and quietly than the Cold War had, and yet nuclear weapons remain.  

Fission was the fusion of the cold war.

Chemical weapons had no such publicly aired division, having been banned by treaty.  

(Not by chance is the National Institute for Health’s sprawling and ever-growing campus across the street, connected via underground tunnels, to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center, the sprawling and ever growing flagship center of military medicine, what used to be called simply Bethesda Naval Hospital.  The staff of the “Commissioned Corps of the U.S. Public Health Service,” wear the same Battle Dress Uniform as their counterparts across the street, only in navy blue, not camouflage.)  

The scientists achieved near-to-legendary status, not unlike that of Dr. Anthony Fauci and Michelle Walinski of Coronavirus fame today.  Many of the atomic scientists were of Eastern European descent, and that naturally aroused security suspicions, nothing supporting the claims for more secrecy so much as its dialectical twin, suspicion.  Perhaps that had been the point.  Their portraits hang today in the Cosmos Club, patterned after the “speak no business here” gentlemen’s clubs of Pall Mall.  In 1987, the Cosmos Cub admitted women.

For in hindsight, given just how intertwined science had become with government, the differences between these warring camps and the wall erected between them – peaceful science on one side/destructive science on the other – may not have been as great as had initially appeared, and the distinction more arbitrary than science itself permitted anyway.  Years later, as Moynihan would point out, when arguing against government secrecy, a thesis he saved until the end of his career: “There are no secrets in science.  Not for long anyway.”  And that is true. 

In any event, if the point is not obvious by now, every scientist needs a subject and every doctor needs a patient, even if that doctor is a Ph.D. in International Relations from Syracuse, as Moynihan was.  Moynihan had been an aide to New York’s Governor Averill Harriman in the late 1950s, when that administration had experimented with tranquilizers for the incarcerated mentally ill, based on the research of Dr. Paul Hoch, a C.I.A.-funded practitioner of MK-ULTRA/NAOMI, code-word designations for the Agency’s secret study of the mind.  Moynihan joined the Kennedy Administration’s Department of Labor (his thesis had been on the International Labor Organization), where the plan had been to establish more humane treatment of the mentally ill.  Kennedy signed the bill and gave Moynihan a pen.  But as Moynihan would famously tell, Kennedy was killed, the hospitals were never built, and indeed they were closed – based on Moynihan’s recommendation for “deinstitutionalization.”  In time, the problem of the homeless started appearing on the streets.  

In 1963, Moynihan authored a chapter in Beyond the Melting Pot, by sociologist Nathan Glazer, in which he cited the experience of Irish immigrants to show that ethnic groups did not assimilate as smoothly as the American ideal promised.  Take that, E. Pluribus Unum.  Beyond the Melting Pot had as its ostensible thesis the refutation of classical Marxism’s central tenant that the “workers of the world” would unite.  [CATHOLICS]  But the text, which in 1998 was cited as the XX most influential sociological book in America, became a cause célèbre for the neo-Marxist identity political division that would begin taking hold almost immediately upon first printing.  Thesis, meet anti-thesis.  Samuelson’s Economics might declare throughout the cold war that the Soviet economy would overtake the U.S., the “dreaded crossover” predicted to come around 1985, but the sociologists seemingly knew otherwise.  And so, if you were a student at Princeton in the 1950s and took Samuelson and got an A you went to work for Allen Dulles of the C.I.A., if you received a C, you went to Wall Street, handling the investments of John Foster Dulles’ United Fruit Company.  And made a fortune.  A win-win. 

Moynihan was not an immigrant, or even the son of immigrants.  Nor was he especially Irish.  He was a Pygmalion – as in George Bernard Shaw’s allegory to seductive deception popularized in My Fair Lady.  Moynihan acquired the patrician style and mannerisms of the Atlanticists, the Anglo-American East Coast elite.  Indeed, Moynihan was himself a walking refutation of the very point he was cynically making in Beyond the Melting Pot.  He was a cowboy with Yankee aspirations, born in the mid-west, in Tulsa, Oklahoma.  His grandfather on his mother’s side, Harry W. Phipps, had been a rather well-to-do lawyer in Ohio.  Moynihan’s father had been a newspaperman, and an alcoholic, who deserted the family during the Great Depression.  Life changed overnight.  The mother, Margaret Ann, took her son Pat Moynihan and his siblings not further west across the expanding frontier, not in the direction that American migration was heading, not to California as so many of the other Okies escaping the dust bowl had done, but back east, to New York, to Hell’s Kitchen just south of Times Square in Manhattan.  There Moynihan was thrown immediately into a hard, urban, punk existence – in the archaic meaning of that word.  In 1960 he wrote privately that he “entered the ‘real’ world at the age of eleven, shining shoes and rolling pederasts for what was literally my living.”

