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John Heinz and John Tower


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#1 John Simkin

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 08:51 AM

I have recently become interested in exploring the links between the deaths of John Heinz, John Tower and the assassination of JFK. Here is an interesting passage from an article written by Victor Thorn, George Bush & John Kerry: Blood Brothers, World Independent News Group (2004).

http://69.28.73.17/t...odbrothers.html

According to researcher Rodney Stich in Defrauding America, when George Bush Sr. and CIA Director William Casey engineered the October Surprise to bribe Iranian officials into retaining U.S. hostages until after the 1980 elections, two of the passengers on Bush’s BAC 111 flight to Paris were Senator John Heinz, along with Senator John Tower from Texas.

Even more intriguing is the fact that John Heinz chaired a three-man presidential review board that probed the Iran-Contra affair and had in his possession all the damning documents from that sordid affair, while John Tower led the infamous Tower Commission that investigated a variety of different CIA criminal activities and dirty dealings. Coincidentally, both John Heinz and John Tower died in plane wrecks on successive days in 1991 – Tower in Georgia, and Heinz in Montgomery County, Pa. Once again I must ask: what are the odds of such an occurrence, especially when both men had close ties to George Bush Sr., who was a former CIA director in the mid-1970s? Did both of these men uncover information that they refused to keep silent about any longer?

Before you answer, consider that after Senator John Heinz died, his wife married Senator John Kerry, who was chairman of the 1988 Kerry Commission, described in the Senate Committee Report on Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy as “focusing on allegations of illegal gun-running and narcotics trafficking associated with the Contra war against Nicaragua” in relation to the CIA, Department of Justice, the U.S. State Department, and the office of the President and Vice President. The testimony that took place during these trials (both in open and closed door sessions) was quite possibly the most damning ever against our federal government, yet mysteriously, nearly all of it was suppressed and not widely reported in the mainstream media. Why? Senator Kerry as a Democrat, had every opportunity to blast a Republican administration out of the water, yet he inexplicably remained silent and the status quo prevailed. Could it be that someone tapped him on the shoulder and told him that if he played his cards right and kept these sordid matters hush-hush, he would be rewarded sometime in the future?

#2 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:08 AM

I have recently become interested in exploring the links between the deaths of John Heinz, John Tower and the assassination of JFK. Here is an interesting passage from an article written by Victor Thorn, George Bush & John Kerry: Blood Brothers, World Independent News Group (2004).

http://69.28.73.17/t...odbrothers.html

According to researcher Rodney Stich in Defrauding America, when George Bush Sr. and CIA Director William Casey engineered the October Surprise to bribe Iranian officials into retaining U.S. hostages until after the 1980 elections, two of the passengers on Bush’s BAC 111 flight to Paris were Senator John Heinz, along with Senator John Tower from Texas.

Even more intriguing is the fact that John Heinz chaired a three-man presidential review board that probed the Iran-Contra affair and had in his possession all the damning documents from that sordid affair, while John Tower led the infamous Tower Commission that investigated a variety of different CIA criminal activities and dirty dealings. Coincidentally, both John Heinz and John Tower died in plane wrecks on successive days in 1991 – Tower in Georgia, and Heinz in Montgomery County, Pa. Once again I must ask: what are the odds of such an occurrence, especially when both men had close ties to George Bush Sr., who was a former CIA director in the mid-1970s? Did both of these men uncover information that they refused to keep silent about any longer?

Before you answer, consider that after Senator John Heinz died, his wife married Senator John Kerry, who was chairman of the 1988 Kerry Commission, described in the Senate Committee Report on Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy as “focusing on allegations of illegal gun-running and narcotics trafficking associated with the Contra war against Nicaragua” in relation to the CIA, Department of Justice, the U.S. State Department, and the office of the President and Vice President. The testimony that took place during these trials (both in open and closed door sessions) was quite possibly the most damning ever against our federal government, yet mysteriously, nearly all of it was suppressed and not widely reported in the mainstream media. Why? Senator Kerry as a Democrat, had every opportunity to blast a Republican administration out of the water, yet he inexplicably remained silent and the status quo prevailed. Could it be that someone tapped him on the shoulder and told him that if he played his cards right and kept these sordid matters hush-hush, he would be rewarded sometime in the future?

<{POST_SNAPBACK}>


John, I don't know if you've had an opportunity to puruse the following story but
I think it lays some important groundwork with respect to the issues you've raised in this thread.


Publisher's Word

Introduction

1. The Overview and the 1976 Election

2. The Power Control Group

3. You Can Fool the People

4. How It All Began--The U-2 and the Bay of Pigs

5. The Assassination of John Kennedy

6. The Assassinations of Robert Kennedy and
Dr. Martin Luther King and
Lyndon B. Johnson's Withdrawal in 1968

7. The Control of the Kennedys--Threats & Chappaquiddick

8. 1972--Muskie, Wallace and McGovern

9. Control of the Media--1967 to 1976

10. Techniques and Weapons and 100 Dead Conspirators
and Witnesses

11. Nixon and Ford - The Pardon and the Tapes

12. The Second Line of Defense and Cover-Ups in 1975-1976

13. The 1976 Election and Conspiracy Fever

14. Congress and the People

15. The Select Committee on Assassinations, The Intelligence
Community and The News Media

16. 1984 Here We Come--

17. The Final Cover-Up: How The CIA Controlled
The House Select Committee on Assassinations

Appendix






* * * * * * *




About the Author


Richard E. Sprague is a pioneer in the field of electronic
computers and a leading American authority on Electronic Funds
Transfer Systems (EFTS). Receiving his BSEE degreee from Purdue
University in 1942, his computing career began when he was
employed as an engineer for the computer group at Northrup
Aircraft. He co-founded the Computer Research Corporation of
Hawthorne, California in 1950, and by 1953, serving as Vice
President of Sales, the company had sold more computers than any
competitor. In 1960, he became the Director of Computer Systems
Consulting for Touche, Ross, Bailey, and Smart. He became a
partner in that company in 1963, and started its Advanced Business
Systems Department in 1964 where he stayed until 1968. In 1968 he
established Sprague Research and Consulting for Computer
Information Systems Consultation. He is currently also Consultant
to the President's Commission on EFTS and full time consultant to
Battelle Memorial Institute of Frankfurt, Germany.
In 1966, Mr. Sprague commenced an intensive program of research
into the photographic evidence associated with the assassination of
John Kennedy. He served a year as photographic expert advisor in
the investigations conducted by New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison and had amassed and analyzed a majority of the known
evidence on film by 1968 when he co-founded the Committee to
Investigate Assassinations. He served with CTIA as an active
researcher, board member and Secretary from 1968 to 1974.
Following numerous radio and television appearances and
extensive lecture tours of the United States and Canada (where
slides and films were used to demonstrate the basic evidence of
conspiracy), he began, in 1974, working toward a Congressional
investigation of all four major political assassinations and the
cover-ups and links among these interrelated events. He was an
advisor to Representative Henry B. Gonzales (D-Texas) on House
Resolution 203 which proposed the appointment of a committee to
investigate the circumstances surrounding the deaths of JFK, RFK,
Martin Luther King and the attempt upon the life of Presidential
Candidate George Wallace. He served as a consultant to Richard
A. Sprague and G. Robert Blakey, the first and second General
Counsels of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, and
served through the end of the Committee's existence.
He is author of "Electronic Business Systems" (Ronald Press)
1962, "Information Utilities" (Prentice Hall) 1969, and a
celebrated series of articles which appeared in "Computers &
Automation" Magazine beginning in 1970. He is also co-author with
Dick Russell of "In Search of the Assassins" which is scheduled for
publication by the Dial Press in 1977.
The materials presented in this book are drawn from an analysis
of the photographic evidence, personal knowledge and records of the
Garrison investigation, research files of the Committee to
Investigate Assassinations and Congressional Committees.






* * * * * * *






Introduction

This book is not about assassinations, at least not solely about
assassinations. It is not just another book about who murdered
President Kennedy or how or why. It is a book about power, about
who really controls the United States policies, especially foreign
policies. It is a book about the process of control through the
manipulation of the American presidency and the presidential
election process. The objective of the book is to expose the
clandestine, secret, tricky methods and weapons used for this
manipulation, and to reveal the degree to which these have been
hidden from the American public.
Assassinations are only one of many techniques used in this
control process. They have been important only in the sense that
they are the ultimate method used in the control of the election
process. Viewed in this way, an understanding of what happened to
John or Robert Kennedy becomes more important because it leads to a
total understanding of what has happened to our country, and to us,
since 1960. But the important thing to understand is the control
and the power and all of the clandestine methods put together.
Much of the information in the book has been published before in
the magazines "Computer and Automation" and "People and the Pursuit
of Truth," both edited and published by Edmund C. Berkeley,
Newtonville, Mass. The material on assassination and other events
covered is based on evidence collected by the author individually
or through the Committee to Investigate Assassinations. References
to documentation of this evidence are given throughout the book.
I am indebted to the following people for assistance in the
research work involved and the preparation of the book itself:
Special thanks go to Mary Ferrell who typed the original of the
book.
Jerry Policoff, Mark Lane, Ed Berkeley, Bob Cutler, Jim
Garrison, Bill Turner, Wayne Chastain, Bob Richter, Gary Shaw,
Fletcher Prouty, Rush Harp, Jones Harris, Bob Saltzman, Penn Jones,
Larry Harris, Sylvia Meagher, Ray Marcus, Harold Weisberg, Hal
Dorland, Paris Flammonde, Tink Thompson, Bob Katz, Joachim Joesten,
Peter Downay, Harry Irwin, Dick Billings, Jim Lesar, Fred Newcomb,
Lillian Castellano, Dick Russell, Tris Coffin, Mae Brussell, Bill
Barry, Gary Roberts and most of all to my wife Gloria whose hard
work and infinite patience made it all possible.
The book is dedicated to Representative Henry B. Gonzalez for
his singular courage in standing against the forces of evil.


Richard E. Sprague


Hartsdale, New York
July 4, 1976






* * * * * * *




Publisher's Word

We published "The Taking Of America 1 2 3" during the winter of
1976-77. It was typed under the guns in Dallas, Texas, and offset
printed in Woodstock, N.Y. A few weeks later--five hundred copies
in all, 24 of which were fired off to the two House Committees
involved in the investigation of the assassinations. Our elation
with this `coup-de-truth' evaporated as we saw the committee
destroyed at the starting line.
The following summer, while motoring across our sadly taken
America, I experienced a tremendous synchroneity of events which
lead to my discovering the Power Control Group's secret team of
murderer's and their patsies. This knowledge caused me to come out
in the open even further and place a sign on route 28 enroute to
Woodstock. "Who Killed J.F.K., R.F.K., M.L.K., M.J.K.?" in
reflecting letters on a blood-red field. The Modjeska Sign Studios
estimated 1.2 million sightings per month. And we then watched the
committee suppress and muddle the evidence while chanting the
Katydid like cry, of the tremendous big lie--Oswald did it, Oswald
did it, Oswald did it, did it, did it.
So we are bringing our knowledge up to date with the closing of
the new "Warren Report" which now, due to The Witness They Could
Not Kill (the sound tape that proved conclusively that more than
one gun was involved in the president's assassination), at last
admits conspiracy. Where do we go from here? We reach out now for
a courageous commercial publisher to spread these truths that we
hold self-evident out to our duped, betrayed, and steadily lied-to
Americans.

Rush Harp
Barbara Black






* * * * * * *




THE TAKING OF AMERICA, 1-2-3


Chapter 1
The Overview and the the 1976 Election

The taking of America has been both a simple and a very complex
process. It has not been the result of a coup d'etat, although
some aspects of the process resemble a coup. It has not been a
process similar to the dictatorship takeovers in Germany, Italy and
other fascist regimes. It has not been a process like the
Communist "uprisings" in Russia, Hungary and other Eastern European
countries.
The taking of America has been a process unique in the history
of the world. The one feature that makes it unique is that what
was once the greatest democracy in the world has been taken over by
a power control group without the knowledge of most of the American
people, their congressional representatives, or the rest of the
world.
The group has taken America in this fashion because manipulation
of the American presidency and the presidential electoral procedure
is enough to control America. Two fiendishly clever stratagems
were used to keep the fact that control had been seized from being
obvious to the people. The first of these was control of the
established media in the dissemination of both true (blocking) and
false (flooding) information. The second was the use of
clandestine and secret weapons and techniques developed during
World War Two and perfected during the Korean and Viet Nam wars.
These techniques are so new and unusual as to be unbelievable to
most citizens. Thus, the incredibility of such weapons as
hypnosis, brainwashing and "programming" of patsies as assassins
became a psychological tool in the bag of techniques of the power
control group. The average American has shrugged off the
possibility of the takeover with the belief that, "That's not
possible here."
The use of such weapons, coupled with a tremendous campaign
through the controlled media that both whitewashes any signs of
conspiracies and spreads disinformation throughout the country, has
successfully blocked any serious or official attempts to get at the
truth. Unofficial investigators, private researchers, and even
Congressional representatives have been ridiculed and completely
blocked by both the power control group and their media allies.
To take over a real democracy without letting the people know it
has been taken over is a fantastic achievement. A list of the
accomplishments of the power control group illustrates the point.
Since 1963, they have:


1. Assassinated John F. Kennedy;

2. Controlled Lyndon B. Johnson as president;

3. Forced LBJ out of the presidency;

4. Assassinated Robert F. Kennedy, assuring Nixon's
election in 1968;

5. Assassinated Dr. Martin Luther King;

6. Eliminated Ted Kennedy as a contender in the 1972
elections by framing him at Chappaquiddick and
threatening his children;

7. Stopped George Wallace's campaign, assuring Nixon's
election in 1972;

8. Knocked Edmund Muskie out of the 1972 election campaign
by using dirty tricks;

9. Covered up all of the above;

10. Controlled the 15 major news media organizations;

11. Made Gerald Ford vice president and then president;

12. Insured continuity of the cover-ups by forcing Ford to
pardon Nixon;

13. Murdered about 100 witnesses and participants in the
three assassinations and one attempted assassination;

14. Blocked efforts by private citizens and organizations
to reveal the take-over; discredited, ruined or
infiltrated these individuals or groups; murdered or
were accomplices to the murders of the operating
assassins;

15. Blocked efforts by members of the Senate and House to
initiate investigations of the assassinations and
attempted to whitewash, ridicule or eliminate these
efforts (their influence and infiltration has been
particularly effective in the Church Committee and in
the House Rules Committee);

16. Controlled the presidential election procedure since
1964 by eliminating the candidates who might expose the
truth and insuring the election or appointment of
candidates already committed to covering up the truth
about the take-over.

The question for 1976 was: Could the power control group
continue the take-over during that year's elections? Would they be
successful in blocking efforts to expose the take-over by congress?
Would they be able to fool the American public again, control the
media, and eliminate the contenders for the presidency in 1976 who
might have threatened their secure position? The answer to these
questions was "Yes."
The candidates on the scene during the 1976 primaries fell into
three categories according to the control group's point of view.
Category 1 included candidates that would continue the cover-up of
the take-over. Gerald Ford led this group with Ronald Reagan not
far behind him. Henry Jackson was a probable ally because of his
backing of the CIA, an important organization in the cover-ups and
the takeover. Category 2 included those candidates who would
probably try to expose the take-over and the power control group if
elected. Morris Udall, Fred Harris and George Wallace fell into
this category. The third category included candidates whose
intentions were not clear, or unknown at the time. Jimmy Carter,
Franck Church and Hubert Humphrey remained in this group, and
Sergeant Shriver and Birch Bayh were also in this category before
they dropped out of the race.
Efforts would have been made to eliminate Udall, Harris or
Wallace if any one of them was nominated at the Democratic
convention. Carter must certainly have been put to some kind of
loyalty test before being permitted to continue as the Democratic
nominee. Reagan and Ford were, no doubt, already "safe" candidates
for the control group because of their demonstrated cover-up
performances.
Ford had cooperated fully in at least four ways. He was on the
Warren Commission and played a leading role in the cover-up. He
wrote the cover-up book "Portrait of the Assassin." He pardoned
Nixon and protected the Nixon tapes. And he formed the Rockefeller
Commission, appointing David Belin as head of the staff to continue
the cover-up of the JFK conspiracy.

End of Part 1.

#3 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:14 AM

Part 2.

Reagon covered up important allegations raised (about the
assassinations of JFK, RFK, MLK and the Wallace attempt), as well
as those many others have raised, will the truth make us free?
Yes, it will, for the truth will make us free to pursue democracy-
-our system of government--through the ballot box, and we will not
be subject to government by bullets. The truth will enable us to
prevent such a series of events from happening again. Some of the
supporters of the investigation have written to me recently of
their hope that the investigation will get underway right away
(March 1976) because they are concerned that there is great danger
in store for the Democratic nominee for the President, whoever he
turns out to be. I hope very much that these fears do not turn out
to have a basis in fact."






* * * * * * *




Chapter 2
The Power Control Group

Just who and what is the Power Control Group? Some have said
it's the military industrial complex. Some prefer to put the blame
on the Rockefellers and the Council on Foreign Relation. Others
have talked about control shifting from the "Yankees" to the
"Cowboys" and back again. The term "The Cabal," first used in an
obscure paper by an unknown author in 1968,[1] described a high
level conspiracy group that planned, financed and carried out the
assassination of John F. Kennedy. The word Cabal has been used
since then by some authors and researchers and applied to all of
the major domestic assassinations.
The idea of a Cabal raises more questions than it answers. Who
is in the Cabal? Was the same Cabal behind the planning and
financing of all five (Chappaquiddick being the fifth) major
eliminations? Or are there several interlocking Cabals? What
about the Warren and Rockefeller Commissions? Were they part of
the Cabal? Which Cabal controls and infiltrated the media and
organized the disinformation that poured forth in 1975 and 1976?
Was Ford a Cabal member? Was Nixon? How about Johnson and
Kissinger? Has one Cabal commanded the executions of the 100
witnesses and lower level participants?
The mistake made by researchers in postulating higher level
groups is that they simplify a very complex situation. To draw a
distinct line between those involved in an overt conspiracy to
assassinate a leader and those involved afterward in covering up
the first group's actions is a mistake. The cover-ups are far more
important than the original assassinations. Each assassination or
attempted assassination, or other form of elimination of a leader,
is only part of a greater whole. The 16 accomplishments of the
power control group listed in Chapter 1, plus those now taking
place and those scheduled for the future, should be considered as a
continuum. The control group membership may contain individuals in
various categories, some of whom planned assassinations, some of
whom knew about the assassinations, and some of whom did not know
about assassinations in advance. Some may have been on the firing
line but have had nothing to do with the cover-ups. Some of them
are victims of later eliminations. Somewhere in the power control
group's hierarchy is a sub-group or perhaps several sub-groups that
have been responsible for the attempted assassinations of
presidential candidates, earlier assassins, witnesses, and earlier
middle-to-higher level members in the power control group. These
sub-groups might be thought of as intelligence-style task forces or
mini-Cabals. There is little question that many of the individuals
in these task forces are from organized crime and from the
intelligence community, or both. They have had access to
intelligence techniques and weapons that have frequently been used
in the the elimination process.
A second mistake made by some researchers is to assume that the
Cabal's shape remains static through time. Evidence shows that the
Power Control Group has been a living organism that both shrinks
and grows as a function of time. The shrinkages take place through
eliminations and a few natural deaths. The growth takes place for
several reasons. It is necessary to use new techniques and new
people for the group's activities as time passes in order to
continue effective control of the media and to continue to fool the
people and Congress. It's also necessary to bring new high level
people into the group from time to time. Candidates for president
acceptable to the group must be sworn in and must agree to continue
the cover-ups. New media lackeys or new special committees or
commissions are also needed. Once in a while an individual
blackmails his way in. Some come in on a de facto basis.
(Protectors of the Kennedys and their children fall into this
category.)
The very nature of the cover-up procedure has made it necessary
to expose at least some of the truth to vice presidents and vice
presidential candidates, in addition to presidents Johnson, Nixon,
and Ford. Each vice president elected or appointed since 1963 has
had to know the truth about the cover-ups in the event he became
president (Humphrey under Johnson, Agnew under Nixon, and then Ford
and Rockefeller). Ford was the most important of these since he
had to agree to pardon Nixon and to protect the tapes.
The heads of the FBI and CIA, selected trusted second-level men,
and the deputy director of plans (DDP) in the CIA have all had to
know some of the truth. The members of the 40 group and their
successors who presumably know all intelligence secrets of the
country are, no doubt, brought into this "inner circle" of
knowledgeable people.
The Warren Commissioners were split. Warren, Dulles McCloy and
Ford all knew the truth; Cooper, Boggs and Russell did not. The
Rockefeller Commission was also split. Rockefeller certainly knows
and so does Ford's man on that Commission, David Belin. Kissinger
must have known the truth; so must have the officers in the
Department of Defense. Then there are the Secret Team members,
planted in the various media organizations, who know the truth. A
later chapter will describe who they are and how they lead the
media cover-up and disinformation mill.
This living organism view of the Power Control Group can best be
constructed and proven by starting with the cover-up efforts and
the control of the media, as opposed to examining the conspiracies
to assassinate each leader. It is much easier to show how Gerald
Ford, for example, led the cover-up in the JFK conspiracy than it
is to determine who the members of the Power Control Group were who
planned and financed the assassination.
It is difficult to show evidence of higher level participation
in the assassinations of Robert Kennedy, Dr. King and in the
attempted assassination of George Wallace. It is not difficult to
prove that many high level individuals conspired to cover-up the
conspiracies in each of the three cases. It is not difficult to
prove that they helped frame at least one of the patsies (James
Earl Ray).
Much of the content of this book will show evidence of the
cover-ups and discuss the actions that are still taking place that
protect the Power Control Group. Only summary information is
included on the original conspiracies, except where there is a lack
of published data.



