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Laurent Gayme

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  1. Three genius in French team : Barthez, Zidane and... God Great British defense, poor french tactics : why allways trying to cross through the heart of this defense, with balls for English heads ? What about left or right wing ? So little occasions to score, on both sides... I definitively have rather rugby English footballers are tough and often have problems of timing in tackling, especially Lampard and Scholes (I'm not quite sure of his name). But Lampard was in the timing to score
  2. For French historians, the Croix de Feu was not a facist organization : their leader, Colonel de La Rocque, was against plots. Such organizations had been called "ligues" (leagues ?) : some were monarchistic (Camelots du Roi, Action Française), some were nationalist, a few were facist, all were far-right organizations and often admirers of Mussolini. They took part (the French Communist Party too) in the riot of 6/2/1934 in Paris: a huge demonstration on the place of the Concorde near the Palais-Bourbon (house of the parliament), that became a march on the Palais-Bourbon with police shots (15 deads, 1435 wounded : a lot of ex-warriors of IWW). For left parties, the riot was a plot of the facist leagues and an attempt for making a coup d'etat. The consequences were : - dissolution of the leagues. Some changed into political parties, that were dissolved too (1935-1936) - 1936 : victory of the French Popular Front After the dissolution, some ex-members of the leagues founded the CSAR, best known as the "Cagoule" (cowl), whose leader was Eugene Deloncle (boss of the society Ripolin : oil-based paint). The "Cagoule" was a secret organization and a secret army (linked with fascist Italy and maybe - but no evidences - Nazis), that commited murders and bombing during 1937 and an attempt of putsch (November 1937 with members of the French army). The Cagoule gave up the putsch, arrestations came after. Because of the war, leaders were not tried. Deloncle is one of the cretors of the LVF (French legion of volunteers fighting against bolchevism with the nazi army in USSR, Darnand chief of the Milice (Vichy France) Cf. Frédéric Monier, Le complot dans la République. Stratégies du secret de Boulanger à la Cagoule, Paris, La Découverte, 1998. (The plot in the Republic) http://www3.uakron.edu/hfrance/reviews/wall3.html http://www.sunderland.ac.uk/~os0tmc/fre320/front.htm http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=10961846692797 http://www.alphalink.com.au/~radnat/theori...ht/theory1.html
  3. I have to teach, let's say during three hours, geography of the UK to 13 years old pupils. I must highlight majors evolutions. I thought it might be interesting to focus on regional changes, for example a rich south-east area around London, poor peripheric regions and technological development for example in Scotland. What do you think of ? Am I right or wrong ? Any ideas or web ressources ?
  4. Some muslim contributions her http://www.memri.org/bin/latestnews.cgi?ID=IA16904
  5. I don't think so. A majority of french people is OK, a majority of left parties is OK (for the law : 494 deputies and 276 senators, against : 36 and 20). The law is the result of a committee which listened to many people lesrapports.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr/ BRP/034000725/0000.pdf You have to consider the context : - the growth of radical islamism in France (for a french pov, the freedom of speech and public sermon of radical islamic leaders somehow linked to terrorist spheres is quite strange) - the struggle for equality of rights between men and woman and for womens lib' : those two last years rose (rised ?) in France a movement of girls living in multiethnic suburbs, whose leaders are women from north african origin. The name of the movement is "Neither whores nor subjected", because such girls in such suburbs often have one choice : subjection or to be considered (and eventually abused) as whores (because of their clothes) by young mens and brothers. The movement takes its birth after the murder of Sohanne Denziane (17 years old, burned alive in Vitry-sur-Seine on 4th october 2002 by her ex "boyfriend"). The movement fight for a secular republic, against headscarves, against collective rapes, angainst sexism, against ghettos, against use of islam to dominate women, etc. http://www.niputesnisoumises.com/html/index.php - in some french suburbs and french schools (but not all) ethnic and religious and political conflicts rise, linked to the conflict between Israël and Palestinians. - before the law, the question of the headscarves had to be treated by each school administration : some accepted, some didn't and at the end came exclusion of the school and justice and often reintegration. So a lot of problems whithout equality between schools. Probably the headscarve was only a way for government to avoid social questions.