“It wasn’t that we were poor,” he would say more diplomatically in 1982, “we just didn’t have any money.  No one did.  It was the Depression.”  Widespread, classless poverty in other words – almost.  Moynihan may have emulated the style and manner of the rich later in life but he simultaneously hated them, certainly those who had been able to avoid the great economic leveling of the Depression.  The bootlegger and Hollywood mogul Joe Kennedy, himself a Pygmalion-like character, at least knew enough to listen to the insider trading information of his shoe-shine boy to escape the stock market crash of October 28, 1929, or so the apocryphal (but true) tale goes.  Shoe-shine boys had knowledge many rich could never have.  It came from working on the waterfront at the piers as longshoremen, fighting in the streets for survival against whichever neighboring tribe was invading that day, slinging drinks at the saloon and picking up stray bits of information – intelligence if you like – from the drunken sailors.  That’s what Moynihan had done growing up and by the time he came of age, just at the end of World War II, he was tending bar at Moynihan’s,” owned by his mother, on West 43rd Street. 


The Bomb saved him from going to Japan


City College was a “left-wing hothouse,” where Irving Kristol had begun his ideological odyssey a decade before.  This odyssey 


took him to the center of the Reagan revolution four decades later. Three other Jewish sons of New York's poorest neighborhoods and City College, Nathan Glazer, Daniel Bell and Irving Howe, took similar journeys at the same time on the same ideological subway from left to right, though each hopped off well before Kristol did.  [Greenspan.]

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P. 3




Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “One Hundred Years of Heroics,” in David F. Musto, ed. (2002).


From p. 7:

"From the outset, knowing that supply interdiction during the era was at most a brief success (after we ended the "French Connection," opium and heroin production merely moved elsewhere), I argued -- quietly, so as not to disturb the public peace, that any new legislation [1988] must focus on demand reduction."




MARCH 3, 1983

Sen. Daniel Moynihan, D-N.Y., charged that Pakistan has become...


WASHINGTON -- Sen. Daniel Moynihan, D-N.Y., charged that Pakistan has become the leading source of heroin for the U.S. market and said the United States should cut off aid to that country until it takes steps to reduce the supply.

The problems of drug addiction and crime in the United States 'should be considered among the highest priorities in American foreign policy making. And Pakistan should be at the center of these deliberations,' Moynihan said, urging the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to link U.S. aid to greater efforts by the Pakistan to eliminate drug production.




March 23, 1983 at 7:00 p.m. EST


From testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee by Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.):


The National Narcotics Intelligence Consumers Committee produces an annual Narcotics Intelligence Estimate. The most recent NIE reports that, in 1976, "negligible" amounts of heroin came into the United States from Southwest Asia. Proportion: zero. By 1980, the proportion had risen to 60 percent. It is now probably three-quarters. Moreover, though "Southwest Asia" is a term that normally refers to Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, last year's NIE explains that the chaos in Iran and the war in Afghanistan have all but eliminated these two countries as suppliers of heroin to the world market. So we are talking about Pakistan. . . .



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On 5/31/2024 at 8:20 AM, Matt Cloud said:

[emphasis added]

In any event, if the point is not obvious by now, every scientist needs a subject and every doctor needs a patient, even if that doctor is a Ph.D. in International Relations from Syracuse, as Moynihan was.  Moynihan had been an aide to New York’s Governor Averill Harriman in the late 1950s, when that administration had experimented with tranquilizers for the incarcerated mentally ill, based on the research of Dr. Paul Hoch, a C.I.A.-funded practitioner of MK-ULTRA/NAOMI, code-word designations for the Agency’s secret study of the mind.  

Matt, is that Harriman's Administration, or Eisenhower's?

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1 hour ago, Cliff Varnell said:

Matt, is that Harriman's Administration, or Eisenhower's?

NY Governor, Harriman.  This is all in the NY Times, and elsewhere.

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16 minutes ago, Matt Cloud said:

NY Governor, Harriman.  This is all in the NY Times, and elsewhere.

See esp. Dr. Paul Hoch in the following








“Hoch, who was initially trained in Germany, conducted covert brain damaging experiments on unwitting mental patients. He and his team subjecting them to injections of high doses of hallucinogenic drugs, such as mescaline and LSD causing an “immediate, massive, and almost shock-like picture with higher doses.” He then lobotomized some of the patients in order to compare the effects of acid before and after psychosurgery. Hoch is quoted stating: “It is possible that a certain amount of brain damage is of therapeutic value.” (Lee and Shlain. Acid Dreams, 1985) For decades, Columbia and NYSPI denied any CIA connection, but CIA documents refute those denials.”