____________________

[1] "Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal", Torbett, 1968 (Copeland
Document)






* * * * * * *

* * * * * * *




Chapter 3
You Can Fool the People

One of the questions always asked by the beginning student of
America's political assassinations is, "How is it possible that all
of this could be happening in our country without our knowing about
it?" The "It couldn't happen here" belief has been extended to,
"It couldn't happen here without our knowing about it." This is
usually buttressed by such arguments as, "The Kennedys would have
done something about it, if it were true", or "Such a giant
conspiracy would have been exposed by someone within the
conspiratorial group", or "The news media would have found out
about it and told all of us by now."
The fact that it is possible to fool a majority of the American
people for a long period of time and to cover-up a high level
conspiracy involving many, many individuals, can easily be
demonstrated by using Watergate as an example. In fact, some
published articles[1] show that the entire truth about Watergate
has yet to be revealed.
We do know now about the cover-up of the original crimes in
Watergate and the cover-up of the cover-up. We tend to forget the
attitude of the majority of the American people, the Congress and
the media, toward Richard Nixon and the Nixon administration during
the period between the June 1972 Watergate break-in and the
November 1972 election and beyond into 1973. Long before Woodward
and Bernstein and others began the Watergate expose, a few
researchers were calling the Watergate conspiracies to the
attention of a small portion of the public.[2] It was not until
late 1973 that the research done by these researchers and their
hypotheses about high-level conspiracies were proven correct and
were generally accepted. How did it happen that for more than a
year a majority of the American people were not only fooled by Mr.
Nixon and his friends, but also re-elected him? Some of the same
ingredients present in that situation were like those used in the
taking of America. We can all learn a lot by observing what they
were.
What follows is a reproduction of an article by the author.
(Because the article was written in l972, some of the material in
it is now obsolete. However, it is reproduced here without changes
to illustrate the situation and attitudes of the pre-Watergate
revelation era.) It was originally written during the Watergate
cover-up era (late 1972), after Nixon was re-elected and before
Bernstein and Woodward were noticed by anyone. It should be noted
that even in 1976, Mr. Nixon still had his vehement supporters who
were blind to the ingredients required to fool the people.


You Can Fool the People

You can fool all of the people some of the time
You can fool some of the people all of the time
But you can't fool all of the people all of the time.
Abraham Lincoln, 1864

The decade of 1963 to 1973 in the United State of America
will go down in history for many things. In the long run
it will be known through the world as the period which
demonstrated that it is possible to fool most of the
people all of the time.
Adolph Hitler didn't fool very many people. He cowed
them, frightened them, and killed them. But most Germans
knew what was happening even though they chose to do
nothing about it until it was too late.
The exercise of power to control what happens and to
restrict liberties is much more difficult in a Democracy
or a Republic. The United States is always held up as the
model case in which the guaranteed election of the
president every four years and the two-party system, will
prevent the country from being run by dictators. The
people are represented by the Congress and also elect the
President.
A person or a group planning a coup d'etat in the U.S.
would have a completely different job on their hands than
Germany in the 1930's, South American or African countries
in the twentieth century, or France in the 1890's or
Russia in 1918.
It would be necessary to fool a majority of the
American people into believing that they were well
represented, and that a democracy still existed, while at
the same time the coup group were in reality changing the
country to suit their own tastes.
It is the contention of the writer that this is exactly
what has happened over a period of time following World
War II. The methods used to fool the American people,
certainly since 1963 and to some extent also since the end
of World War I, have varied slightly as administrations
changed. The main thrust however has been a constant
erosion of civil rights, and a swing of government away
from the best interests of the people and toward big
companies, banks, the military and rich individuals and
families. The trend was slowed down only briefly between
1960 and 1963 when Jack Kennedy attempted to alter the
situation. He was assassinated because he did so.
To fool the American people is not easy. It requires
immense capabilities, tricky, secret methods, hidden
resources, great wealth and the equivalent of brainwashing
or mind control on a grand scale. Yet that type of
resource is precisely what has accomplished the deed. It
is probable that, like Germany, the American people will
awaken to what has been happening to them and to who has
been doing it. It is also very likely, now that the Nixon
administration has been restored for four more years, that
by 1976 it will be too late, in spite of Watergate.
George McGovern's speech on ABC Television, the evening
of October 25, 1972, was a warning for those citizens who
were awake, that "it can happen here." It's happening
here, was his basic message. Yet, unlike Germany, the
people were silent, and fooled. They didn't believe him
when he said, "Your liberties are being removed, one by
one." The Supreme Court by 1976 will be so packed with
Nixon appointees that we will never get our liberties
back. McGovern covered most of the areas in which the
people have been fooled. The major area he didn't cover
was that of assassination. This tool represents only the
end of the spectrum of techniques used by those in control
to remain in control. It has been used four times very
effectively, on both Kennedys, on Martin Luther King, and
in the attempt on George Wallace. In the case of Wallace,
crippling was sufficient to change the political outcome
in 1972.



More important than the use of assassinations has been the
ability to fool the American people into believing there were four
lone madmen involved--and no conspiracies. The techniques involved
in fooling people are more complex and subtle than those involved
in the crime itself. In the Watergate case, the original crime was
the use of every trick and technique necessary to re-elect Nixon.
The people had to be fooled into believing that Nixon and the CIA
had nothing to do with Watergate and the broader plan of which it
was part.
That the fooling part turned out to be so easy is due to a long
series of conditioning steps taken with the American news media and
the people over the preceding years. The Pentagon Papers case
reveals how the people were fooled by several (successive CIA)
administrations over a long period of time. Efforts against
Ellsberg and the press continued in order to prevent further decay
of the fooling process.
How is it possible in the 20th century USA--with TV and high
levels of communication, with freedom of the press, freedom of
speech--to fool most of the people all of the time? Here is how it
is done. Five ingredients are required.

INGREDIENT 1. A PATRIOTIC ISSUE. A fundamental issue
permeating nearly all conditions of life in the U.S. is needed,
around which the rest of the fooling can be constructed. The
perfect issue since 1947 has been "The Red Menace," or "Communism"
or "The Radical Communist Left Conspiracy." No one is more adept
at using this issue than Richard Nixon.
The people, to be fooled, have to really believe in the issue,
from the heart, from the gut. In a democracy this is the most
essential ingredient. In the U.S. many, many people believe it.
Some believe it because they have never heard or read anything
other than "The Communists are going to take over." Others believe
it because they or their parents or relatives came from Europe and
"know what it's like to live under Naziism or Communism." (They
don't distinguish.)
Some believe because they are religious, and somehow religion is
always linked to anti-communism. Others aren't sure, but they
think "radical" groups might be Communist controlled. The flag
waving, the national anthem, the American Legion, our prisoners of
war, the draft of the past--all of these symbols are linked to the
one big issue of "Communism."
There can be several sub-issues of lesser significance than the
fundamental issue. Some of these might be related to the main
issue. Others may be unrelated. Some are used to appeal to
certain segments of the population. They can be carefully
exploited and added together with the main issue in a way which
enhances it. Some are useful with low-intelligence-level people.
Others appeal to bigots. Some are fearful issues which people
would rather avoid. Others hit the individual right in his
pocketbook or his security.
If played one against the other, very carefully, many of these
sub-issues can be blamed on Communism. Archie Bunker, of the TV
series, "All In The Family", was not exaggerating when he blamed
his white niece's dancing with a black neighbor boy on "a Communist
plot."
Examples of sub-issues used by those controlling Nixon
administration to fool the people include:

The black-white issue
The busing issue
The young radical issue
The law and order issue
The national security issue
The old-fashioned American work ethic versus
poverty and welfare issue


End Part2.

#4 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:16 AM

Part3.


INGREDIENT 2. REACHING THE MINDS OF THE PEOPLE. To fool a
majority of the people all of the time it is necessary to reach
into their minds over a relatively long period of time. Make an
analysis of what you, the reader, believe today or disbelieve,
along with the mental condition you are in when you enter a polling
booth, or write a letter to your Congressman. After some thought
list all of the ways in which information might reach you today.
You will list all of the environmental factors, self images,
motivations, ego factors and acquired beliefs that make you do what
you do, and make you think what you think.
You will realize that your heritage, your schooling, your life's
experience, and the present bombardment of information have an
impact on how you vote. If your father and grandfather before you
were strong Republicans or Democrats, you may well vote the same
"pull one lever" way. You might close your mind to any messages of
imminent disaster, and think, "I'm better off not knowing and just
voting straight Republican." (In 1972)
You might have strong faith in the "American way of life" and
pay no attention to the people who go around claiming that John
Kennedy, Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy were all murdered by
elements of an invisible government to keep the U.S. on the
military, wealthy, conservative track.
You might ignore solid evidence regarding Lee Harvey Osward's,
James Earl Ray's or Sirhan Sirhan's actions and instead rely on a
long-term, well engineered faith that something like that "couldn't
happen here."
Go back in time to 1935, if you are over 50, or go back to 1945,
if you are over 40, or back to 1955, if you are over 30. Examine
your general overall attitudes, beliefs and prejudices as developed
over that period of time between then and now. You will discover
that your political beliefs about the U.S., the Presidency, foreign
policy, wage and price controls, and your own economic conditions,
etc., have been strongly influenced by the various news media.

INGREDIENT 3. CONTROLLING THE NEWS MEDIA. In Chapter 9, the
author proves that it has been possible for a very small group of
people in power to control or fool nearly all of the major news
media in the U.S. about the assassination of John F. Kennedy and
subsequent investigations conducted by groups other than the
sources of power (Warren Commission, FBI, Secret Service, CIA,
Justice Department, the President).
According to polls taken between 1963 and 1970, 50% to 80% of
the public at one time or another during this period believed there
was a conspiracy. Nevertheless, the major news media took the
opposite position. A poll conducted today would, no doubt, show
about one-half of the people believing there was no conspiracy.
How did this happen? Is it conceivable that the power sources of
two succeeding administrations (Johnson and Nixon) fooled or
controlled the news media to that extent?
The problem is not so difficult as it seems. Only sixteen media
organizations are involved. These sixteen provide each of us with
nearly all of the news we either read, see or hear. It is only
necessary to control the sixteen men at the very top and that is
exactly what happened. The proof contained in Chapter 9 contains
specific facts about what happened inside of eleven of the sixteen
organizations.
Some of them maintained an editorial position oriented toward
the possibility of conspiracy for several years. The last ones to
convert because of high level command decisions (at the *owner*
level--not the editorial level) did not do so until 1969, 5 1/2
years after the assassination. Several of the eleven conducted
their own independent investigations and discovered conspiracy
evidence sufficient to take that stand. Among these were CBS,
Life Magazine, and "The New York Times."

The sixteen media organizations are:

1. NBC-TV and Radio
2. CBS-TV and Radio
3. ABC-TV and Radio
4. Associated Press
5. United Press International
6. Time-Life
7. McGraw Hill - Business Week
8. Newsweek
9. U.S. News and World Report
10. New York Times and their news service
11. Washington Post and their news service
12. Metromedia News Network TV and Radio
13. Westinghouse Radio News Network
14. Capital City Broadcasting Radio Network
15. North American Newspaper Alliance
16. Gannett News Service


Controlling the news media to that extent in order to fool the
people is an extreme act. It is a last resort in an extremely
serious situation. Such a situation arose when it became obvious
to those in power that Jim Garrison was going to expose the truth
about the assassination in court. He had to be destroyed, and he
was, by fooling the news media as well as the people.
Control of the press by the power group slipped a little with
the Pentagon Papers, the Mylai episode, the Green Berets, the FBI
use of spying, and the Watergate caper. But effective control over
the fooling of the people nevertheless remains. With Watergate,
people fooling shifted from controlling the news media, which
suddenly awakened a little too late, to the control of the the
legal system.

INGREDIENT 4. CONTROLLING THE LEGAL SYSTEM. Perhaps the most
important long-range ingredient in fooling the people of America is
the control and influence over the legal system. The U.S. in the
post-war era has reached the stage where, in case of doubt on a
major issue, the people will wait to see how it is resolved by the
courts. The American people in general have always had tremendous
faith in their own legal system.
With the exception of the South taking issue with the Warren
court over black rights, the American people tend to believe that
the Supreme Court will eventually right any wrongs. The faith goes
much further than adjudication of crimes or disputes. People have
come to rely on the legal system to tell them where the truth lies
on a major issue when two sides differ completely on the facts.
They believe that the adversary procedure and the perjury penalty
system will ferret out the truth.
Thus, to fool the people, and make them believe lies, it is
essential to control the legal system. The Nixon and Johnson
administrations and the Invisible Government lying underneath or
off to one side of both administrations became very adept at
controlling the legal system. It can be done, and has been done in
several ways. Nixon, of course, loaded the Supreme Court. That is
important. The complete control of the Justice Department and the
FBI is also obvious. Not so obvious is the need to control Federal
judges throughout the land. Truth might leak out in a trial at a
local level, so U.S. courts in each area must be controlled.
The Federal grand jury scheme worked out by Nixon, Mitchell and
Robert Mardian is a beautiful way to guide, direct and control the
legal system. It more than proved its worth in fooling the people
in cases involving classified documents, the Black Panthers and
other situations where the truth had to be obscured.
Control over the American Bar Association and individual lawyers
and district attorneys is another method used. And finally, it is
often useful to control local and state police, either individually
or in groups.
The exercise of control is important. It may be desirable to
suppress truth in a court situation during a trial or hearings.
The judge can do this very effectively. It may also be desirable
to delay a trial or a hearing in which the truth might be exposed.
Judges and lawyers can do this quite easily. It may be desirable
to entirely shut off a trial or an appeal where truth could be
exposed. Nixon was able to do this to perfection.
Lies and fake cases may be presented as truth in court while
truth is attacked as being falsehood. This technique has been very
successful.
All of this takes both money and power. Judges and lawyers,
must either be paid a lot of money, or frightened about their
career and health. The CIA conduits used for espionage financing
have been used extensively in controlling the legal system. Power
has been used to control lower courts and local police or district
attorneys from the highest source of power in America, the
invisible government.
A few examples will suffice to demonstrate how the legal system
is used to fool the people.
The 1972 election demonstrated that two-thirds of the people
either did not associate Mr. Nixon with the Watergate affair and
the Chapin-Segretti sabotage project, or else they didn't know
about it or didn't care.
Surely, you say, a traditional American patriot would not vote
for a man who did all of the things the Watergate 7 and Chapin-
Segretti and company did. But wait! The situation as of January
1973 had not yet reached the courts. Except for Bernard Barker's
conviction for falsely using his notary public seal to stamp a
check from Kenneth Dahlberg in Florida, no court actions had taken
place.
Wasn't that lucky for the Republicans, you say. It wasn't luck.
The Watergate arrests took place in June 1972. By successfully
delaying a whole series of trials and court actions, Mr. Nixon,
through control of the courts, kept the truth away from the people
until after the election on November 7. Perhaps some of the people
who voted for him had doubts, but if court cases had been conducted
before November 7, and conducted fairly by uncontrolled judges, the
truth would have been exposed in all of its glory.
Now that he had a powerful mandate from the people, it was
likely that other forms of control would be used to continue
fooling the people about Watergate. Some of these were covered in
the prior chapters. Executive privilege has been used to a major
extent.
Clay Shaw was actually defended and Garrison, in effect, was put
on trial, through CIA money and CIA lawyers. Garrison's attempts
to bring Shaw to trial for perjury were successfully blocked by
Federal courts and judges.
Sirhan Sirhan's trial for the murder of Robert Kennedy was
controlled by the Nixon administration in order to hide the truth
from the people. The case involved controlling the judge at the
trial, the district attorney, the lawyers for Sirhan, the Los
Angeles police, the FBI, and some of the officials of the state of
California. The control exercised has continued to prevent Sirhan
from receiving a new trial based on new evidence of what happened
in the assassination.

THE FIVE BIG EVENTS. The five events since World War II about
which the power control group must continue to fool the American
people about are the assassinations of John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy
and Martin Luther King; the attempted assassination of George
Wallace; and the Watergate episode. (In 1973, the truth about
Chappaquiddick and its importance, together with the threats
against Jackie Kennedy, Ethel Kennedy, Ted Kennedy and all of the
Kennedy children, had not been exposed. Chappaquiddick is the
sixth big event.)
All other things this group has done since 1947 fade into
insignificance compared to these five. The reason is that the
American people may accept such things as the Pueblo incident, the
Gulf of Tonkin fake, the Mylai incident, the Pentagon Papers, the
Kent State killings, the frame-ups of the Black Panthers and their
murders, and even the whole Viet Nam war, but they would rise up in
wrath if the truth about any one or all of those five events were
exposed.
Thus, Mr. Hanson for Sirhan, Mr. Fensterwald for James Earl Ray,
Mr. Lawrence O'Brien and the Watergate suit--anyone opposing the
findings of the Warren Commission with national prominence and
success--and anyone who begins to pry too much into George
Wallace's brush with death will be opposed with all the power those
in control can muster. Each will be dealt with if he comes too
close, just as Jim Garrison was dealt with by both the Johnson and
Nixon administrations. Garrison managed to beat out the Nixon-
controlled Justice Department in his own trial in September 1973.
The jury in New Orleans found him innocent in spite of the fact
that the prosecuting attorney, the judge, the key witness, Pershing
Gervais, and the news media were all controlled by Nixon and
Mitchell. By late 1973 it was becoming a little more difficult to
fool the people.

INGREDIENT 5. PAID COLUMNISTS OR LACKEYS. Control of the news
media includes controlling or hiring selected columnists, newsmen,
commentators, and lackeys. Sometimes these people are called
"spokesmen for the administration." Many of them are supposedly
independent. Their importance in the process of fooling the people
has increased as the number of independent news media organizations
has decreased and the number of organizations relying on
syndicated, national columnists or commentators has increased.
The Nixon administration managed to corral a great many more of
these types than did the administrations of Johnson, Kennedy, or
Eisenhower. In the newspaper field, there were four to five times
as many columnists writing "fool the people" type news for Nixon as
against Nixon. Alsop was at one extreme. More subtle were writers
like C.L. Sulzberger in the "New York Times" and Gary Wills in
various conservative papers. On radio, the Westinghouse network
used four commentators who appeared to be liberal at first glance,
but who adhered to the party line when the time came to get at the
truth about the five key events mentioned earlier. These four were
Peter Lisagor, Rod McCleish, Simeon Booker and Irwin Cannon.
William Safire, Evans and Novak, Mary McCarthy, and occasionally
Jack Anderson also fall into the "fool the people" column. The
impact of these columnists on the American people has not really
been measured. Alsop's and Evans and Novak's columns appear in
Republican and right-wing newspapers all across the U.S. The
election poll that indicated over 700 newspapers supported Nixon
while fewer than 50 supported McGovern provides some estimate of
how influential these papers and columnists can be. With the
exception of two or three stories by Jack Anderson about Robert
Kennedy and plots to assassinate Castro, none of the evidence about
the truth pertaining to the assassinations has ever appeared in any
of these columns. Yet the American people read these columns more
faithfully than they read the front page.