  6. I don't agree with the idea that the policy of assimilation was successfull with other groups : it has always been very difficult in the beginning. Today it seems to have been very easy, but just consider the french language and pejorative (racist ?) nicknames given to foreign communities when they came in France : "ritals" for Italians (many were killed in Marseille at the end of XIXth century), "polacks" for Polish people, "espingouins" for Spanish people, "portos" for Portugueses (all christian), "ratons" or "bicots" for people from Maghreb, and so on... The best proof of assimilation is the increase of the number of mixed marriages (french+foreign) http://www.senat.fr/rap/l03-001/l03-00110.html More on : http://www.insee.fr/en/ffc/accueil_ffc.asp
  7. (1) What was the turnout in the election? first round : 62,12 % second round : 65,81 %. Left 50,37% / Right 36,98% / Far-right 12,56% Abstention is decreasing. We have a new Prime Minister : Raffarin... I guess Chirac is afraid of the popular and successfull Home minister Sarkozy... New government tomorrow. For socialists, nomination of Raffarin is "an error", "an offence", "putting two fingers up at french people". (2) Was it more an anti-Chirac vote or a pro-socialist vote? It was certainly an anti-Raffarin's policy vote : among 19 ministers, only 4 were elected. Such a huge victory is a big surprise for socialists, who don't have any political or economic programm, since Jospin's crash. (3) Are these public sector reforms necessary? If so, are the socialists advocating their own public sector reforms? Yes for the first question, difficult answer for the second. The questions of reforms is discussed in France. Many experts,politicians, trade-unionists, managers and citizens agree with the necessity of reforms. The key question is : who will pay, who will loose social advantages ? Many look towards state employees, accused to be privileged persons : the main idea is to reform (to destroy ?) Welfare state. Managers don't want to pay (international competitivity, struggle against unemployment. The left of the socialists and the far-left want the managers to pay. Reform of pensions (retirement) was payed by workers (Balladur government during the 90') and state employees (Raffarin) : smaller pensions, more years to work and to pay suscribtions (40 today). Reform doesn't mean regression. Raffarin said : no money for artists, teachers, scientific research. But he gave money for restaurateurs, for example. And unemployment increases, with a lot of delocalizations. (4) Were the socialists helped by supporting the proposals to ban religious symbols in French state schools? I don't think so. A majority of left and right agreed with banning.
  8. Results sound like another grand slam : the left (union between socialist party, green party and communist party) rules on 20 regions, the right keeps only Alsace. I don't know results for Corse and regions beyond the seas. pink = left blue = right white = unknown results http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/commo...55E1702,00.html http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/stor...3913813,00.html http://www.forbes.com/home_europe/newswire...rtr1314560.html More comments tomorrow. Laurent Gayme
  9. Hello ! I am a french teacher born in 1964. I teach history and geography in a lycee of Mantes la Jolie near the former frontier between France and Normandy. Since the treaty of St Clair sur Epte (911), Mantes la Jolie was part of the former french kingdom. The city has been gained and burned by Guillaume le Conquérant (William the Conqueror ?), but he was deadly wounded during the fights. During the "Guerre de Cent Ans", british troops gained the city, but Du Guesclin, with crafty tactics, liberated Mantes. I am still writing a doctoral thesis about french cultural planning (1961-1995) and I am proud to support the rugby's grand slam winning team
  10. For post-war France I would add a look at building a welfare state and a planned economy (in fact planned economy since 1945 mixed with free enterprise economy) in the time of the "Trente Glorieuses" and during Charles de Gaulle and Georges Pompidou's governments (1958-1974). It was an era of growth of economy, industrial modernization, birth and growth of a society of consumption, major social and cultural mutations. I would especially insist on the sixties and the cultural turning point of 1965 and I would speak of the social movements in may 1968. http://www.lib.byu.edu/~rdh/eurodocs/fran/2002.html You can read - novel : Georges Perec, Things : a story of the sixties - history Jean Fourastie, Les Trente Glorieuses, Fayard, 1979 Henri Mendras, Alistair Cole, Social Change in Modern France : Towards a Cultural Anthropology of the Fifth Republic, Cambridge University Press, 1991 Serge Berstein and Jean-Pierre Rioux, The Pompidou Years, 1969-1974, Cambridge University Press, 2000 Serge Berstein, The Republic of de Gaulle 1958-1969, Cambridge University Press, 1993 David Drake, Intellectuals and Politics in Post-War France (French Politics, Society and Culture), Palgrave Macmillan, 2002 Robert Gildea, France since 1945, Oxford University Press, 2002 Richard F. Kuisel, Capitalism and the State in Modern France : Renovation and Economic Management in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge University Press, 1981 David L. Looseley, The politics of fun. Cultural policy and debate in contemporary France, Berg, 1997
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