Source: https://ahrp.org/experimental-lobotomies-at-nys-psychiatric-institute-of-columbia-university/


Is that why "John McMahon" was kept abreast of the Frank Olson details in 1952?  (As the Colby documents released to the Olson family in 1975 reveal.)  Wasn't Moynihan in Berlin that year too?  


See also:

Sep 20, 1977  Gottlieb's name on it,” he said. “One thing is for sure; Gottlieb knows. ... His current lawyer, Terry F. Lenzner, a former Senate Watergate ...
Sidney Gottlieb, March 1966-May 1973. OFFICE OF TECHNICAL SERVICE, 1973 - PRESENT. John N. McMahon, May 1973-July 1974. 
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On 5/31/2024 at 1:26 AM, Cliff Varnell said:

So Moynihan helped take down the Corsican Mafia?  What was his role?

I suspect the downfall of the French Connection in the early 70's was engineered by traffickers out of the Golden Triangle, a cabal headed by Averell Harriman.  When the Golden Triangle got squeezed by Communist takeover of SE Asia -- Hello Afghanistan!




Chapter 3. U.S. Policy Towards International Production and Trafficking in Illegal Drugs


--  143. Memorandum from the Assistant to the President (Moynihan) to Attorney General Mitchell, Washington, September 18, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

Moynihan argued that the United States could cripple international heroin trafficking in 1-2 years through diplomatic initiatives with economic inducements. He also argued that the U.S. foreign policy establishment had never taken heroin trafficking seriously.

Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 357, Subject Files, Narcotics I. No classification marking. Copies were sent to Ehrlichman, Chris Miller, and Haig. Moynihan's memorandum to the Attorney General was not attached.

--  144. Memorandum from the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) to Secretary of State Rogers and Attorney General Mitchell, Washington, September 29, 1969 [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

The President directed Rogers and Mitchell to study the problem of international trafficking in heroin.

Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, SOC 12-5 US. Confidential. In a September 30 memorandum to Kissinger, the President's Assistant Ehrlichman stated: "The President has decided to fully implement Pat Moynihan's proposal to attack the heroin problem. This means taking a hard line with France and Turkey." (Ibid.)

--  145. Memorandum from Alexander Haig of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), Washington, October 5, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

Haig informed Kissinger that President's Assistant for Urban Affairs Moynihan wanted to set up a special project group in the White House to deal with international heroin trafficking.

Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 357, Subject Files, Narcotics I. No classification marking. Kissinger wrote the following note on the memorandum: "Where do we stand? If no action, let's take it over."

--  146. Memorandum From Acting Secretary of State Richardson and Attorney General Mitchell to President Nixon, Washington, October 20, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

In response to the President's request, Richardson and Mitchell submitted under a covering memorandum an 18-page analysis of international trafficking in heroin, current methods to suppress it, and additional recommendation actions.

Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, SOC 11-5 US. Confidential. Redrafted by Levitsky (S/S).

--  147. Memorandum from Secretary of State Rogers to President Nixon, Washington, October 24, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

Rogers reported that he had appointed Harry Schwartz as his Special Assistant for Narcotics Matters.

Source: National Archives, RG 59, President's Evening Reading: Lot File 74 D 164. Secret.

--  148. Memorandum For the Record, Washington, October 24, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

In a meeting of senior officials, the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs Kissinger re-affirmed the President's conviction that heroin trafficking must be stopped at the nation's shores. Administration officials considered the joint report from Secretary of State Rogers and Attorney General Mitchell and reported on their current efforts. The group constituted themselves as a Task Force under Department of State leadership.

Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 357, Subject Files, Narcotics I. Confidential. Sent for information.

--  149. Memorandum For the Record, Washington, November 4, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

The memorandum communicated the record of first meeting of the Task Force on Heroin Trafficking.

Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Subject Files, Box 357, Narcotics I. Confidential. Sent for information. Drafted by Downey. Tab A was attached but not published.

--  150. Memorandum From the President's Assistant for Urban Affairs (Moynihan) to President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), Washington, November 6, 1969  [Get Acrobat Reader PDF version   ] 

Moynihan was critical of the task force report on heroin prepared by the Department of State, and suggested that he be sent as an envoy to the Presidents of France and Turkey.

Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 357, Subject Files, Narcotics I. Confidential. Moynihan added a postscript noting that "Turkey was 'co-pilot' with USA on air pollution" in the NATO Committee on Challenges of Modern Society and that "Ingersoll should accompany me." Haig wrote the following note at the bottom of the page: "Haig discussed w/ Moynihan 6 Nov. He agrees with HAK psn that he not be US negotiator or Rep & that we pursue as outlined. AH"

... (cont'd)









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