HOW THE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN FOOLED. Now that the ingredients for
fooling the people have been discussed, let's examine the net
results over the past twenty-five years. Between 1957 and 1972,
there was a culmination in the use of these ingredients, many of
which were developed with the end of World War II.
Through a succession of presidencies and political party
administrations from Truman to Nixon a mixture of wealthy, military
and espionage individuals developed a power base and used the five
ingredients to fool the people. Except for John Kennedy, none of
the presidents tried very hard to resist this power. The book
"Farewell America" (by James Hepburn--a pseudonym--Frontiers
Press), which has been reprinted in sections in "Computers and
Automation" (1973) shows clearly what kind of power JFK tried to
resist and how it resulted in his death.
The American people aren't familiar with this book any more than
they are familiar with a movie made from the book, with the same
title. And as long as the group remains in power, the book and
movie will be banned from the United States, just as "Z" was banned
in Greece.
The people of America were fooled into believing each of the
following untruths:

Kent State:

The National Guard fired under intense pressure and attack
by a bunch of hoodlums at Kent State University. The
various grand juries have vindicated the Guard. There was
no White House influence involved in the killings, or in
the aftermath.

Mylai:

Calley was justified in shooting the civilians at Mylai
because those were his orders. You can't tell a "gook"
from a Viet Cong and, after all, war is war.

Communism:

The greatest threat to American freedom is still a world-
wide Communist take-over. The domino theory may or may not
be correct, but we must never give up a fight. "Peace
with honor" was essential in Viet Nam.

Pentagon Papers:

Few people have taken the time to read the Pentagon Papers
and have understood their significance. The two-thirds
majority who elected Nixon in 1972 may have been puzzled
by the papers or they may not have cared. No doubt, most
of them believed Ellsberg a traitor and worthy of jail.
It is very unlikely they will ever believe they were duped
by Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon and most
particularly by the CIA and allies in matters pertaining
to the cold war and Communism. The fundamental, gut issue
of the Communist conspiracy overrides any other revelation
in this field.

Assassinations:

In spite of polls and uneasy feelings, at least half and
perhaps a majority of the American people still believe
that John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King
were assassinated by Lee Harvey Oswald, Sirhan Sirhan and
James Earl Ray, respectively, and that the assassination
attempt on George Wallace was solely Arthur Bremer's
doing. They believe these men acted alone and that they
were madmen. (This statement pertains to the period of
1972-73.)

Watergate:

Prior to the election in November 1972, a majority of the
American people believed that Richard Nixon, John
Mitchell, Maurice Stans and everyone else of importance in
the White House had nothing to do with the Watergate
affair or the activities of Donald Segretti and others
prior to the election. Almost no one believed that the
CIA was involved in setting up Nixon so as to capture and
control the executive to an even greater degree.

Democracy and Freedom:

By the end of 1973 a relatively large percentage of the
American people still did not relate any of the foregoing
incidents or situations to their own individual liberties.
They believed patriotically in America; they believed we
still had a democracy; they believed that President
Nixon, with his wise ways and business experience would
pull us out of whatever problems we had. From the time he
nailed Alger Hiss and the day he won the great kitchen
debate with Kruschev, Nixon was believed to be the leader
who would secure our eventual victory over Communism. The
people refuse to consider the possibility that unknown
forces have seized control over the U.S. for the last
fifteen years and that our liberties and democracy are
fading away.



____________________

[1] "Nixon and the Mafia" -- Jeff Gerth, "Sundance Magazine," December
1972. Charles Colson Interview, by Dick Russell - "Argosy Magazine,"
March 1976

[2] "Why Was Martha Mitchell Kidnapped?" -- Mae Brussell, "The Realist,"
August 1972

"The June 1972 Raid on Democratic Party Headquarters -- Part 1" --
R.E. Sprague, "Computers & Automation," August 1972

"The Raid on Democratic Party Headquarters -- The Watergate
Incident -- Part 2", Ibid.







* * * * * * *



End Part3.

#5 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:18 AM

Part4.



Chapter 4
How It All Began - The U-2 and the Bay of Pigs

To understand the origins of the Power Control Group, it is
necessary to return to the last years of the Eisenhower
administration and examine what was going on in the Cold War.
Eisenhower had suffered several strokes and a heart attack. He
was partially immobilized, and entrusted a major share of the
coordination of clandestine activities being conducted by the CIA
against the "Red Menace" to Richard Nixon, his vice president.
While Ike was warning against the military-industrial-complex's
domestic influence, and attempting to move toward detente with the
Soviets through a summit meeting, he was being sabotaged by the
plans section of the CIA and by Richard Nixon.
A part of the CIA arranged for a U-2 with Gary Powers as pilot
to go down over Russia, thus giving Khrushchev a chance to expose
American spying and to cancel the summit meeting. This was one of
the earliest moves of the nucleus of what later evolved into the
Power Control Group. In the spring of 1960, with Ike nearly senile
and pressured by Nixon, he approved the plan for the invasion of
Cuba and the assassination of Castro. Nixon was the chief White
House action officer for what later became the Bay of Pigs
invasion.
The Power Control Group was beginning to organize itself with
Nixon as part of it. The cold warriors and strong anti-Communist
"patriots" in the Plans or Operations part of the CIA formed the
original nucleus.
Their plan was to make Nixon president in 1961 and to launch a
successful takeover of Cuba. John Kennedy came along to upset the
plan. Not only did he make the takeover impossible but he soon
discovered the evils lurking in the hearts and minds of the CIA
clandestine operators and laid his own plans to destroy them. The
assassination of John Kennedy essentially became an act of survival
for some of these individuals.
Many citizens of America have forgotten that Richard Nixon was
Vice President of the United States in 1959 and 1960. As an old
anti-communist from the Alger Hiss and Khrushchev debating days,
Nixon was in the forefront of pressure for the Bay of Pigs invasion
of Cuba. What is also forgotten is that Nixon was largely
responsible for the covert training of Cuban exiles by the CIA in
preparation for the Bay of Pigs. (He stated this in his book, "Six
Crises".)
NIXON'S LIES--OCTOBER 1960. Mr. Nixon's capacity for truth is
nowhere more clearly demonstrated than by the deliberate lies he
told during the election campaign on national TV on October 21,
1960. He said in his book that the lies were told for a patriotic
reason--to protect the covert operations planned for the Bay of
Pigs at all costs. The significance of this is that Mr. Nixon
considers patriotism to be, in part, the protection of plans and
actions of individuals that he considered to be working for the
United States' best interests.
The similarities between the actions of Everette Howard Hunt,
Jr., James McCord, Bernard Barker, Frank Sturgis, and others in the
1960 planning for the Bay of Pigs invasion and in the 1972 planning
for the re-election of Richard M. Nixon are very striking. In both
cases, what the plotters themselves considered to be patriotic,
anti-Communist actions were involved. In 1960 the actions were
directed against Fidel Castro, a man they hated as a Communist. In
1972 the actions were directed against Edward Kennedy, Edmund
Muskie and George McGovern. Bernard Barker stated the group's
collective belief when he said after his arrest that, "We believe
that an election of McGovern would be the beginning of a trend that
would lead to socialism and communism, or whatever you want to call
it."
Nixon admitted lying to the American people to protect Hunt,
Barker, Sturgis, and McCord in 1960. The likelihood that he lied
to protect them again in 1972 seems to be quite good. There is
some likelihood that he actually hired the same old crew he trusted
from the Bay of Pigs days for the 1972 Watergate and other
espionage activities.
Here are the facts:


Nixon's Statements in "Six Crises"

Richard Nixon stated in "Six Crises": "The covert training of
Cuban exiles by the CIA was due in substantial part, at least, to
my efforts. This had been adopted as a policy as a result of my
direct support."[1] "President Eisenhower had ordered the CIA to
arm and train the exiles in May of 1960. Nixon and his advisors
wanted the CIA invasion to take place before the voters went to the
polls on November 8, 1960."[2]
While the Bay of Pigs operation was under the overall CIA
direction of Allen Dulles, Richard M. Bissell, Jr. was the CIA man
in charge, according to Ross & Wise.[3] Charles Cabell,[4] the
deputy director of the CIA, and a man with the code name Frank
Bender, were also near the top of the operational planning.[5]


E. Howard Hunt

Everette Howard Hunt, Jr. was in charge of the actual invasion.
He used the code name, "Eduardo." Bernard L. Barker, using the code
name "Macho," worked for Hunt in the CIA Bay of Pigs planning.
James McCord was an organizer for the invasion and was one of the
highest ranking officials in the CIA. Frank Sturgis, alias Frank
Fiorini, was also involved in the Bay of Pigs operations. Virgilio
Gonzales was a CIA agent active in the Bay of Pigs. So was Eugenio
Martinez. Charles Colson was a former CIA official who knew McCord
and Hunt during the Bay of Pigs period.[6]
Hunt, Barker, McCord, Sturgis, Gonzales, and Martinez were under
indictment for the Watergate affair. Colson was Nixon's special
counsel who handled "touchy" political assignments. According to
"Time" magazine, Colson brought all of the others into the re-
election committee espionage project at the request of Nixon.[7]
In other words, it was basically the same group who worked for
Nixon, Bissell and Co. in 1960 and who worked for Nixon, Colson and
Co. in 1972. They were all loyal, patriotic, anti-Communist, and
anti-Castro CIA agents with covert (black) espionage training.
They needed Nixon's protection in 1960 and 1972, and they received
it both times.
Here is how Nixon protected them in 1960.[8]


Kennedy-Nixon Debates, 1960

John Kennedy and Richard Nixon engaged in a series of national
TV debates during the 1960 campaign. Kennedy was briefed by Allen
Dulles, head of the CIA at Eisenhower's request, on secret CIA
activities and international problems on July 23, 1960. Nixon was
not aware of the briefing contents and was not sure whether Dulles
told Kennedy about the Bay of Pigs plans. As it turned out Dulles
had not mentioned the plans but had kept his remarks about Cuba
rather general.
On October 6, 1960, Kennedy gave his major speech on Cuba. He
said that events might create an opportunity for the U.S. to bring
influence on behalf of the cause of freedom in Cuba. He called for
encouraging those liberty-loving Cubans who were leading the
resistance against Castro.
Nixon became very disturbed about this because he felt Kennedy
was trying to pre-empt a policy which he claimed as his own. Nixon
ordered Fred Seaton, Secretary of the Interior, to call the White
House and find out whether Dulles had briefed Kennedy on the Cuban
invasion plans. Seaton talked to General Andrew Goodpaster,
Eisenhower's link to the CIA, who told Seaton that Kennedy did know
about the Bay of Pigs plans.


Attack on Kennedy by Lying

Nixon became incensed. He said, "There was only one thing I
could do. The covert operation had to be protected at all costs.
I must not even suggest by implication that the U.S. was rendering
aid to rebel forces in and out of Cuba. In fact, I must go to the
other extreme: I must attack the Kennedy proposal to provide such
aid as wrong and irresponsible because it would violate our treaty
commitments."[9]
So Richard M. Nixon actually went on national TV (ABC) on
October 21, 1960, knowing we were going to invade Cuba, and lied.
During the fourth TV debate, Nixon attacked Kennedy's proposal as
dangerously irresponsible and in violation of five treaties between
the U.S. and Latin America, as well as the United Nations'
Charter.[10]
On October 22 at Muhlenberg College, Nixon really turned on the
fabrication steam. He said, "Kennedy called for--and get this--the
U.S. Government to support a revolution in Cuba, and I say that
this is the most shockingly reckless proposal ever made in our
history by a presidential candidate during a campaign--and I'll
tell you why . . ."
The reason we should have taken with a grain of salt whatever
words Nixon uttered about Watergate and Donald Segretti's espionage
is clearly demonstrated in that October 22, 1960 speech. He
fiercely attacked John Kennedy for advocating a plan that he,
Richard Nixon, secretly advocated and claimed as his own creation.
He later had the sheer gall to brag about it in his own book as a
very patriotic act.


Protection of Hunt and Co.

How was Nixon protecting Hunt and company in 1972? He was using
the Justice Department and the Republican Congressmen, among
others, to delay and dilute the prosecution of the Watergate seven.
He had slowed down, suppressed, and all but stopped six separate
investigations, suits, and trials of the affair. Included were
Wright Patman's House Banking Committee investigation, the FBI-
Justice Department investigation, a White House investigation by
John Dean, a General Accounting Office investigation, a suit by the
Democratic Party, and a trial in criminal court of the seven
invaders. Only two trials or investigations had a chance of
exposing the truth at that time. One of these, a trial of Bernard
Barker in Florida was not much help. The other was an
investigation promised by Senator Edward Kennedy and his Senate
subcommittee. It never occurred. The action for impeachment came
much later.
Thus, the stage was set in 1961 for the group of powerful
individuals who had planned the Bay of Pigs to gain revenge on John
Kennedy who tried to change the overall direction of the U.S.
battle against Communism. After JFK refused to approve overt U.S.
backing of the Bay of Pigs invasion, various individuals in the
clandestine CIA forces vowed their revenge.
In the spring of 1961, evidence had appeared indicating that
Helms, Hunt, Sturgis and Barker tried to have JFK assassinated in
Paris.[11] When the attempt failed, a number of other plots and
sub-plots developed through the next two years. After JFK's
blockade strategy against Castro during the missile crisis in 1962
was implemented, some of the high-level CIA and armed forces people
wanted even more to get him out of the White House. They had
favored a direct invasion or bombing of Cuba.
And finally, when JFK found out about the CIA's plans for
another invasion of Cuba in the spring and summer of 1963 and
stopped them, they began in earnest to plan his death.



____________________

[1] "Six Crises," Richard M. Nixon, Doubleday, 1962.

[2] "The Invisible Government," Wise & Ross, Random House, 1964.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Brother of Earl Cabell, mayor of Dallas when Kennedy was assassinated.

[5] Ibid.

[6] "New York Times" articles on Watergate, June 18 to July 2, 1972.

[7] "Time" magazine, September 8, 1972.

[8] This episode is related in detail in "The Invisible Government."

[9] "Six Crises".

[10] "The Invisible Government."

[11] "400,000 Dollars Pour Abattre Kennedy a Paris," Camille Giles, Julliard
Press, Paris 1973.







* * * * * * *



End Part4.

#6 John Ritchson

John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:20 AM

Part5.




Chapter 5
The Assassination of John Kennedy

The assassination of President Kennedy can be considered one of
a series of acts by the Power Control Group to regain the control
they had lost when Nixon was defeated in 1960 and Kennedy
threatened their existence. The evidence pointing toward
intelligence involvement and the use of a variety of intelligence
techniques in the assassination is substantial. Until and unless
an investigation is conducted by a group with power and money
equivalent to that of the Power Control Group, with the power to
issue subpoenas and to protect witnesses, it will be very difficult
to draw a completely accurate picture of the conspiracy to
assassinate JFK.
As a substitute, this chapter is a "probable reconstruction"--a
scenario--about who killed John F. Kennedy. Unlike the Warren
Commission Report (another scenario), this report does not contain
any physically impossible events, such as those connected with
Commission Exhibit 399, the so-called "magic bullet."
This scenario is based on (1) evidence gathered between 1968 and
1975 by the Committee to Investigate Assassinations, Washington,
D.C. and (2) evidence gathered between 1962 and 1975 by the author.
The purpose of this scenario is as a starting point for study
and verification by researchers, by Congressional Committees, and
by their members and staffs. This should be considered as a
beginning hypothesis and scenario in contrast to the Warren and
Rockefeller Commission scenarios.
The best evidence available indicates the following events
occurred in the summer and fall of 1963 and culminated in the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The basic evidence has
been summarized in various articles published in "Computers and
People" (formerly "Computers and Automation") since May 1970.[1]
This can be considered as a guideline scenario which adheres to and
explains all of the known factual evidence.


How It Began

The conspiracy to assassinate John Kennedy began in a series of
discussions held in New Orleans in the summer of 1963. The men in
the discussions were extremely angry that Kennedy had stopped plans
and preparations for another invasion of Cuba (scheduled for the
latter part of 1963.) One of the instigators was David Ferrie, a
CIA contract agent who had been training pilots in Guatemala for
the invasion. Meetings held in Ferrie's apartment in New Orleans
were attended by Clay Shaw, William Seymour and several Cubans.
Plans for assassinating President Kennedy developed out of those
early meetings. Others whose support was sought by the group
included Guy Banister, Major L. M. Bloomfield, Loran Hall,
Lawrence Howard, Sergio Arcacha Smith and Carlos Prio Socarras.


Oswald's Role

During this period in the summer of 1963 Lee Harvey Oswald was
working for Guy Banister on some anti-Castro projects and used the
Communist cover of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Oswald
attended some of the meetings where JFK's assassination was
discussed.
Oswald either approached the FBI or they approached him in the
later summer of 1963, and he began to tell the FBI about the plans
of the group to assassinate JFK. Oswald had been a secret
informant for the FBI since mid-1962.


Mexico City

In September, the group moved the scene of their planning to
Mexico City. There they solicited the assistance of Guy Gabaldin,
a CIA agent. Meetings were held in the apartment of Gabaldin,
attended by Shaw, Ferrie, Seymour, Gabaldin and Oswald on at least
three occasions. Others were brought into the conspiracy at this
point. These included John Howard Bowen (alias Albert Osborne),
Ronald Augustinovich, Mary Hope, Emilio Santana, Harry Dean,
Richard Case Nagell, and "Frenchy" (an adventurer who had been
working with Seymour, Santana, Ferrie, Howard and others on the
Cuban invasion projects in the Florida Keys). Fred Lee Crisman,
Jim Hicks and Jim Braden (alias Eugene Hale Brading) were also
recruited at this point.


Oswald, the Patsy

Oswald continued to inform on the group to the FBI in Dallas.
In mid- to late September the assassination group decided to make
Oswald the patsy in the murder. They had discussed the need for a
patsy in the earliest meetings in New Orleans. Billy Seymour, who
resembled Oswald, was selected to use Oswald's name and to plant
evidence in New Orleans, Dallas and Mexico, which could later be
used to frame him. In addition, another man under CIA surveillance
in Mexico City also used Oswald's name in a probable attempt to
make it appear that Oswald was headed for Cuba. His name may have
been Johnny Mitchell Deveraux. His picture appears in the Warren
Commission Volumes as CE 237.


Financial Support

The team needed financial support for the assassination. They
received it from Carlos Prio Socarras in Miami, who brought more
than 50 million dollars out of Cuba. They also received money from
Banister, and from three Texas millionaires who hated Kennedy:
Sid Richardson, Clint Murchison, and Jean DeMenil (of the
Schlumberger Co.). The Murchison-Richardson contribution also
included soliciting the assistance of high-level men in the Dallas
police force. They were powerful members of the Dallas Citizens
Council that controlled the city at that time.


Plans for Three Cities

The group in Mexico City planned to assassinate JFK in Miami,
Chicago or Dallas, using different gunmen in each case. The Miami
plan failed because the Secret Service found out about it in
advance and kept JFK out of the open. The Chicago plan backfired
when JFK cancelled his plans to attend the Army-Navy game at
Soldiers Field in early November. The group set up two
assassination teams for Dallas. One was in Dealey Plaza; the
second was near the International Trade Mart where JFK's luncheon
speech was to be delivered.


CIA Support

The best evidence of CIA (Deputy-Director of Plans) involvement
is the fact that the majority of the known participants were
contract agents or direct agents of the CIA. In Mexico City, the
meetings were held in the apartment of Guy Gabaldin, a CIA (DDP)
agent, working for the Mexico City station chief. Others attending
the meetings who were CIA (DDP) contract or direct agents included
Clay Shaw, David Ferrie, Albert Osborne, Harry Dean, Richard Case
Nagell, Ronald Augustinovich, William Seymour, Emilio Santana and
Fred Lee Crisman. It is likely (but not yet provable by direct
evidence) that the group sought and obtained from the acting or
permanent CIA station chief in Mexico, assistance or approval to go
ahead with assassination plans. Tad Szulc claims that a CIA source
can prove that E. Howard Hunt was acting station chief in Mexico
City at the time of the Gabaldin apartment meetings (August and
September 1963). Hunt has denied under oath before the Rockefeller
Commission that he was in Mexico.
In 1967 Richard Helms told a group of CIA officials, including
Victor Marchetti, that both Clay Shaw and David Ferrie were CIA
(DDP) contract agents and that Shaw had to be given CIA protection
and assistance in his New Orleans trial. This is a strong
indication that Hunt and Helms gave "turn of the head" approval to
the Shaw-Ferrie assassination plan as a minimum form of support.


Dallas

The assassination group, having failed in Miami and Chicago,
moved an operational team into Dallas during the second week in
November of 1963. Shaw, Ferrie, Gabaldin and other high-level
plotters travelled in other directions, establishing alibis as
planned. On November 22, Gabaldin was in Mexico City, Shaw was in
San Francisco, and Ferrie was in New Orleans. The team moving into
Dallas included Albert Osborne, William Seymour, Emilio Santana,
Frenchy, Fred Crisman, Jim Hicks, Jim Braden, and a new recruit
from Los Angeles, Jack Lawrence. There was also a back-up rifle
team of Cubans to be used at a location near the International
Trade Mart in the event something went wrong at Dealey Plaza.


Where the Teams Stayed

The teams stayed at two locations in Dallas for two weeks. One
was a rooming house run by a woman named Tammie True. During this
period final preparations for the assassination in Dealey Plaza
were made. These included the collecting of and planting of
evidence used to frame Oswald, the recruiting of the Dallas police
participants, and the plans for the escape of the team members by
car and by train. The riflemen selected were William Seymour in
the Depository Building, Jack Lawrence and Frenchy on the grassy
knoll, and Emilio Santana in the Dal Tex building. Jim Hicks was
set up as radio coordinator and a man with each of the riflemen had
a two-way radio. They were Jim Braden, Dal Tex; Fred Crisman,
knoll; unidentified American (tall tramp), knoll; and a man in the
TSBD Building. Osborne was in overall charge of the Dallas teams,
but he did not go to Dealey Plaza. A fifth gunman, known to
researchers as the umbrella man, was stationed on the street with
an umbrella weapon furnished by the CIA. He was accompanied by
another Cuban acting as a radio man.


Framing Oswald

The people involved in framing Oswald included Seymour (who used
his identity), someone who posed for two pictures holding a rifle,
a photographer who took the pictures and someone who superimposed
Oswald's head on the two negatives. Also, someone who took
Oswald's rifle from his garage and his pistol from his room, taking
several bullets and shells with the pistol, fired three shells and
one bullet through the rifle, and planted the rifle and rifle
shells on the sixth floor of the TSBD and a rifle bullet at
Parkland Hospital. The pistol shells were given to William Seymour
for planting later on. The photographers also planted photos of
General Walker's house and driveway to implicate Oswald in the
Walker shooting.


Dallas Policemen Involved

The policemen involved were J. D. Tippit, who was to drive two
of the assassins, Seymour and his radio man, away in his police
car; Bill Alexander; Jerry Hill; Sergeant McDonald; Lieutenant
Montgomery; Lieutenant Johnson; and Lieutenant Batchelor, who
escorted Jack Ruby into the jail to murder Oswald.
McDonald was assigned to kill Oswald upon his arrest in the
Texas Theatre. Jerry Hill was involved in that event as well as in
the planting of evidence against Oswald in the TSBD Building.
Montgomery and Johnson were involved in planting the paper bag as
evidence against Oswald. Alexander and Batchelor were primarily
responsible for making sure that Jack Ruby assassinated Oswald and
that he didn't talk about it afterward. Alexander was present on
every occasion when Ruby was questioned or interviewed in the jail,
in spite of Ruby's efforts to have him removed.


Other Persons Involved in Framing Oswald

Also involved in framing Oswald were Marina Oswald; her lawyer,
James Martin; and someone in the Dallas police force. She was
talked into three points of false testimony: she said she took the
two fake photos of Oswald with a camera she claimed was his. She
fabricated, or was handed, the false story about Oswald's attempt
to shoot General Walker and taking two pictures of Walker's house
with the same camera. (Oswald did neither.) She told a false
story about a falling out she and Oswald supposedly had and
exaggerated his mean treatment of their children. There are good
indications that these moves were made by the CIA operatives in the
group who threatened to send Marina back to Russia. (Marina's
uncle was a high-level officer in the KGB.)


Dealey Plaza

On the day of the assassination four men with rifles,
accompanied by their radio men and several other team members,
moved into Dealey Plaza. Seymour and a radio man entered the TSBD
Building through the freight entrance and worked their way to the
roof. Santana and Braden went into the Dal Tex building through
the freight entrance on Houston St. and up a back staircase to the
second floor. Lawrence, Frenchy, Crisman and the tall tramp took
up two positions on the grassy knoll. Lawrence was inside the
westernmost cupola after parking his car in the parking lot behind
the knoll. Frenchy, Crisman and the tall tramp were near the
fence. Jim Hicks was in the Adolphus Hotel a few blocks away,
testing the two-way radio communication with the four radio men,
until he proceeded to the Plaza and mingled with a large crowd
(near the corner of Houston and Elm Streets). The umbrella man
stood near the Stemmons Freeway sign on Elm Street accompanied by
his radio man.
The other team members stationed themselves in the crowd (along
Elm Street). After the shots were fired, they circulated through
the crowd in front of the TSBD on Elm Street, on the grassy knoll,
and behind the TSBD Building, identifying themselves as Secret
Service agents and asking witnesses and officials questions to find
out whether the assassins had been detected. There are clear
photos of one of these men. One other man was at the corner of the
wall on the grassy knoll.


The Shots

Upon a visual and oral signal from the man at the wall and upon
a radio command from Hicks, the team fired its first round of
shots. Crisman received the command from Hicks and caused Frenchy
to fire a shot from a position behind the fence on the knoll, about
twenty feet west of the corner of the fence. This shot missed.
The umbrella man fired a shot using his small-bore umbrella gun.
When this shot struck JFK in the throat, the dart paralyzed JFK and
later presented by Commander Humes to the FBI.[2] The shot was
fired at Zapruder frame 189: JFK was behind a large oak tree,
hidden from the sixth floor window of the TSBD Building. On
command from Braden, Emilio Santana fired his first shot two
seconds later from the second floor window of the Dal Tex building
at Z 225 after JFK came out from behind the sign in Zapruder's
film. The shot struck JFK in the back about 5 3/4" down from the
collar line, penetrated to a depth of about two inches and stopped.
The bullet fell out of JFK's back somewhere in or at the Parkland
Hospital, or perhaps travelled down inside the body of the
President, and was never recovered.
William Seymour fired his shot from the west end of the TSBD
Building upon command from his radio man between Z 230 and Z 237,
after Santana's shot. He used a Mauser rifle with no telescopic
sight. While he was aiming at JFK, he fired high and to the right,
hitting John Connally in the back. The bullet travelled through
Connally's chest and then entered his left thigh. The bullet fell
out of his thigh in or near Parkland Hospital and was never
recovered. Governor Connally's wrist was not hit at that time.
Jack Lawrence did not fire a shot in the first round because
from his cupola position he did not have a clear shot.
Hicks gave a second radio command for another round of shots as
JFK passed the Stemmons Freeway sign.
Emilio Santana fired his second shot between Z 265 and Z 275.
The bullet narrowly missed JFK, passed over the top of his head and
over the top of the limousine's windshield. It travelled on to
strike the south curb of Main Street, breaking off a piece of
concrete which flew up and hit James Tague. The bullet either
disintegrated or flew into the area beyond the overpass. It was
not found.
William Seymour may have fired a second shot which may have
struck JFK in the upper right part of his head at Z 312. That
bullet disintegrated.
Upon command from his radio man, Jack Lawrence fired his first
shot from a pedestal on the west side of the south entrance to the
western cupola on the grassy knoll. The shot may have hit
Connally's wrist.
Frenchy fired the fatal shot through the trees from his position
behind the fence.
The Lawrence shot or possibly the second Seymour shot produced a
bullet fragment that passed through Connally's right wrist at Z
313. At that time his wrist was elevated and nearly directly in
front of JFK's head, in such a position that Connally's right palm
was facing JFK as the governor fell into his wife's arms. The
fragment entered the front of his wrist and exited from the back.


Oswald's Actions

Lee Harvey Oswald started November 22, 1963 with the knowledge
that there might be an attempt on JFK's life during the day. He
had reported this possibility to the FBI in his informer's role
five days earlier; he undoubtedly thought the FBI and Secret
Service would be protecting the President. His communications with
the assassination team had prepared him to meet with them in the
Texas Theatre if anything happened that day. There is also a
possibility he received a telephone call immediately after the
shots, telling him to go to the theatre.
He had gone to his and Marina's rooms in Irving to pick up
curtain rods for his bare windows in his Oak Cliff room. He
carried the curtain rods in a paper bag on his way to work that
morning with Wesley Frazier. He worked on the sixth floor of the
TSBD as well as on the other floors that morning. He helped a crew
of men lay a new floor on the sixth floor, move a large number of
book cartons and school supplies over to the eastern side of the
floor, including some cartons near the southeastern window that
faced Elm Street.
Oswald went to the first floor of the building at approximately
12:15 p.m. and returned to the second floor lunchroom just before
12:30. He was drinking a coke there at 12:31 when Officer Baker
and Mr. Truly, the building manager, encountered him while rushing
up the stairs from the first floor. At the sight of Baker's gun
drawn and seeing the commotion outside, he no doubt realized what
had happened.[3] He immediately left the building via the freight
platform entrance on the northeast side and travelled to his
rooming house via bus and taxi. He picked up his pistol there and
went directly to the Texas Theater where he met two of the
assassination team and was sitting with them in the theatre when
the police arrived. One of these men may have been William
Seymour.
The Dallas police members of the team planned to shoot Oswald in
the theatre while arresting him. When he was arrested he did not
realize at first that he had been framed. When this began to
become clear to him on Saturday, November 23, he remained confident
that the FBI would get him out of the situation. After all, he
worked for them!


Jack Ruby

Jack Ruby, in addition to his Mafia involvements and other
criminal activities, was also running guns to Cuba and carrying
payoff money to other anti-Castro groups on behalf of various CIA-
backed projects. His involvement in the assassination of JFK
appears to have been minor, even though he knew about it in
advance. In his night club Ruby met on several occasions with Clay
Shaw, David Ferrie, and William Seymour.
The group decided to assassinate Oswald in jail after the police
failed to kill him in the Texas Theatre. Alexander made
arrangements to have Batchelor escort Ruby into the jail when it
was known Oswald was being moved. They arranged an audible signal
(an auto horn) to let Batchelor and Ruby know when Oswald was
coming down an elevator into the garage. They came down an
elevator opposite the one carrying Oswald.
Clay Shaw gave Ruby his instructions to shoot Oswald through
Breck Wall. Shaw telephoned Wall from San Francisco and Wall
called Ruby. He was told it was an official CIA-sponsored act, in
the best interests of the United States, and that he would be out
of jail in a few days after his capture.


Planted Evidence

The planting of the evidence against Oswald first began with
William Seymour, who used Oswald's identity during September and
October, 1963. Next, the faked photographs of Oswald were created.
Two of the team members used a camera of their own to take the two
pictures of General Walker's house and the two shots of one of the
men supposedly in Oswald's back yard. They planted the pictures in
Oswald's garage. Next, they stole Oswald's rifle from the garage
prior to November 22, fired several shots from it, and preserved
three shells, one bullet, and several bullet fragments.
They planted the rifle, the three shells, the bullet (399) and
the bullet fragments in the TSBD, the hospital and the JFK
limousine on November 22. They also took Oswald's pistol at some
time prior to November 22, fired several shots from it and saved
the shells. William Seymour, after shooting policeman Tippit, ran
away in such a manner as to attract attention, throwing the shells
from Oswald's gun into the air as he ran so that witnesses would
see them. (The shells matched Oswald's pistol. None of the
bullets matched.)
All of the work with Oswald's rifle, pistol, and the fake photos
was probably done at the same time. The rifle, pistol and
Communist newspapers had to be available together for the backyard
photos. The faking of the photographs, the firing of rifle and
pistol, the retrieval of the shells from rifle and pistol and of
bullet 399 and the bullet fragments from the rifle all required
enough time that the event occurred well in advance of the
assassination .


Escape Plans

As mentioned before, plans were made for the team to escape by
car, train, and airplane. Evidence shows:


1. A white car was parked straddling a log barrier behind
the western cupola on the grassy knoll. It left that
spot one minute after the shots were fired and drove
eastward on the Elm Street extension in front of the
TSBD.

2. A white station wagon driving west on Elm Street
stopped at the foot of the grassy knoll at 12:40 p.m.,
ten minutes after the shots were fired. It picked up a
man who looked like Oswald and drove under the triple
overpass.

3. A railroad train carrying three "tramps" began to leave
the freight train area west and north of the TSBD at
around one o'clock, thirty minutes after the shots.
The train was under the tower control of Lee Bowers and
was stopped by him. The tramps were arrested.

4. A police car stopped in front of Oswald's rooming house
and honked twice around 1:10 p.m.

5. Policeman Tippit's patrol car was far out of position
in the Oak Cliff area near Ruby and Oswald's rooming
houses. Tippit was shot by two men, one of whom was
Billy Seymour.

6. A small airplane was sitting at the Redbird Airport, a
location in the same direction as Oak Cliff, a little
further out from Dealey Plaza. Its engines were
running. It was ready for takeoff at 1 p.m.

7. David Ferrie went to Houston, Texas on the afternoon of
November 22, driving at high speed through bad
thunderstorms to get there. He was positioned at a pay
telephone at an ice skating rink near the Houston
airport, until receiving a phone call there. After
that he returned to New Orleans.


Escape Routes

These escape plans were modified after the assassination. It
became unnecessary for any of the Dealey Plaza participants to
escape by airplane. The framing of Oswald and the failure of the
Secret Service or FBI to detect any of the escaping gunmen or their
assistants permitted these changes. One of the men in the Dealey
Plaza--probably pretending to be a Secret Service agent--reported
an "all clear" situation to Shaw in San Francisco. Shaw notified
Ferrie that they didn't need an airplane to escape with while
Ferrie was waiting in Houston. Ferrie changed his plans and drove
back to New Orleans.
The gunmen who did escape followed these routes: Jack Lawrence
got into his car parked behind the cupola and either drove or was
driven back to his cover job location at the automobile agency. He
left almost immediately afterward and travelled to North Carolina.
Frenchy ran back to the freight car area and climbed into one of
the box cars sitting on a siding northwest of the TSBD. He was
arrested at 1 p.m. by Officers Harkness, Bass and Wise, but was
released by Sheriff Elkins later in the afternoon. Santana walked
out the back entrance of the Dal Tex building and may have joined
Seymour in a white station wagon on Elm Street at 12:40 p.m.
Seymour left the roof of the TSBD via a back stairway, exited from
the freight entrance in the rear of the building, and walked on
Houston Street past the Elm Street extension. He walked down the
grassy knoll to Elm Street where he was picked up at 12:40 p.m. by
the white station wagon.
The other Dealey Plaza participants, Crisman, a tall tramp,
Braden and Hicks escaped by various means. Braden was arrested and
released. Hicks drove home. Crisman and the tall tramp followed
Frenchy's route into the box cars.


Tippit Shooting

David Belin of the Warren and Rockefeller Commission is fond of
saying, "Lee Harvey Oswald killed policeman Tippit. Since the
case against Oswald for the Tippit slaying is so strong, it
follows that Oswald also shot the President." The case against
Oswald in the Tippit murder is as weak as the case against him in
the JFK assassination. The most important evidence showing that
Seymour and another one of the assassination team shot Tippit is
the fact that six witnesses, ignored by the Warren Commission, saw
two men shoot Tippit. One of them resembled Oswald. They ran
away from the scene in opposite directions. Seymour ran toward the
Texas Theater, throwing the planted shells up in the air so that
witnesses would see and recover them. (This act would convince
most people that Oswald did not shoot Tippit.) The other assassin
ran in the opposite direction. There is some indication that
Seymour entered the theater in a manner to draw attention and then
left before the Oswald arrest. While the shells recovered were
found to match Oswald's pistol, none of the bullets recovered from
Tippit's body matched.


Comments and Congressional Actions Needed

The above scenario comes much closer to explaining what happened
to John Kennedy than either the Warren Commission Report or the
Rockefeller Commission report. It matches the known evidence from
the two prime sources, the Warren Commission files in the National
Archives, and the evidence produced by the Garrison investigation
(most of which was turned over the the Committee to Investigate
Assassinations, Washington, D.C.).
However, without subpoena power, and with extremely limited
resources, no group of citizens such as the Committee or Mark
Lane's Citizens Commission can determine the ultimate truth about
the assassination.
Only a properly constituted Congressional committee or group
with resources and subpoena power, and with the power and courage
to combat the Power Control Group involved in the assassination and
its cover-up, whoever they may be, can reach the truth.
This chapter has been prepared as a guideline for such a
committee, rather than as the ultimate solution.
It should be utilized in conjunction with two other documents
already submitted to the four Congressional groups interested in
the case. The groups are:


(1) The Senate;

(2) The House Special Committee on Intelligence;

(3) Thomas Downing, Representative from Virginia, who
introduced House Resolution 498 to reopen the JFK
assassination investigation;

(4) Henry Gonzalez, Representative from Texas, who
introduced House Resolution 204 to reopen the
assassination inquiries on John and Robert Kennedy,
Martin Luther King, and George Wallace.


The Two Documents

1. "Recommendations for the Senate and House Committee's
Investigations of Illegal and Subversive Domestic Activities of
the CIA and FBI," memorandum by Richard E. Sprague (submitted
to them).
2. "The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: the
Involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the Plans and
the Cover-Up," by Richard E. Sprague, in "People and the
Pursuit of Truth," May, 1975.


Dramatis Personae

Bill Alexander - Assistant to District Attorney Wade, Dallas
County.
Ronald Augustinovich - CIA agent. Participated in Mexico City
meetings.
Officer Marion Baker- Dallas motorcycle police officer entering
Texas School Book Depository after shots.
Guy Banister - Head of clandestine CIA station in New Orleans -
ran Banister Detective Agency. Front for anti-Castro Cuban
groups. Former FBI agent and member of New Orleans police.
Died of "heart attack" June 1964. David Ferrie worked for
him. Oswald used his office and address.
Officer Billy Bass - Dallas police officer; arrested "tramps" in
Dealey Plaza.
Lt. Batchelor - Dallas police lieutenant.
David Belin - Warren Commission lawyer.
Major L. M. Bloomfield - Resident of Montreal, Canada. Member of
board of Centro Mondiale Commerciale, CIA front-organization
in Rome. Visited by Ferrie and Shaw in fall 1963.
John Howard Bowen - CIA agent. Alias Albert Osborne. Long
clandestine record. On bus to Mexico with Oswald.
Participated in Mexico City meetings.
Lee Bowers - Railroad tower control operator, Dealey Plaza. Died
in curious accident.
Jim Braden - Alias Eugene Hale Brading. Mafia hoodlum and CIA
contract agent. Acted as radio man in Dealey Plaza.
CIA - Central Intelligence Agency.
Fred Lee Crisman - OSS and CIA domestic agent from Tacoma,
Washington. Participated with Frenchy and others as radio
man in Dealey Plaza.
Harry Dean - CIA operative in Mexico City.
Jean DeMenil - Louisiana and Texas industrialist.
Johnny Mitchell Deveraux - CIA agent, Mexico City. May have
impersonated Oswald in Mexico.
Sheriff Harold Elkins - Dallas County Deputy Chief.
FBI - Federal Bureau of Investigation, then headed by J. Edgar
Hoover.
David Ferrie - Resident of New Orleans French Quarter. Pilot for
Eastern Airlines. Bay of Pigs, CIA contractor for pilot
training and clandestine flights. Associate of Clay Shaw,
Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby; murdered Feb. 1967; death
termed "suicide" by officials.
"Frenchy" - Real name(s) not yet determined. French Canadian
adventurer. CIA contract agent. Training for second
invasion of Cuba in Florida Keys. Knew Howard, Hall,
Seymour, Hemming, and Santana. Fired shots. Also involved
in King assassination.
Guy Gabaldin - Former OSS operative and CIA agent in Mexico City.
Movie made about his World War II exploits, Jeffrey Hunter
played Gabaldin role. Assassination planning done in his
Mexico City apartment.
Loran Hall - Anti-Castro adventurer from southern California. One
of three men who visited Sylvia Odio and said JFK would be
assassinated. Close friend of Lawrence Howard, William
Seymour and other no-name key adventurers. Raising funds for
them in 1963.
Sgt. Harkness - Dallas police sergeant.
Richard Helms - Deputy Director - Plans, CIA, in 1963.
Jerry Patrick Hemming - CIA agent and trainer of mercenaries at
no-name key.
Jim Hicks - Radio specialist from Dallas. Was radio communications
coordinator in Dealey Plaza. Placed in mental hospital run by
the military.
Jerry Hill - Police sergeant, Dallas.
Mary Hope - Friend of Augustinovich. Participated in Mexico City
meetings on the assassination.
Lawrence Howard - Anti-Castro adventurer. No-name key group.
Friend of Loran Hall and William Seymour. Visited Sylvia Odio.
Kept no-name key photo album. Provided Garrison with pictures.
E. Howard Hunt - CIA agent. Acting station chief CIA clandestine
station in Mexico City in 1963.
Lt. Johnson - Dallas police lieutenant.
Jack Lawrence - Resident of West Virginia and southern California.
Minuteman and adventurer. Fired shots.
James Martin - Marina Oswald's business manager.
Sgt. McDonald - Police sergeant, Dallas.
Lt. Montgomery - Dallas police lieutenant; helped frame Oswald .
Clint Murchison - Texas oil millionaire.
Richard Case Nagell - CIA operative in Mexico City; testified
before Congressional Committees.
OSS - Office of Strategic Services.
Lee Harvey Oswald - Dallas and New Orleans resident. CIA and FBI
agent and informer. Patsy in assassination.
Marina Oswald - Wife of Lee Harvey Oswald. Helped to frame her
husband.
Sid Richardson - Texas oil millionaire.
Jack Ruby - Mafia connections. Anti-Castro CIA contracts. Owner
of Dallas night club. Recruited to shoot Oswald.
Emilio Santana - Cuban adventurer. Anti-Castro, in no-name key
group. Was in Dealey Plaza firing shots.
William Seymour - Mexican-American adventurer and hired killer. On
no-name key training for second invasion of Cuba in 1963.
Impersonated Lee Harvey Oswald and resembled Oswald. Fired
shots in Dealey Plaza. Killed Officer Tippit.
Clay Shaw - New Orleans French Quarter resident. Manager
International Trade Mart, CIA contract agent, member board of
directors of CIA organization, Centro Mondiale Commericale.
Murdered in 1974. Living double life as Clay Bertrand, friend
of David Ferrie.
Sergio Arcacha Smith - Anti-Castro Cuban. Devoted to overthrowing
Castro. CIA contract agent. Close to Guy Banister, Ferrie,
and New Orleans CIA operations. Fled to Texas, escaped
Garrison subpoena. Protected by Governor John Connally from
extradition.
Carlos Prio Socarras - Former premier of Cuba. Violent Anti-Castro
millionaire. Backed Cuban invasion plans and CIA efforts.
Lived in Miami area. Murdered in 1977.
James Tague - Spectator in Dealey Plaza, hit by piece of curbing
thrown up by bullet striking near him.
J. D. Tippit - Dallas policeman, shot on November 22, 1963. Co-
conspirator in assassination, Mafia and CIA functionary.
Tammie True - Owner of CIA safe house in Dallas.
Roy Truly - Manager of Texas School Book Depository.
TSBD - Texas School Book Depository Building in Dealey Plaza,
Dallas, from which Oswald was supposed to have fired shots at
President John F. Kennedy.
General Walker - Right-wing former Army General. Resident of
Dallas. Supposedly shot at by Oswald.
Breck Wall - Friend of Clay Shaw and Jack Ruby.
Marvin Wise - Dallas police officer, arrested "tramps" in Dealey
Plaza.



____________________

[1] For a complete listing of articles on political assassinations in the
United States, published in "Computers and People" (formerly
"Computers and Automation"), see the issues of "People and the Pursuit
of Truth," May 1975, p. 6, and June, 1975, p. 5, published by Berkeley
Enterprises, Inc., 815 Washington St., Newtonville, Mass. 02160.

[2] "1978 Los Angeles Free Press" - Special Report No 1, page 16, copy of
receipt given to Commander James J. Humes MC, USN "for Missile removed
on this date (Nov. 22, 1963)," signed by Francis X. O'Neill, Jr.,
James W. Sibert, FBI Agents.

Also "Postmortem," by Harold Weisberg, page 266, the missile receipt.

[3] As mentioned earlier, it is also possible that one of the team called
him from a telephone inside the TSBD.







* * * * * * *



End Part5

#7 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:22 AM

Part6.



Chapter 6
The Assassinations of Robert Kennedy and
Dr. Martin Luther King and
Lyndon B. Johnson's Withdrawal in 1968

The Power Control Group faced several dangers in 1968. While
President Johnson had cooperated fully with their desires in Viet
Nam and in other parts of the world, he had not met their
requirements in other areas. He had gone too far in appeasing the
blacks and had shown some signs of giving in to the young people in
America in early 1968. Through threats to expose his role in
covering up the truth about the JFK assassination or personal
threats to the safety of his family, the Group forced his
withdrawal from the 1968 election race. Their plan now was to
install Richard Nixon as president at all costs.
Robert Kennedy and Dr. King posed real threats to this plan.
Dr. King was beginning a movement in the direction of a coalition
with Malcom X followers and other black militant groups. He was
speaking out against the Viet Nam war. His influence might help
defeat Nixon at the polls. So the Power Control Group created an
environment in which he could be assassinated by his arch enemies.
The FBI and J. Edgar Hoover had become a vital part of the Power
Control Group by 1968. Hoover had no love for King and was
harrassing him in several ways. The Power Control Group
undoubtedly let Hoover know that it wouldn't be a bad idea to have
King out of the way before the election campaigns really warmed up.
They also passed the word along to some of the groups who were out
to murder King that the crime would probably not be stopped.
Fletcher Prouty has described this approach in some detail.[1] The
net result of these actions was the assassination of Dr. King by a
group of wealthy white bigots who employed two of the intelligence
community's own expert assassins. One of these men, Frenchy, had
fired shots at JFK. The other, Jack Youngblood, was a soldier of
fortune and CIA contract killer. They recruited James Earl Ray and
set him up as a patsy.
The FBI removed King's protection in Memphis and after the
assassination they took the case out of the hands of the local
police to control and suppress the evidence of conspiracy. Hoover
did not know exactly who was going to assassinate King or where.
He did not know in advance who the patsy was supposed to be. The
best evidence in support of this is that from April to June 1968
the identity of the patsy was a mystery, first unidentified, then
identified as Eric Starvo Galt, then as Raymond Sneyd, and finally
as James Earl Ray. If Hoover had been in on the plan, Ray's
identity would probably have been revealed immediately. In fact,
the scenario might have been similar to the JFK case, with Ray
being killed in a shoot-out.
After Ray was identified and arrested in London, Hoover and the
Justice Department had to manufacture some evidence to get Ray back
to the U.S. They had no qualms about bribing one witness, Charlie
Stevens, to do this. They forced him to say he had seen Ray. Then
a new problem arose. Ray began telling the truth to his lawyer and
a writer, William Bradford Huie. He almost revealed Frenchy's true
identity. The Power Control Group, led by J. Edgar Hoover, solved
this problem by getting rid of Ray's lawyer, Arthur Hanes, and they
hired Percy Foreman to keep Ray quiet. They also were forced to
pay off or frighten off author Huie who had by then become
convinced Ray was telling him the truth. Huie had found several
witnesses who had seen Ray and Frenchy together.
The group got Foreman to talk Ray into pleading guilty and Huie
to retract his conspiracy talk and publish an article and a book
claiming Ray was the lone assassin. Ever since Ray was put away
for 99 years, the FBI and the Power Control Group have been hard at
work covering up the truth, bribing or influencing judges who have
heard Ray's appeals for a trial, publishing disinformation like
Gerold Franck's book, "An American Assassin," suppressing evidence,
and placing key witnesses in psychiatric wards. It is still going
on. They have killed at least one reporter--Louis Lomax--who was
getting too close to the truth. The local D.A., Phil Canale, was
brought into the conspiracy along with Percy Foreman, Judge Battle,
Fred Vinson (who extradited Ray, using Stevens' false affidavit),
and local authorities who committed Grace Walden Stevens to a
mental institution because she knew Charlie had been dead drunk and
saw nothing.
The mechanics of the assassination are as follows: Youngblood
and Frenchy recruited Ray in Montreal for smuggling drugs into the
U.S. from Mexico and Canada. They recruited him in the
assassination plan in such a way as to make him believe they were
smuggling guns to Cuba.
Frenchy (Ray knew him as Raoul) set up Ray as a patsy by
planting evidence with Ray's prints on it near the fake firing
point. He persuaded Ray to rent a room opposite Dr. King's motel,
to buy a rifle with telescopic sight, and a white Mustang, and park
the Mustang outside the rooming house to wait for Frenchy to come
out. Youngblood stationed himself on a grassy knoll beneath the
rooming house where Frenchy was located. When King came out on his
balcony, Youngblood killed him with one shot fired at an upward
angle. Frenchy ran from his perch overlooking King's balcony. He
made plenty of noise to attract attention, and dropped a bag full
of items with Ray's prints on them in front of an amusement parlor
next door to the rooming house.
Frenchy must have had some anxious moments then because Ray had
driven the Mustang to a gas station a few blocks away to have a low
tire pumped up. Three witnesses remember his being there. When
Ray returned, not yet knowing what had happened, Frenchy told him
to drive away toward the edge of town where Frenchy got out of the
back seat. Ray drove on to Atlanta with the intention of meeting
Frenchy there.
Meanwhile, Youngblood mingled with the crowd under King's
balcony and then faded away. A false trail was created by another
member of the team who drove away in a second white Mustang and
then created a fake auto chase on the police band radio.
Youngblood was tracked down by various reporters in early 1976 and
began negotiating to tell his story for a very high price.
Meanwhile, judge after judge and court after court keep turning
down Bernard Fensterwald and James Cesar, Ray's new lawyers, who
appealed for a new trial.
All of the information above has been reported with factual
evidence backing it up in several articles, one book, and at Ray's
legal hearing for a new trial in Memphis in 1975.[2]
After Dr. King was eliminated, the Power Control Group faced a
much greater threat. Robert Kennedy began his quest for the
presidency. There was little doubt in the minds of anyone in the
Group that Kennedy would be nominated as Democratic candidate at
the convention, and would have a very good chance of defeating
Richard Nixon. This would be a near certainty if Eugene McCarthy
decided to drop out and support Senator Kennedy. Robert Kennedy
represented a double threat to the Group in that he would
undoubtedly expose them after becoming president and seize control.
The plan they adopted was again to create an environment in
which it would be easy for an enemy like the Minutemen or the Mafia
or certain local hate groups in California to assassinate RFK and
get away with it by setting up another patsy. Available at the
time was a CIA agent planted inside the Los Angeles police
department. Strong influence was brought to bear on chief of
police, Ed Davis, to remove all official protection for Senator
Kennedy in the Ambassador Hotel. Arrangements were made for the
Ace Guard Service to supply three extreme right wing, militant
guards at the hotel to guard the Senator after his victory speech.
One of these was Thane Eugene Cesar, a known Kennedy hater and
friend of a group of Southern California Minutemen. He was also
almost certainly a CIA contract agent or "blind" assassin. At the
same time another group was recruited to hypnotize Sirhan Sirhan
and to program him for firing some shots in Robert Kennedy's
direction. Two hypnotists and at least three other people were
involved in the framing of Sirhan.
Cesar killed Robert Kennedy from behind while Sirhan was firing
under hypnosis from in front of the Senator. His programmed signal
was given by a girl in a polka dot dress and another young Arabic
man with them in the pantry.
After the crime, the FBI, the CIA agent (Manny Pena), the
District Attorney's office (Evelle Younger and Joseph Busch) and
the Los Angeles Police Department (Ed Davis, Robert Houghton and
others), knowing the truth, all teamed up to suppress all other
evidence except that which was aimed at framing Sirhan. The Power
Control Group has since wielded its influence to keep the RFK case
under wraps. They pushed legislation through the California
legislature to lock up the evidence. They put Thomas Noguchi, the
L.A. County Coroner who wouldn't keep quiet about the autopsy
evidence which proved conspiracy, in an insane asylum. They
arranged for the FBI report on the assassination to be classified
and locked up. They killed at least one person who knew what had
happened. They controlled the media on the subject, especially the
"Los Angeles Times" through its owner, Norman Chandler, and his
friend Evelle Younger, who became California State Attorney
General.
After Al Lowenstein, Jerry Brown, Paul Schrade, Vincent
Bugliosi, Robert Vaughn, Tom Bradley and others began to try to
expose the truth, the Group fought back by setting up their own
expert ballistics panel and buying or frightening them into
distorting the evidence proving there were two guns fired. The
Group is certainly not through yet. More planted disinformation
can be expected and more bribing of judges and expert witnesses.
There may be more killings. Cesar's life and the lives of the two
hypnotists won't be worth much if they ever start talking.[3]



____________________


[1] "The Fourth Force" -- L. Fletcher Prouty -- "Gallery Magazine" --
December, 1975

[2] "Frame Up: The Martin Luther King/James Earl Ray Case" -- Harold
Weisberg -- E.P. Dutton -- 1971

"The Assassination of Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr." -- R.E.
Sprague -- "Computers & Automation," December 1970

"The Assassination of Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. -- Parts I to
II" -- Wayne Chastain -- "Computers & Automation," December 1974.

[3] Most of the above information has been published in a series of
articles and in two books and one movie.

"The Assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy" -- R.E. Sprague --
"Computers & Automation" -- September 1972 and October 1970

"RFK Must Die" -- Robert Blair Kaiser -- 1970

"The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, A Searching Look at the
Conspiracy and Cover-Up 1968-1978" -- William Turner and John
Christian -- 1978

"The Second Gun" -- Documentary Movie -- Ted Charach -- American
Films -- Beverly Hills







* * * * * * *

End Part6.

#8 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:24 AM

Part7.


Chapter 7
The Control of the Kennedys - Threats & Chappaquiddick

Through the years the most common question of all has been: "If
there was a conspiracy in the JFK assassination, why didn't Robert
Kennedy find out about it and take some action? And if there was a
conspiracy in the RFK assassination why haven't Ted Kennedy and
Ethel Kennedy done something about it?" No one except the Kennedys
know the answers to these questions for sure. However, there are
plenty of clues and some other Power Control Group actions to
provide the answers to us.
First of all, thanks to Jackie Kennedy Onassis' butler in
Athens, Greece, Christain Cafarakis, we know why Jackie did nothing
after her husband's death. In a book published in 1972, Cafarakis
tells about an investigation Jackie had conducted by a famous New
York City detective agency into the assassination of JFK in 1964
and 1965.[1] It was financed by Aristotle Onassis and resulted in
a report in the spring of 1965 telling who the four gunmen were and
who was behind them. Jackie planned to give the report to LBJ but
was stopped by a threat from the Power Control Group to kill her
and her children. Ted, Bobby and other family members knew about
the report and the threat.
The second clue is Chappaquiddick. A careful examination of the
real evidence in this event shows that Ted Kennedy was framed in
the killing of Mary Joe Kopechne and then his life and his
children's lives threatened if he ever told the truth about what
happened. The facts in the case and the conclusions that can be
drawn from them are contained in a book by Boston researcher Robert
Cutler.[2]
The third clue is Ted's withdrawal from the presidential race in
November 1975. It is a fact that all of his and Robert's children
were being protected by the Secret Service for five days in
November 1975. A threat had been made against the children's lives
unless he officially announced his withdrawal. He made the
announcement and has stuck to it ever since. The Secret Service
protection ended the day after he made the announcement.
It does not seem likely that Senator Kennedy would withdraw from
the race because of a threat from a lone nut or from some obscure
group. He remembers the 1965 threat and Chappaquiddick very well.
He knows about the Power Control Group and he knows their enormous
capability. He knows what they did to his brothers. He has no
choice but to hope that somehow, sometime, the Group will be
exposed. But he dares not let them believe he would ever have
anything to do with it. Publicly he will always have to support
the Warren Commission and continue to state that he will not run
for president. Privately he is forced to ask his closest friends
and his relatives not to get involved with new investigations, and
to help protect his children. Some of them know the truth. Others
do not, and are puzzled by his behavior. They go along with it
under the assumption that he has good and sufficient reasons not to
open the can of worms represented by the conspiracies in his
brother's deaths.
The Power Control Group faced up to the Ted Kennedy and Kennedy
family problem very early. They used the threat against the
Kennedy children's lives very effectively between 1963 and 1968 to
silence Bobby and the rest of the family and friends who knew the
truth. It was necessary to assassinate Bobby in 1968 because with
the power of the presidency he could have prevented the Group from
harming the children. When Teddy began making moves to run for
president in 1969 for the 1972 election, the Group decided to put
some real action behind their threats. Killing Teddy in 1969 would
have been too much. They selected a new way of eliminating him as
a candidate. They framed him with the death of a young girl, and
threw sexual overtones in for good measure.
Here is what happened according to Cutler's analysis of the
evidence. The Group hired several men and at least one woman to be
at Chappaquiddick during the weekend of the yacht race and the
planned party on the island. They ambushed Ted and Mary Jo after
they left the cottage and knocked Ted out with blows to his head
and body. They took the unconscious or semi-conscious Kennedy to
Martha's Vineyard and deposited him in his hotel room. Another
group took Mary Jo to the bridge in Ted's car, force fed her with a
knock out potion of alcoholic beverage, placed her in the back
seat, and caused the car to accelerate off the side of the bridge
into the water. They broke the windows on one side of the car to
insure the entry of water; then they watched the car until they
were sure Mary Jo would not escape.
Mary Jo actually regained consciousness and pushed her way to
the top of the car (which was actually the bottom of the car--it
had landed on its roof) and died from asphyxiation. The group with
Teddy revived him early in the morning and let him know he had a
problem. Possibly they told him that Mary Jo had been kidnapped.
They told him his children would be killed if he told anyone what
had happened and that he would hear from them. On Chappaquiddick,
the other group made contact with Markham and Gargan, Ted's cousin
and lawyer. They told both men that Mary Jo was at the bottom of
the river and that Ted would have to make up a story about it, not
revealing the existence of the group. One of the men resembled Ted
and his voice sounded something like Ted's. Markham and Gargan
were instructed to go the the Vineyard on the morning ferry, tell
Ted where Mary Jo was, and come back to the island to wait for a
phone call at a pay station near the ferry on the Chappaquiddick
side.
The two men did as they were told and Ted found out what had
happened to Mary Jo that morning. The three men returned to the
pay phone and received their instructions to concoct a story about
the "accident" and to report it to the police. The threat against
Ted's children was repeated at that time.
Ted, Markham and Gargan went right away to police chief Arena's
office on the Vineyard where Ted reported the so-called "accident."
Almost at the same time scuba diver John Farror was pulling Mary Jo
out of the water, since two boys who had gone fishing earlier that
morning had spotted the car and reported it.
Ted called together a small coterie of friends and advisors
including family lawyer Burke Marshall, Robert MacNamara, Ted
Sorenson, and others. They met on Squaw Island near the Kennedy
compound at Hyannisport for three days. At the end of that time
they had manufactured the story which Ted told on TV, and later at
the inquest. Bob Cutler calls the story, "the shroud." Even the
most cursory examination of the story shows it was full of holes
and an impossible explanation of what happened. Ted's claim that
he made the wrong turn down the dirt road toward the bridge by
mistake is an obvious lie. His claim that he swam the channel back
to Martha's Vineyard is not believable. His description of how he
got out of the car under water and then dove down to try to rescue
Mary Jo is impossible. Markham and Gargan's claims that they kept
diving after Mary Jo are also unbelievable.
The evidence for the Cutler scenario is substantial. It begins
with the marks on the bridge and the position of the car in the
water. The marks show that the car was standing still on the
bridge and then accelerated off the edge, moving at a much higher
speed than Kennedy claimed. The distance the car travelled in the
air also confirms this. The damage to the car on two sides and on
top plus the damage to the windshield and the rear view mirror
stanchion[3] prove that some of the damage had to have been
inflicted before the car left the bridge.
The blood on the back and on the sleeves of Mary Jo's blouse
proves that a wound was inflicted before she left the bridge.[4]
The alcohol in her bloodstream proves she was drugged, since all
witnesses testified she never drank and did not drink that night.
The fact that she was in the back seat when her body was recovered
indicates that is where she was when the car hit the water. There
was no way she could have dived downward against the inrushing
water and moved from the front to the back seat underneath the
upside-down seat back.
The wounds on the back of Ted Kennedy's skull, those just above
his ear and the large bump on the top indicate he was knocked out.
His actions at the hotel the next morning show he was not aware of
Mary Jo's death until Markham and Gargan arrived. The trip to the
pay phone on Chappaquiddick can only be explained by his receiving
a call there, not making one. There were plenty of pay phones in
or near Ted's hotel if he needed to make a private call. The tides
in the channel and the direction in which Ted claimed he swam do
not match. In addition it would have been a superhuman feat to
have made it across the channel (as proven by several professionals
who subsequently tried it).
Deputy Sheriff Christopher Look's testimony, coupled with the
testimony of Ray LaRosa and two Lyons girls, proves that there were
two people in Ted's car with Mary Jo at 12:45 PM. The three party
members walking along the road south toward the cottage confirmed
the time that Mr. Look drove by. He stopped to ask if they needed
a ride. Look says that just prior to that he encountered Ted's car
parked facing north at the juncture of the main road and the dirt
road. It was on a short extension of the north-south section of
the road junction to the north of the "T". He says he saw a man
driving, a woman in the seat beside him, and what he thought was
another woman lying on the back seat. He remembered a portion of
the license plate which matched Ted's car, as did the description
of the car. Markham, Gargan and Ted's driver's testimony show that
someone they talked to in the pitch black night sounded like Ted
and was about his height and build.
None of the above evidence was ever explained by Ted or by
anyone else at the inquest or at the hearing on the case demanded
by district attorney Edward Dinis. No autopsy was ever allowed on
Mary Jo's body (her family objected), and Ted made it possible to
fly her body home for burial rather quickly. Kennedy haters have
seized upon Chappaquiddick to enlarge the sexual image now being
promoted of both Ted and Jack Kennedy. Books like "Teddy Bare"
take full advantage of the situation.
Just which operatives in the Power Control Group at the high
levels or the lower levels were on Chappaquiddick Island? No
definite evidence has surfaced as yet, except for an indication
that there was at least one woman and at least three men, one of
whom resembled Ted Kennedy and who sounded like him in the
darkness. However, two pieces of testimony in the Watergate
hearings provide significant clues as to which of the known JFK
case conspirators may have been there.
E. Howard Hunt told of a strange trip to Hyannisport to see a
local citizen there about the Chappaquiddick incident. Hunt's
cover story on this trip was that he was digging up dirt on Ted
Kennedy for use in the 1972 campaign. The story does not make much
sense if one questions why Hunt would have to wear a disguise,
including his famous red wig, and to use a voice-alteration device
to make himself sound like someone else. If, on the other hand,
Hunt's purpose was to return to the scene of his crime just to make
sure that no one who might have seen his group at the bridge or
elsewhere would talk, then the disguise and the voice box make
sense.
The other important testimony came from Tony Ulasewicz who said
he was ordered by the Plumbers to fly immediately to Chappaquiddick
and dig up dirt on Ted. The only problem Tony has is that,
according to his testimony, he arrived early on the morning of the
"accident", before the whole incident had been made public.
Ulasewicz is the right height and weight to resemble Kennedy and
with a CIA voice-alteration device he presumably could be made to
sound like him. There is a distinct possibility that Hunt and Tony
were there when it happened.
The threats by the Power Control Group, the frame-up at
Chappaquiddick, and the murders of Jack and Bobby Kennedy cannot
have failed to take their toll on all of the Kennedys. Rose, Ted,
Jackie, Ethel and the other close family members must be very tired
of it all by now. They can certainly not be blamed for hoping it
will all go away. Investigations like those proposed by Henry
Gonzalez and Thomas Downing only raised the spectre of the powerful
Control Group taking revenge by kidnapping some of the seventeen
children.
It was no wonder that a close Kennedy friend and ally in
California, Representative Burton, said that he would oppose the
Downing and Gonzalez resolutions unless Ted Kennedy put his stamp
of approval on them. While the sympathies of every decent American
go out to them, the future of our country and the freedom of the
people to control their own destiny through the election process
mean more than the lives of all the Kennedys put together. If John
Kennedy were alive today he would probably make the same statement.
John Dean summed it up when he said to Richard Nixon as recorded
on the White House tapes in 1973: "If Teddy knew the bear trap he
was walking into at Chappaquiddick. . . ."[5]



____________________

[1] "The fabulous Jackie" -- Christian Cafarakis -- Productions de Paris
-- 1972

[2] "You the Jury" -- Robert Cutler -- Self Published -- 1974

[3] A rope attached to the stick which held the Oldsmobile throttle wide
open caught the drivers rear view mirror and tore it loose so that
it was hanging by the rear bolt. There was no other mark on the
left side of the car.

[4] A sliver of glass from two broken windows no doubt caused this
bleeding since Mary Jo was already face down and unconscious in the
rear seat. Since there was no autopsy this clean cut went
unnoticed by the embalmers.

[5] On page 121, "White House Tapes," Paperback Edition, published by New
York Times







* * * * * * *

End Part7.

#9 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:25 AM

Part8.


Chapter 8
1972 - Muskie, Wallace and McGovern

In 1972 the Power Control Group was faced with another set of
problems. Again the objective was to insure Nixon's election at
all costs and to continue the cover-ups. Nixon might have made it
on his own. We'll never know because the Group guaranteed his
election by eliminating two strong candidates and completely
swamping another with tainted leftist images and a psychiatric case
for the vice presidential nominee. The impression that Nixon had
in early 1972 was that he stood a good chance of losing. He
imagined enemies everywhere and a press he was sure was out to get
him.
The Power Control Group realized this too. They began laying
out a strategy that would encourage the real nuts in the Nixon
administration like E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy and Donald
Segretti to eliminate any serious opposition. The dirty tricks
campaign worked perfectly against the strongest early Democratic
candidate, Edmund Muskie. He withdrew in tears, later to discover
he had been sabotaged by Nixon, Liddy and company.
George Wallace was another matter. At the time he was shot, he
was drawing 18% of the vote according to the polls, and most of
that was in Nixon territory. The conservative states such as
Indiana were going for Wallace. He was eating into Nixon's
southern strength. In April the polls showed McGovern pulling a
41%, Nixon 41% and Wallace 18%. It was going to be too close for
comfort, and it might be thrown into the House - in which case
Nixon would surely lose. There was the option available of
eliminating George McGovern, but then the Democrats might come up
with Hubert Humphrey or someone else even more dangerous than
McGovern. Nixon's best chance was a head-on contest with McGovern.
Wallace had to go. Once the group made that decision, the Liddy
team seemed to be the obvious group to carry it out. But how could
it be done this time and still fool the people? Another patsy this
time? O.K., but how about having him actually kill the Governor?
The answer to that was an even deeper programming job than that
done on Sirhan. This time they selected a man with a lower I.Q.
level who could be hypnotized to really shoot someone, realize it
later, and not know that he had been programmed. He would have to
be a little wacky, unlike Oswald, Ruby or Ray.
Arthur Bremer was selected. The first contacts were made by
people who knew both Bremer and Segretti in Milwaukee. They were
members of a leftist organization planted there as provocateurs by
the intelligence forces within the Power Control Group. One of
them was a man named Dennis Cossini.
Bremer was programmed over a period of months. He was first set
to track Nixon and then Wallace. When his hand held the gun in
Laurel, Maryland, it might just as well have been in the hand of
Donald Segretti, E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, Richard Helms, or
Richard Nixon.
With Wallace's elimination from the race and McGovern's
increasing popularity in the primaries, the only question remaining
for the Power Control Group was whether McGovern had any real
chance of winning. The polls all showed Wallace's vote going to
Nixon and a resultant landslide victory. That, of course, is
exactly what happened. It was never close enough to worry the
Group very much. McGovern, on the other hand, was worried. By the
time of the California primary he and his staff had learned enough
about the conspiracies in the assassinations of John and Robert
Kennedy and Martin Luther King that they asked for increased Secret
Service protection in Los Angeles.
If the Power Control Group had decided to kill Mr. McGovern the
Secret Service would not have been able to stop it. However, they
did not, because the election was a sure thing. They did try one
more dirty trick. They revealed Thomas Eagleton's psychiatric
problems, which reduced McGovern's odds considerably.
What evidence is there that Bremer's attempt on Wallace was a
directed attempt by a conspiratorial group?
Bremer himself has told his brother that others were involved
and that he was paid by them. Researcher William Turner has turned
up evidence in Milwaukee and surrounding towns in Wisconsin that
Bremer received money from a group associated with Dennis Cossini,
Donald Segretti and J. Timothy Gratz. Several other young
"leftists" were seen with Bremer on several occasions in Milwaukee
and on the ferry crossing at Lake Michigan.
The evidence shows that Bremer had a hidden source of income.
He spent several times more than he earned or saved in the year
before he shot at Wallace. Bremer's appearance on TV, in court and
before witnesses resembled those of a man under hypnosis.[1]
There is some evidence that more than one gun may have been
fired with the second gun being located in the direction opposite
to Bremer. Eleven wounds in the four victims that day exceeds the
number that could have been caused by the five bullets Bremer
fired. There is a problem in identifying all of the bullets found
as having been fired from Bremer's gun. The trajectories of the
wounds seem to be from two opposite directions. All of this--the
hypnotic-like trance, the possibility of two guns being fired from
in front and from behind, and the immediate conclusion that Bremer
acted alone--sounds very much like the arrangement made for the
Robert Kennedy assassination.
Another part of the evidence sounds like the King case. A lone
blue Cadillac was seen speeding away from the scene of the shooting
immediately afterward. It was reported on the police band radio
and the police unsuccessfully chased it. The car had two men in
it. The police and the FBI immediately shut off all accounts of
that incident.
E. Howard Hunt testified before the Ervin Committee that Charles
Colson had asked him to go to Bremer's apartment in Milwaukee as
soon as the news about Bremer was available at the White House.
Hunt never did say why he was supposed to go. Colson then said
that he didn't tell Hunt to go, but that Hunt told him he was
going. Colson's theory is that Hunt was part of a CIA conspiracy
to get rid of Nixon and to do other dirty tricks.
Could Hunt and the Power Control Group have had in mind placing
something in Bremer's apartment rather than taking something out?
The "something" could have been Bremer's diary, which was later
found in his car parked near the Laurel, Maryland parking lot.
Hunt did not go to Milwaukee, because the FBI already had agents at
the apartment. Perhaps Hunt or someone else went instead to
Maryland and planted the diary in Bremer's car. One thing seems
certain after a careful analysis of Bremer's diary in comparison to
his grammar, spelling, etc., in his high school performances in
English. Bremer didn't write the diary. Someone forged it, trying
to make it sound like they thought Bremer would sound given his low
I.Q.
One last item would clinch the conspiracy case if it were true.
A rumor spread among researchers and the media that CBS-TV had
discovered Bremer and G. Gordon Liddy together on two separate
occasions in TV footage of Wallace rallies. In one TV sequence
they were said to be walking together toward a camera in the
background. CBS completely closed the lid on the subject.
The best source is obviously Bremer himself. However, no
private citizen can get anywhere near him. Even if they could he
might not talk if he had been programmed. Unless an expert
deprogrammed him, his secret could be locked away in his brain,
just like Sirhan's secret is locked within his mind.



____________________

[1] "Report of an Investigation" by William Turner for the Committee
on Government Intelligence.

References:

"Bremer Wallace and Hunt", The New York Review of Books -- Gore
Vidal -- December 13, 1973.

"The Wallace Shooting" -- Alan Stang -- "American Opinion" --
October, 1972.

"Why Was Wallace Shot?" -- R.F. Salant -- Self Published --
Monsey, N.Y.

"Interview With Charles Colson" -- Dick Russell -- "Argosy" --
March, 1976.



End Part8.

#10 John Ritchson

John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:30 AM

Part9.



Chapter 9
Control of the Media

As mentioned in Chapter 1, one of the two clever strategies used
by the Power Control Group in the taking of America has been the
control of the news media.
For those American citizens who steadfastly refuse to believe
that all of the American establishment news media could be
controlled by the CIA and its friends in the White House, the
continuing support of the Warren Commission's lone assassin
conclusion by virtually all of the major news media organizations
in November, 1975, twelve years after the event, must have been
very puzzling indeed. Since 78% of the public believe that there
was a conspiracy in the case, there must be a series of questions
in the minds of the most intelligent of the 78% about the media's
position on the subject.[1]
This Chapter is intended to enlighten readers and to remind them
of the control exercised by the intelligence community and the
White House over the 15 organizations from whom the public gets the
vast majority of its news and opinions.
Let's begin with 1968-1969. By 1973 the American public had
begun to develop a skepticism toward information they received on
television or radio. Various news stories appearing in our
national news media through those years had brought about this
attitude. Some examples are: the Songmy-Mylai incident, the
Pueblo story, the murder of Black Panther Fred Hampton, the
Pentagon Papers, the Clifford Irving hoax, the Bangladesh tragedy
and the India-Pakistan war, Hoover & FBI antics, the Jack Anderson
papers, and IT&T and the Republican National Convention.
The general reaction was bound to be, "Don't believe everything
you read, see or hear, especially the first time around, and more
especially if the story comes from Washington." In the case of the
Pentagon Papers, things we all had taken as gospel for nearly two
decades suddenly seemed to crumble.
To what extent can the national news media be held responsible
for this situation? What has happened to the inquiring reporter
and the crusading editor who are both searching for and printing
the truth? If a government or a president lies or keeps secrets,
can the American news media really find out about it? And if they
do, what moral, ethical, political or other criteria should they
use in uncovering the lies and presenting them to the public?
Vice President Agnew would have said, "The press is already
going too far." Members of the press would have said, "We must
remain independent and maintain the freedom of speech." Just how
independent is the news media? Is it controlled to some extent by
Washington?
The answer to some of these questions can be found by taking an
inside look at the major national news media organizations during
1968 and 1969 and how they treated the most controversial news
subject since World War II. The assassination of John F. Kennedy
and its aftermath is an all-pervading, endless topic. It has yet
to reach the Pentagon Papers, Anderston papers, or Mylai stage of
revelation. Precisely because it is still such a controversial
subject, verboten for discussion among all major news media (unless
the discussant supports the Warren Commission), it serves as an
excellent case study.
A categorical statement can be made that management and
editorial policy, measured by what is printed and broadcast in all
major American news media organizations, supports the findings of
the Warren Commission. This has been true since 1969, but it was
not true between 1964 and 1969.
Of significance in this analysis and what it implies about the
American public's knowledge about the assassination and its
aftermath is a definition of "major American national news media."
It can be demonstrated that an overwhelming mass of news
information reaching the eyes and ears of Americans comes from
about fifteen organizations. They are, in general order of
significance: NBC-TV & Radio CBS-TV & Radio, ABC-TV & Radio,
Associated Press, United Press, "Time-Life-Fortune-Sports
Illustrated," McGraw Hill "Business Week," "Newsweek," "U.S. News
& World Report," "New York Times" News Service, "Washington Post"
News Service, Metromedia News Network, Westinghouse Radio News
Network, Capital City Broadcasting Radio Network, the North
American Newspaper Alliance, and the "Saturday Evening Post" (the
"Post" is, of course, now defunct.)
There are some subtle reasons for this, not generally
appreciated by the average citizen. Television has, of course,
become the primary source of information. For any nationally
circulated news story, local stations rely heavily on film,
videotape and written script material prepared and edited by the
three networks. Once in a while Metromedia may also send out TV
material. In effect, this means that editorial content for a vast
majority of the television information seen by American citizens
everywhere originates not only with three or four organizations but
also with a very small number of producers, editors and
commentators in those networks.
A large majority of any national news items printed by local
newspapers originates in a small number of press-wire services. AP
and UP dominate this area, with selected chains of papers
subscribing to a lesser extent to new services of the "New York
Times," "Washington Post," North American Newspaper Alliance, and a
very small percentage receiving information from papers in Los
Angeles, Chicago and St. Louis.
In a national news story of major significance such as the
assassination of John Kennedy, the smaller local papers rely almost
exclusively on their affiliated news services. Economic reasons
dictate this situation. The small paper can't afford to have
reporters everywhere. The major newspapers might send a man to
Dallas for a few days to cover the assassination, or they might
send a man to New Orleans to cover the Clay Shaw trial. But even
the major papers can't afford to cover every part of a continuing
story anywhere around the world. So they too rely on UP and AP for
much of their material. They also rely on AP, UP and Black Star[2]
for most of their photographic material.
In the case of news magazines, the holding corporations become
important in forming editorial policy in a situation as
controversial as the assassination of JFK. Time Inc. and "Life,"
"Newsweek" and the "Washington Post," "U.S. News," and McGraw Hill
managements all became involved.
Fifteen organizations is a surprisingly small number, and one is
led to conjecture about how easy or difficult it might be to
control or dictate editorial policy for all of them or some
appreciable majority of them. An article in "Computers and
Automation"[3] reprinted a statement by John R. Rarick, Louisiana
Congressman and an entry made in the "Congressional Record" bearing
on this subject. In the reprint, the "Government Employees
Exchange" publication is quoted as stating that the CIA New Team
used secret cooperating and liaison groups after the Bay of Pigs in
the large foundations, banks and newspapers to change U.S. domestic
and foreign relations through the infiltration of these
organizations. The coordinating role at "The New York Times" was
in the custody of Harding Bancroft, Executive Vice President.
A useful analysis consists of examining what happened
organizationally and editorially inside each of the fifteen
companies following the assassination of President Kennedy. My
personal knowledge, plus information available from a few sources
connected with the major news media, permits such an analysis to be
made for eleven of the fifteen. They are: NBC, CBS, ABC, Time-
Life, "The New York Times," "Newsweek," Associated Press, United
Press, "Saturday Evening Post," Capital City Broadcasting, and
North American Newspaper Alliance. In addition, the performance of
nine local newspapers and TV stations directly involved in the
events in Dallas and New Orleans will be analyzed. These include:
"Dallas Times Herald," "Dallas Morning News," Fort Worth "Star
Telegram," Dallas CBS-Affiliate WBAP, "New Orleans Times Picayune,"
"New Orleans Times Herald," and New Orleans NBC-Affiliate WDSU-TV.
Most of these organizations had reporters and photographers in
Dallas at the time of the assassination or within a few hours
thereafter. Most of them had direct coverage available when Jim
Garrison's investigation broke into the news in 1967 and during the
trial of Clay Shaw in New Orleans in 1969. For many of them the
Shaw trial became the running point in the changing of editorial
policy toward the assassination. For a few, the Garrison
investigation and the Shaw trial took on the aspect of waving a
red flag in front of a bull. They became directly involved in a
negative way and thus not only reported the news, but also biased
it.
Immediately following the assassination the media reported
nearly everything that had obviously happened. All was confused
for the first few days. The killing of Oswald by Ruby on live
television produced even greater confusion.
For one year the major media reported everything, from probable
Communist conspiracies to the lone assassin theory. The media
waited for the Warren Report, and when it was issued in October of
1964 many of the major media fell into line and editorially backed
the Commission's findings. Some questioned the findings and
continued to question them until 1968 or 1969. "The New York
Times" and "Life" magazine fell into this category. But by the
time the Shaw trial ended in March 1969, every one of the fifteen
major news media organizations was backing the Warren Commission
and they have continued to maintain this editorial position since.
The situation would perhaps not be so surprising had not the
internal assassination research teams in several of these
organizations discovered the truth about the Kennedy killing
between 1964 and 1968. These teams examined the evidence and
thoroughly analyzed it. No one who has ever taken the trouble to
objectively do just that has reached any conclusion other than
conspiracy.
In each and every case the internal findings were overruled,
suppressed, locked up, edited and otherwise altered to back up the
Warren Commission. Management at the highest editorial and
corporate level took the action in every instance. Before drawing
any further generalization about the performance of the media in
the JFK case, it will be revealing to examine what happened and
specifically who took what actions in the case of the eleven
national organizations and the nine local ones listed earlier.


Time-Life

The Time Inc. organization let "Life Magazine" establish its
editorial policy while "Time" published more or less standard
"Time-Life" stories. "Life" became directly involved in the
assassination action and evidence suppression from the very
beginning, on November 22, 1963.
"Life" purchased the famous Zapruder movie from Abraham Zapruder
on the afternoon of the assassination for about $500,000. The
first negative action took place when "Life" and Zapruder began
telling the lie that the price was $25,000 (which Zapruder donated
to the fund raised for the widow of Dallas policeman, J. D.
Tippit, who had also been murdered that day). Apparently, both
"Life" and Zapruder were ashamed that he profited by the event. He
lived in fear that the true price would be revealed until the day
he died.
As many readers know, the Zapruder film (viewed in slow motion)
proves there was a conspiracy because of the backward motion of the
President's head immediately following the fatal shot. It proves
the shot came from the grassy knoll to the right and in front of
the president while Oswald's purported position was very nearly
directly behind him. The film also helps establish that five, and
not three shots, were fired, and that one of them could not have
been fired from Oswald's supposed sniper's nest because of the
large oak tree blocking his view.
"Life" magazine never permitted the Zapruder film to be seen
publicly and locked it up in November 1968 so that no one inside or
outside "Life" could have access to it, automatically becoming an
"accessory after the fact". "Life" helped protect the real
assassins and committed a worse crime than the Warren Commission.
In answer to those defenders of "Life" who will say, "But `Life'
turned over a copy of the Zapruder film to the Warren Commission,
and it is available in the National Archives," let's look at the
facts. "Life" did not supply the copy of the film now resting in
the Archives. That copy came from Zapruder's original to the
Secret Service to the Warren Commission to the Archives. It is
available for viewing by the few people fortunate enough to visit
the Archives. It can not be duplicated by anyone, and copies can
not be taken out of the Archives or viewed publicly in any way.
The Archive management responsible for the Kennedy assassination
records state that the "Life" magazine ownership of the Zapruder
film is what prevents copies from being made available outside the
Archives.
The Warren Commission did not see the film in slow motion. Nor
does the average Archives' visitor get to see it in slow motion or
stop-action. Yet the most casual analysis of the film in slow
motion convinces anyone to conclude there was a conspiracy.
Thus "Life" magazine is an important part of the efforts to
suppress evidence of conspiracy.
"Life" was involved in several other ways as an accessory after
the fact. The organization began its efforts to discover the truth
about the assassination in 1964 when it assigned Ed Kern, an
associate editor, to investigate. By the fall of 1966, Kern had
become convinced that the basic evidence pointed to conspiracy.
"Life" management was also apparently convinced; they published
articles in November 1965 and November 1966 questioning the Warren
Commission's conclusions.
In the fall of 1966 "Life" transferred Richard Billings from
their Miami office to headquarters in New York. His assignment was
to take over the investigation of the Kennedy assassination, and to
head a team of several people working full time on it. One of Dick
Billings' objectives was to search for and acquire as much of the
missing photographic evidence as possible.
This author initiated a similar search, independent from "Life"
magazine, in September 1966. As often happens, people with common
objectives decided to work together. Billings and the author
arrived at a tacit understanding that any JFK assassination
photographs, including TV films or private movies, found by either
would be brought to the other's attention. In exchange for access
to "Life"'s photographic collection (including the Zapruder film
and slides), the author agreed to give "Life" the results of any
analyses of the photographic evidence. In cases where the author
could not afford to acquire some new piece of evidence, "Life"
would offer to purchase the materials from the owners and supply
copies to the author.
In this manner the author discovered and helped "Life" magazine
acquire the largest collection of photographic evidence of the JFK
assassination, outside of the author's personal collection and the
collection now located at the headquarters of the Committee to
Investigate Assassinations in Washington, D.C. Among the photos
discovered were:

The Dorman movie Private
The Wilma Bond photos Private
The Robert Hughes movie Private
The David Weigman TV footage NBC
The Malcolm Couch TV footage ABC
The Jack Beers photos "Dallas Morning News"
The William Allen photos "Dallas Times Herald"
The George Smith photos Ft. Worth "Star Telegram"
The John Martin movie Private
Hugh Betzen's photo Private

(See "Computers and Automation," May 1970)

Many of these were important in proving conspiracy and some
showed pictures of the real assassins.
The "Life" team headed by Billings was in the process of
discovering a great deal about the conspiracy during the 1966-1968
period. While editorially not taking a strong position favoring
conspiracy, "Life" did take a position that favored a new
investigation by the government. This was editorially summed up in
a lead cover story on the fourth anniversary of Kennedy's death in
November 1967 with the title, "A Matter of Reasonable Doubt". In
that issue, John Connally and his wife were shown examining the
Zapruder film's frames and concluding that he had been hit much
later in the film than the Warren Commission claimed. This meant
that two bullets struck the two men and, by the Commission's own
admission, pointed automatically to the conspiracy.
The government naturally did not respond to "Life"'s suggestion
for a new investigation, so nothing ever came of that editorial
policy. Billings, however, continued his team's efforts and in
October 1968 was preparing a comprehensive article for the November
anniversary issue. The author continued to work with him and
continued being given access to the photos right up to October
1968.
It was at that point in time that a drastic change in management
policy occurred at "Life" magazine. Dick Billings was told to stop
all work on the assassination; his entire team was stopped. All
of the research files, including the Zapruder film and slides and
thousands of other film frames and photographs, were locked up. No
one at the magazine was permitted access to these materials and no
one (including the author) was ever allowed to see them again.
Simultaneously, editorial and management policy toward the
assassination changed to complete silence. Billings and crew were
not allowed to discuss the subject at "Life," let alone work on it.
In November 1968 the article Billings had been working on was
turned into a non-entity. A few of the hundreds of photographs
collected by the author and purchased by "Life" were published in
the article, along with an innocuous commentary. Credit for
discovering the photos was given to a number of people at "Life"
magazine in New York and Dallas, not to the individuals who
actually found them.
That article, published nearly nine years ago, was the last word
"Life" has ever uttered about their extensive research probe and
their feelings about a conspiracy. Dick Billings moved to
Washington, D.C. to become editor of the Congressional Quarterly
and is a member on the board of directors of the Committee to
Investigate Assassinations (CTIA).
Who made the policy change decision at "Life" and why? Various
high-level conspiracy enthusiasts claim that the cabal behind the
assassination of the President brought extreme pressure to bear
upon the owners and management of Time Inc. to silence all
opposition to the Warren Commission findings. Others conclude it
had something to do with the CIA's control of "Life"'s editorial
policy from inside. This author takes no position on why. Dick
Billings knows only that the decision was made at high levels and
passed downward and that it was irrevocable.
Repeated attempts by the CTIA and several independent
assassination researchers to break loose the basic evidence in
"Life"'s possession, such as the Zapruder film, the Hughes film,
and the Mark Bell Film, met with total opposition and a stone wall.
Attempts to break loose the Archives' copy of the Zapruder film or
slides met the same stiff opposition. In 1971 "Life"
representatives indicated they might be interested in selling
rights to the Zapruder film for a sum in the neighborhood of a
million dollars.


CBS

The American public is aware of the editorial policy adopted by
the Columbia Broadcasting System toward the Kennedy assassination
because of a special four-part series with Walter Cronkite which
was broadcast on network TV in prime time in the summer of 1967.[4]
That series, while taking issue with some of the work of the Warren
Commission *and criticizing the Dallas police*, the FBI and the
Secret Service, nevertheless backed all of the basic Warren
Commission conclusions.
Anyone watching the Cronkite series might have wondered why the
basic evidence presented by CBS in an itemized format for each of
several areas in the case, did not always seem to point to the
conclusion reached at the end of each section. The conclusion
always agreed with the Warren Commission's comparable conclusion.
Some viewers may even have noticed Cronkite's double-take after
reading through the basic evidence and then reading the phrase,
"and the conclusion is!" It seemed as though he didn't believe the
conclusion and hadn't seen it until he came to it in the script.
Actually, that is exactly what happened. CBS management caused
the entire script to be changed from one concluding conspiracy to a
script supporting the Warren Commission in the last week before the
first part of the series went on the air. Cronkite had not seen
the entire script until the program went on. Time had not
permitted changing all of the points of evidence, so in most cases
they were unchanged and only the conclusion was changed.
How did this come about? Who decided to change the script at
the last moment and why? Again there are control theories extant,
but the author's personal relationships to CBS people might help to
shed a little light on the subject.
The discussion with all of the CBS people always centered on
evidence of conspiracy and the CBS-TV film footage taken at the
assassination site. Bob Richter was the most knowledgeable of all
the aforementioned people on the basic evidence and he was firmly
convinced there was a conspiracy. Bernie Birnbaum was convinced
that a new investigation was desirable and his wife was convinced
there had been a conspiracy. Dan Rather believed there was a
conspiracy and so did Wes Wise.
CBS photographers Sandy Sanderson, Tom Craven, and Jim Underwood
had taken movie-TV footages showing evidence of conspiracy.
Craven's footage, for example, showed the assassin's get-away car
driving away from the parking lot area behind the grassy knoll
about one minute after the shots were fired. Sanderson filmed one
of the assassins being arrested in front of the Depository building
about 30 minutes after the shots. Most of this footage was either
lost or locked up in the CBS archives vaults in New Jersey.
Wes Wise so strongly maintained his opinion about conspiracy
that he broadcast appeals for new photographic evidence over the
KRLD local TV shows. This was done against the orders of Eddie
Barker. Wes became Mayor of Dallas, elected in 1971 and defeated
the Dallas-established oligarchy. He actually received a new piece
of photographic evidence based on his TV appeal from a Dallas
citizen named Bothun, who had taken a picture of the grassy knoll a
few moments after the shots.
The script for the Cronkite series was being edited and was
going through its final preparation stages in May and early June.
The author was in constant touch with Wise, Birnbaum and Richter
during this period and was informed about the basic thrust of the
script toward conspiracy and recommendations for a new
investigation.
On May 8 a dinner meeting took place at the author's New York
club with Mr. and Mrs. Birnbaum. There, Mrs. Birnbaum and the
author tried to convince Bernie that he should take a stronger
position on a new investigation.
On May 18, Bob Richter and one of Jim Garrison's investigators
met in the National Archives with the author and reviewed the
evidence of conspiracy. On June 2, 3 and 4 in Dallas, the author
showed Bernie Birnbaum and Wes Wise a film taken by Johnny Martin
that showed three of the assassins and their cohorts on the grassy
knoll running toward the parking lot a few seconds after firing two
shots. Wise and Birnbaum tried to interest Barker and others in
taking a look at the film.
On June 14 Bob Richter invited the author to meet Midgely,
Lister and Wallace at CBS in New York where an interview was being
taped with Jim Garrison for use in the series. At that time
Garrison, Richter and the author spent some time with the producer
and his assistant discussing the evidence of conspiracy.
Finally, on June 20, just five days before the program was to go
on the air, the author met with Richter and Dan Rather in the
Washington, D.C. CBS studios. The script was reviewed by Richter
and Rather in the author's presence. The gist of the conversation
was that Rather and Richter agreed that the conclusions stating
conspiracy had to be made even stronger than they were at that
time.
The day before the program was aired, Bob Richter assured the
author that the theme would point to conspiracy and demand a new
investigation. The author telephoned Richter immediately after the
first broadcast and asked what had happened. Richter was
devastated. He could not understand what had happened. From that
time forward his course paralleled that of Dick Billings. He
resigned from CBS in disgust and formed his own company, Richter-
McBride, in New York. It was his original intent to make a film
about the JFK assassination based on his own research and the films
he could obtain. However, the massive suppression of the
assassination, especially the suppression of the Zapruder film by
Time-Life films, cancelled Richter's plans for a film.
Correspondence with Cronkite and others determined that the
decision to change the script, distort and hide CBS's own findings
and back up the Warren Commission to the hilt came from Midgely and
Lister. How much higher did the decision go? Richard Salant was
head of the CBS News Division then and, of course, William C. Paley
was (and still is) chairman of the board.
By an odd coincidence, in a sequel to the above CBS story, the
author had an opportunity to learn a little more about Mr. Paley's
knowledge. Jeff Paley, William Paley's son, returned to the United
States from Paris in the winter of 1967-1968, where he had been
writing news stories and a news column for "L'Express" and for the
North American Newspaper Alliance, a group serving small papers in
the United States. Jeff had become convinced there was a
conspiracy in the JFK case and came to interview Garrison and
others and to do a story for French papers. (European papers and
magazines always believed and still do believe in the JFK
assassination conspiracy.) He met at length with Richter and the
author and became quite disturbed at what CBS had done. He
approached his father with the idea that CBS had been wrong in the
Cronkite series and that something should be done to rectify the
situation.
Bill Paley told his son that he knew nothing about the details
of the programs or the work lying behind the conclusions. He said
Midgely had been responsible for the entire production. He told
Jeff that if he could show proof that the CBS conclusions were
wrong and there had been a conspiracy, that he would fire Midgely
and all the rest of the team and do the whole thing all over again
under new management.
Needless to say, this did not happen and the mystery about where
the decision to suppress the truth came from within CBS is as deep
as it ever was.
Since June 1967, CBS has remained editorially silent on the
subject of the JFK assassination. The photographic evidence of
conspiracy in their possession remains locked up and suppressed.
The Craven sequence--film footage by the CBS photographer (who had
been in the parade's camera car # 1) of a car driving out of the
Elm Street extension (left-to right in front of the Texas School
Book Depository) within 20 seconds of the assassination--was seen
by the author and Jones Harris in New York, but was cut out of the
film where it appeared prior to the time the author and Richter
began searching for it. There is little question that CBS is an
accessory after the fact.
CBS edited out one other important piece of TV film. In
November 1969, Walter Cronkite conducted a three-part interview
with Lyndon B. Johnson at his ranch in Texas. The series was
broadcast in the spring of 1970 and on the first program an
announcement was made that portions of the taped interview had been
deleted at Lyndon Johnson's request, "for reasons of national
security."
What actually happened and what Johnson had said six months
earlier was made public due to a leak at CBS. The story appeared
in newspapers all over the U.S. several days before the broadcast.
Johnson told Cronkite that there had been a conspiracy in the
assassination of President Kennedy, that Oswald was not a lone
madman assassin, and that he, Johnson, had known it all along.
Johnson reviewed the tapes a week or so before the program was to
go on the air and then called up the CBS management, asking that
his remarks be deleted.
Someone at CBS who was very disturbed by this called a member of
the Committee to Investigate Assassinations and told him what had
been deleted. This led to the story being printed in the
newspapers.


"The New York Times"

The record of the "Times" through the 1969-1971 period follows
the same pattern as CBS and "Life" magazine editorial policies.
The early editorials following the Warren Report supported the
Commission. The "Times" cooperated by publishing much of the
report in advance. In 1965, however, editorials began to appear
that questioned the Commission's findings and suggested a new
investigation. In 1964 the "Times" formed a research team headed
by Harrison Salisbury to investigate the assassination. The team
of six included Peter Khiss and Gene Roberts. Their conclusions
were never made public by the "Times" but indications point to
their finding evidence of conspiracy.
Khiss, in particular, through the 1966-1968 period in several
meetings and discussions with the author, expressed doubts about
the Warren Report and questioned the lone madman assassin theme.
When the Garrison investigation made the news, the "Times" began a
regular campaign to undermine Garrison's case, to support the
Warren Commission, and finally (during the Clay Shaw trial) to
completely distort the news and the testimony presented. Martin
Waldron was the reporter sending in the stories from the Shaw
trial, but someone in New York edited them to completely change
their content. The author saw the story written by Waldron on the
first day of the trial and the final version appearing in the
"Times." The two were completely different, with Waldon's original
following the actual trial proceedings very closely.
The author, writing under the pen name of Samuel B. Thurston,
postulated the possibility that "The New York Times," on selected
subjects, including the JFK assassination, was controlled by the
CIA through their representative among top management, Mr. Harding
Bancroft.[5]
In the summer of 1968, the author discovered a remarkable
similarity between the sketch of the assassin of Dr. Martin Luther
King and one of the three tramps arrested in Dealey Plaza following
the assassination of President Kennedy. Peter Khiss wrote a story
about this and it was published by the "Times" in June, 1968.
Apparently that was the final straw for the "Times" management as
far as Khiss was concerned. He was not allowed to do any more
research on assassinations or to discuss the subject at the
"Times." As he told the author in 1969, he doesn't attend any
press conferences about assassinations because he doesn't like it
when people in "Times" management say, "Here comes crazy old Pete
Khiss again with his conspiracy talk."
The apex of "The New York Times" actions and editorial positions
on the JFK assassination came in November and December 1971. They
published three items supporting the Warren Commission eight years
after the assassination, at a time when it seemed on the surface to
be a dead issue.
The first was a story about Dallas eight years later by an
author from Texas who wrote his entire story as though it were an
established fact that Oswald was the lone madman assassin firing
three shots from the sixth floor window of the Depository building
and later killing police officer Tippit.
The second was an Op-Ed page guest editorial by none other than
David Belin, a Warren Commission lawyer. He defended the
Commission and attacked the researchers. The third was a story by
Fred Graham about the findings of Dr. Lattimer, who was allowed to
see the autopsy photographs and x-rays of John Kennedy. Graham
actually wrote most of his story, which solidly backed up the
Warren Commission due to Lattimer's claims that the autopsy
materials proved no conspiracy, before Lattimer ever entered the
Archives.
In other words, it appears that Graham knew what Lattimer was
going to find and say in advance. Either that or someone in
Washington, D.C. gave someone at the "Times" orders in advance to
prepare the story for the first page, upper left-hand corner, of
the paper. It really didn't make any difference whether Dr.
Lattimer ever saw the x-rays and photographs.
The concerted campaign on the part of the "Times" management
could have been timed to prevent a discovery of new evidence of
conspiracy in the autopsy materials. The reason for this
possibility developing in the November 1971 period is that the
five-year restriction placed on the autopsy evidence by Burke
Marshall, a Kennedy family lawyer, expired in November of 1971.
Four well-known and highly reputable forensic pathologists, Dr.
Cyril Wecht of Pittsburgh, Dr. John Nichols of the University of
Kansas, Dr. Milton Helpern of New York City and Dr. John Chapman of
Detroit had already asked permission to examine the x-rays and
photos upon the expiration of the five-year period. All four were
known to question the Warren Commission's findings. What better
way to freeze them out of the Archives than to select a doctor who
could be trusted to back up the Commission (Lattimer had published
several articles doing just that), commission him to go into the
Archives, and then persuade "The New York Times" to publish a front
page story in its Sunday issue demonstrating that no one else need
look at the materials because they supported the Warren
Commission's findings.
All attempts by researchers to convince "Times" management that
the other side of the story should be told have been completely
ignored. Lattimer's findings, if correct, actually prove
conspiracy. The "Times" has been informed of this but they have
shut off all discussion of the subject. The complete story of the
complicity of the "New York Times" in the crimes to which they have
become an accessory would take up an entire volume.[6]


NBC

The National Broadcasting Company became an active participant
in the government's efforts to protect Clay Shaw and to ruin Jim
Garrison.
Two of NBC's high-level management people, Richard Townley of
NBC's affiliate in New Orleans, WDSU, and Walter Sheridan,
executive producer, became personally and directly involved in the
Shaw trial. They were indicted by a grand jury in New Orleans for
bribing witnesses, suppressing evidence and interfering with trial
proceedings. NBC top-level management backed Sheridan and Townley.
NBC produced a highly biased, provably dishonest program
personally attacking Garrison and defending Shaw prior to the
trial. Frank McGee, who acted as moderator, later had to publicly
apologize for lies told on the program by two "witnesses" whom NBC
paid to give statements against Garrison. The FCC ruled that NBC
had to give Garrison equal time because the program was not a news
program but a vendetta by NBC against Garrison. NBC did give
Garrison 30 minutes (compared to their one-hour attack) to respond
at a later date. Sheridan was the producer of the one-hour show.
With Sheridan and Townley so deeply involved, and with such an
extremely strong editorial position favoring the Justice
Department, the Warren Commission, and the lone assassin stance,
suspicions were raised about NBC's and RCA's independence.[7] At
one point in 1967 the president of NBC, according to Walter
Sheridan, helped in the bribery efforts by calling Mr. Gherlock,
head of Equitable Life Insurance Company's New York office, and
asked for assurance that Perry Russo, who worked for Equitable,
would cooperate with NBC.
NBC is also the owner of several important pieces of
photographic evidence. A TV film taken by NBC photographer David
Weigman was suppressed by NBC and not made available to
researchers. It shows the grassy knoll in the background just a
fraction of a minute after the shots. Some of the assassination
participants can be seen on the knoll.
Fortunately for researchers, NBC sold the Weigman film to the
other networks and to the news film agencies before realizing its
importance. The author was able to purchase a copy from Hearst
Metrotone News.
NBC's affiliate, WBAP in Fort Worth, has several important film
sequences. James Darnell took several sequences on the grassy
knoll and in the parking lot which should contain important
evidence. Dan Owens took TV movies in and around the Depository
building which should show how the snipers' nest was faked on the
sixth floor, and one of the assassins in front of the building.


ABC

Of the three major television networks, ABC has remained more
objective and appears to be less under the thumb of the government
than the other two. For example, when NBC was busy defending the
Warren Commission and Clay Shaw and attacking Jim Garrison, ABC was
giving Garrison a free chance to express his views without
interruption on their Sunday program, "Issues and Answers." They
have never taken an editorial position one way or another on
conspiracy. However, in the Robert Kennedy assassination case, the
investigation was suppressed at ABC. The man heading the brief
investigation was stopped and sent to Vietnam. The man at ABC who
called the shots in stopping the investigation and in suppressing
evidence in ABC's possession was a lawyer named Lewis Powell.
The evidence owned by ABC is a video tape of the crowd in the
Ambassador Hotel ballroom before, during and after the shots were
fired in the kitchen. The ballroom microphones, including ABC's,
picked up the sound of only three shots above the crowd noise.
Since Sirhan fired eight shots, or certainly more than three, and
since Los Angeles police tests proved that Sirhan's gun could not
be heard in the position of the microphones in the ballroom, the
ABC film and soundtrack is important evidence of three other shots.
The sequence was originally included in the TV film of Robert
Kennedy's 1968 campaign and assassination entitled, "The Last
Journey." Following a meeting at ABC when the management learned
what the film showed, the next TV broadcast of "The Last Journey"
(scheduled for the following week) was cancelled without any
logical explanation. The next time the film appeared on ABC (late
1971), the three-shot ballroom sequence had been cut.


United Press International

Of all the fifteen major news organizations included herein, UPI
has come closest to really pursuing the truth about the JFK
assassination. Yet they, too, have suppressed evidence, have not
had the courage of their convictions in analyzing conspiratorial
evidence, and by default have become accessories after the fact.
Two different departments at UPI became involved in the
photographic evidence of the JFK assassination. The regular photo
news service department, which receives wire photos and negatives
from many sources all over the world, accumulated a large
collection of basic evidence both from UPI photographers and by
purchasing wire service photos from newspapers, Black Star, AP and
other sources. This department has made all of its photographs
available to anyone at reasonable prices ($1.50 to $3.00 per
print).
UPI photographer Frank Cancellare was in the motorcade and
snapped several important photographs. In addition, five other
photographs at UPI, taken by three unknown photographers, are
significant. All of these were purchased by the author from UPI.
The other department has not been as cooperative. Within the
news department at UPI, Burt Reinhardt and Rees Schonfeld have
varied in their attitude and performance. UPI news purchased the
commercial rights to two very important films shortly after the
assassination. These were color movies taken by Orville Nix and
Marie Muchmore (private citizens). Both show the fatal shot
striking the President, and both show evidence of conspiracy. In
the Nix film, certain frames (when enlarged) show one of the
assassins on the grassy knoll with a rifle. Both movies show a
puff of smoke generated by another one of the men involved in the
assassination.
UPI, under the direction of Burt Reinhardt, did several things
with the Nix and Muchmore films. They produced a book, "Four
Days," including several color frames from the movies. They made a
composite movie in 35mm from the original 8mm movies. The
composite used the technique of repeating a frame several times to
give the appearance of slow motion or stop action during key
sections of the films. Reinhardt, Schonfeld and Mr. Fox, a UPI
writer, made the composite movie available to researchers at their
projection studio in New York in 1964 and 1965.
Fox and Schonfeld wrote an article for "Esquire" in 1965 which
portrayed the Nix film as proving the conspiracy theories about
assassins on the grassy knoll to be false. This was deemed
necessary by UPI management because a New York researcher and a
photographic expert, after seeing the Nix film at UPI, claimed it
showed an assassin with a rifle standing on the hood of a car
parked behind the knoll.
The research team had used a few frames from the film in color
transparencies and enlarged them in black and white to show the
gunman.
In 1964, UPI gave the Warren Commission copies of both the Nix
and Muchmore films for analysis. The films were later turned over
to the National Archives under a special agreement between UPI and
the Archives. This agreement reminds one of the agreements between
the Archives and the Kennedy family on the autopsy materials, and
the obscure one between "Life" magazine, the Commission, the Secret
Service and the Archives on the Zapruder film.
The UPI agreement prevents anyone from obtaining copies of the
Nix and Muchmore films or slides of individual frames for any
purpose. The agreement is just as illegal as the other two, yet it
has been just as effective in suppressing the basic evidence of
conspiracy.
In 1967, UPI, apparently still not sure they would not be
attacked by researchers on what the Nix film revealed, employed
Itek Corporation to analyze the film. (At least it would appear on
the surface that UPI did the hiring.) Itek Corporation, a major
defense contractor, did an excellent job of obscuring the truth.
In an apparently highly scientific analysis using computer-based
image enhancement, they "proved" that not only was there no gunman
on the grassy knoll, but there was no person on the knoll at all
during the shooting.
The final Itek report was made public and highly publicized by
UPI. It looked as though the UPI earlier claim of no gunman had
been scientifically substantiated. As a by-product, Itek got some
great publicity for their commercially available photo-computer
image enhancement system.
What the public did not know was that UPI gave Itek only 35mm
enlarged black and white copies of selected frames from the Nix
film. The great amount of detail is lost in going from 8mm color
to 35mm black and white. And UPI gave Itek carefully chosen frames
from the Nix film that did not show the gunman on the knoll.
UPI and Itek defined "the grassy knoll" in a very limited and
carefully chosen way so as to exclude five people (in addition to
the fatal-shot gunman) on the knoll who appear in the Nix film as
well as in every other photograph and movie taken of the knoll at
the time the shots were fired.[8] In addition, man No. 2, who had
ducked down behind the stone wall during the Nix film, could not be
detected by Itek because they only had the Nix film.
Three men standing on the steps of the knoll, and two men behind
the picket fence, were completely ignored or overlooked.
The author began to contact Schonfeld and Reinhardt in early
1967, viewed the two films both at UPI and in the Archives, and
requested copies of the original 8mm color films or color copies of
individual frames. The response to the requests were negative for
more than four years. During this time, however, the author, a New
York researcher, and a photographic specialist, enlarged in color
the correct frames from the Nix film. The enlargements clearly
show the gunman, not on top of a car but in front of a car, with
his rifle poised. He is standing on a pedestal protruding from the
eight-sided cupola behind the stone wall on the knoll. The car is
parked behind the cupola and can be seen in several other
photographs and movies.
Unfortunately, UPI's agreement with the researcher prevents
making public the color enlargements. UPI has consistently
suppressed this evidence. In 1971, they offered to make the film
available for a very large sum of money, but they have never agreed
that it shows anyone on the knoll and they will not make copies
available for research.
The UPI editorial position (in articles, the book "Four Days,"
letters and news releases) has supported the Warren Commission
through the years. The major difference between UPI and "Life" or
CBS is that no drastic reversal of management policy took place at
UPI.


AP

Associated Press became an accessory after the fact by taking an
action unprecedented for a news wire service. It published a
three-part report by three AP writers in 1967, completely
supporting the Warren Commission. The report was transmitted by
wire to all AP subscribers over a three-day period and it occupied
a total of nine to ten full pages of the average newspaper. It was
not news, but editorial policy and took a position supporting the
Warren Commission and the official government propaganda about the
assassination of John Kennedy.
Most small newspapers rely on UP and AP for their news stories.
The three-part AP report ran in hundreds of papers across the
United States without opposition commentary. For many this was the
gospel at the time. What more could the conspirators and their
government protectors have asked?
AP photographers were on the scene in Dallas during the
assassination. James Altgens, one of AP's men assigned to Dallas,
took seven important photographs in Dealey Plaza. Henry Burrows,
an AP photographer from Washington, D.C., was in the motorcade and
snapped two pictures. Four other AP photographers took ten
important photographs. AP's photo department and Wide World Photos
in New York purchased many other photographs taken in Dealey Plaza.
Meyer Goldberg, manager of Wide World Photos, set a policy early
in the 1966-1967 period which placed AP in the position of
partially suppressing basic photographic evidence. The policy
contained several parts. First, Goldberg made it extremely
difficult for anyone to obtain access to the photographic evidence,
particularly the negatives. Second, he set a high enough price on
copies of photographs ($17.50 for one 8x10 black and white print)
to freeze out all but commercially-financed interests. Third, when
an original negative was discovered, the print order, when cleared
by Wide World, was always cropped. (Full negative prints showing
important details in the Altgens photographs were nearly impossible
to purchase.) Whenever any suggestion was made to Wide World that
their photographs contained basic evidence of conspiracy, Goldberg
and AP management turned blue with anger and literally refused to
discuss the subject or permit research in their files.
Various researchers, including Josiah Thompson, Raymond Marcus
and the author met this type of stiff opposition, but after many
visits discovered ways around it. The staff at Wide World in
charge of the photographic files was more cooperative, and at least
one staff member was completely convinced there was a conspiracy in
the JFK assassination.
Nevertheless, the broadly announced editorial policy and stance
of Associated Press between 1964 and 1972 fully supported the
Warren Commission and the lone assassin fable.


"Newsweek"

"Newsweek"'s editorial policy and coverage of the assassination
and its aftermath was largely the doing of one man, Hugh
Aynesworth. Aynesworth was the Dallas-Houston correspondent for
"Newsweek" following the assassination. He was in Dealey Plaza
when Kennedy was killed, and he turned in several stories during
the days and weeks following November 22, 1963. His point of view
was always closely allied with that of the Dallas police, the
district attorney and the FBI. He wholeheartedly supported the
Warren Report.
However, in May of 1967, after Garrison's investigation hit the
news, Aynesworth wrote a violent attack on Garrison's
investigation, and it was published in "Newsweek." Aynesworth
accused Lynn Loisel, a Garrison staff member, of bribing Al
Beaubolf to testify about a meeting to plot the assassination.
Beaubolf later denied this accusation in a sworn affidavit and
proved Aynesworth and "Newsweek" to be fabricators of information.


"Saturday Evening Post"

The position of the "Saturday Evening Post" solidified after the
Garrison probe became public. It was based in large part on the
reporting of one man, James Phelan. Phelan wrote a blistering
article for the "Post" published on May 6, 1967. He attacked
Garrison and Russo, and claimed that Russo's original statement to
Assistant D.A. Andrew Sciambra differed from his later testimony.
In view of the earlier editorial position of the "Post" when Lyron
Land and his wife questioned the Warren Commission findings, the
Phelan article came as somewhat of a surprise. In fact, the "Post"
had taken a strong conspiracy stand when in 1967 it published a
long article excerpted from Josiah Thompson's book, "Six Seconds in
Dallas," and featured it on the magazine's cover.
The Garrison investigation, however, turned the "Post" around.
Phelan became directly involved in the case, and in a sense was
more of an accessory than Walter Sheridan or Richard Townley. He
travelled to Louisiana from Texas, spent many hours with Perry
Russo and other witnesses, and generally obfuscated the Shaw trial
picture.
Phelan joined the efforts to persuade Russo to desert Garrison
and to help destroy Garrison and his case. According to a sworn
Russo statement, Phelan visited his house four times within a few
weeks. Phelan told Russo he was working hand-in-hand with Townley
and Sheridan, that they were in constant contact, and that they
were going to destroy Garrison and the probe. Phelan warned Russo
that he should abandon his position and that Russo would be the
only one hurt as a result of the trial. Phelan claimed Garrison
would leave Russo alone, standing in the cold.
Phelan offered to hire a $200,000-a-year lawyer from New York
for Russo if he would cooperate against Garrison. He asked Russo
how he would feel about sending an innocent man (Clay Shaw) to the
penitentiary. Phelan left New Orleans and Baton Rouge and returned
to New York, only to telephone Russo several times and offer to pay
Russo's plane fare to New York to meet with him and discuss going
over to Clay Shaw's side.
Phelan was subpoenaed by Shaw's lawyers during a hearing in 1967
because his article attacked Garrison. Sciambra welcomed the
opportunity to cross-examine Phelan on the stand. He described the
article as being incomplete, distorted and tantamount to lying.
Sciambra said, "I guarantee that he (Phelan) will be exposed for
having twisted the facts in order to build up a scoop for himself
and the `Saturday Evening Post.'"
Sciambra went on to say that Phelan had neglected the most
important fact of all in his article. It was that Phelan had been
told by Russo in Baton Rouge that Russo and Sciambra had discussed
the plot dialogue (to assassinate JFK) at their initial meeting.


Capital City Broadcasting

This organization owns several radio stations in the capitol
cities of various states and in Washington, D.C. Their interests
in the JFK assassination increased in 1967 and 1968 when the
Garrison-Shaw case made headlines. A producer at Capital City,
Erik Lindquist, decided to do a series of programs designed to
ferret out the truth. The author furnished various evidence for
scripts to be used in the programs. After several months of work
the project was cancelled, presumably by top management, and the
broadcasts never took place.


North American Newspaper Alliance

This newspaper chain, with papers affiliated in small
communities through the northern and eastern U.S., supported the
Warren Commission findings as did all the other major newspaper
services and chains.
The Alliance also became involved in the Martin Luther King case
and it circulated the syndicated column by the black writer and
reporter, Louis Lomax, who had taken an interest in finding out
what really happened in the King assassination.
Lomax located a man named Stein who had taken a trip with James
Earl Ray from Los Angeles to New Orleans. The two retraced the
autom

#11 John Ritchson

John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:32 AM

Part10.


Chapter 10
Techniques and Weapons and 100 Dead Conspirators and Witnesses

As Chapter 1 made clear, one of the two fiendish stratagems used
by the Power Control Group to cover-up the truth and to fool the
people was the use of various intelligence techniques and weapons.
The use of such techniques in assassination and murder completely
conceals the real killer's presence or the real cause of death.
From the moment the crime occurs the public is led to believe that
there is either one lone madman assassin or that the death was
accidental, due to natural causes, or committed by natural enemies
of the victim. Some of the techniques are so unique that they are
nearly impossible for the average American to believe.
The intelligence forces of the United States as well as those of
other countries have out-Bonded James Bond. The development of
sophisticated murder methods and the control of humans for warfare
and spying in other countries came home to the United States,
effectively used by the Power Control Group. Penn Jones, Jr.
published a list of "mysterious deaths" in his series of four
volumes, "Forgive My Grief."[1] Sylvia Meagher published facts
about the first eighteen witnesses at Dealey Plaza murdered through
the use of these techniques in the book, "Accessories After the
Fact."[2] Very few people other than researchers pay any
attention. Two movies with somewhat wider circulation, "Executive
Action" and "The Parallax View," covered the techniques fairly
well, but they were considered to be fiction by most viewers. So
the PCG goes on murdering where and when it is necessary, and it
covers up the murders where necessary.
In 1974 and 1976, two murders became necessary. Rolando
Masferrer, mentioned as a JFK conspirator, became dangerous to the
PCG, and he was eliminated in early 1976 with a non-sophisticated
weapon. A bomb was planted in his car in Miami. The cover-up in
this case merely involved planting an informer who claimed
Masferrer was killed by a rival anti-Castro Cuban faction in
Florida.[3]
Clay Shaw became quite nervous in 1974 after Victor Marchetti's
statements to the press earlier that year made it known that Shaw
was a CIA contract employee and that the CIA gave him assistance
and protection before his trial in New Orleans and after Jim
Garrison arrested him. Shaw was murdered in New Orleans by the PCG
and the murder covered-up by simply controlling his embalming and
burial and blocking any local investigation.[4] The reason for his
murder was to keep him from talking and from returning to the
public eye.
The techniques and weapons fall into several classes. First,
there are sophisticated weapons developed by the CIA. An example
of this is the umbrella poison dart gun used in Dealey Plaza to
shoot JFK in the throat. Such a weapon was postulated by Robert
Cutler and the author in mid-1975 as the one that fired the first
shot from near the Stemmons Freeway sign.[5] This seemed
incredulous to most observers and so wild an idea that the author
and Cutler did not discuss it with many researchers. Then Mr.
Charles Senseney, a CIA weapon developer at Fort Detrick, Maryland,
testified before the Senate Intelligence Committee in September
1975 and described an umbrella poison dart gun he had made.[6] He
said it was always used in crowds with the umbrella open, firing
through the webing so it would not attract attention. Since it was
silent, no one in the crowd could hear it and the assassin merely
would fold up the umbrella and saunter away with the crowd. (That
is almost exactly what happened in Dealey Plaza. The first shot
had always seemed to have had a paralytic effect on Kennedy. His
fists were clenched and his head, shoulders and arms seemed to
stiffen. There was a small entrance wound in his neck but no
evidence of a bullet path through his neck and no bullet was ever
recovered that matched that small size.)
Senseney testified that his Special Operations Division at Fort
Detrick had received assignments from the CIA to develop exotic
weaponry. One of the weapons was a hand-held dart gun that could
shoot a poison dart into a guard dog to put it out of action for
several hours. The dart and the poison left no trace so that
examination would not reveal that the dogs had been put out of
action. The CIA ordered about 50 of these weapons and used them
operationally. Senseney said that the darts could have been used
to kill human beings and he could not rule out the possibility that
this had been done by the CIA. He said he had developed a dart-
launching device that looked like an umbrella.
A special type of poison developed induces a heart attack and
leaves no trace of any external influence unless an autopsy is
conducted to check for this particular poison. The CIA revealed
this poison in various accounts in the early 1970s.
Among the witnesses, important people and conspirators who might
have been eliminated this way are: Clay Shaw, J. Edgar Hoover,
Earlene Roberts (Oswald's land-lady) and Adlai Stevenson.
A second category, already discussed in the Robert Kennedy and
George Wallace shootings, is the use of a "programmed" assassin.
The Manchurian Candidate always seemed to be a science fiction
story. It is now well known that the CIA has used hypnosis and
"programming" to achieve a number of objectives, including murder.
Certainly there is little doubt that Sirhan Sirhan was under
hypnosis when he wrote in his diary and when he fired the shots in
the general direction of Robert Kennedy.[7] There is also
evidence that Arthur Bremer was "programmed" to shoot at George
Wallace. It is conceivable that one of the assassins in Dealey
Plaza could have been "programmed". A man surfaced after 1975
who--under deprogramming--remembered a firing situation resembling
Dealey Plaza. However, it is much less likely that the PCG had to
use hypnosis in the JFK murder.
It is completely untrue that Oswald was programmed, as the book
"Were We Controlled?" by Lincoln Lawrence (an alias for radio
commentator Art Ford) postulates. The evidence shows Oswald
didn't fire a shot, that he was on the second floor of the TSBD
Building at the time of the shots, and that he was very calm until
Patrolman Baker pointed a gun at him. Strangely enough, Ford's
thesis is true. We were controlled by the PCG, although he had the
details wrong.
A third popular technique is, of course, the patsy. The PCG has
developed this to the level of a real science. The assassination
is allowed to be obvious, but the assassin is presented as a single
madman or criminal who acts alone. Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby,
James Earl Ray, Sirhan Sirhan and Arthur Bremer have all been
patsies. They are not all exactly alike, nor is the way in which
they were used the same in each case. For example, Oswald and Ray
did not fire any shots, while Sirhan, Ruby and Bremer did. Sirhan
and Bremer were "programmed", whereas Ruby was talked into killing
Oswald by his friends in the PCG. Four of the five men were
framed; a lot of evidence was manufactured and planted to
implicate them, including fake diaries, fake photographs, planted
guns, bullets and shells, and men using their identities. The one
who did not fit this category was Ruby. It was not needed in his
case because he killed Oswald before live television and believed
until the day he died of cancer that his friends were going to get
him out of jail in exchange for his "patriotic" act.
The use of "seconds", men who looked like the patsy and who used
his name (true of Oswald, Ray and Sirhan) is a common intelligence
technique. The planting of fake photos in the case of Oswald
required some relatively special photographic facilities, but the
job was not done well enough to avoid detection.
A fourth technique is the "accidental" death. Many witnesses
and conspirators have been murdered in this way. Lee Bowers, the
railroad yard control tower man who saw the real assassins behind
the picket fence in Dealey Plaza, was killed when his car rammed
into a concrete abutment in Dallas (it was traveling at high
speed). The doctor who examined Bowers prior to his removal from
the car, stated that he probably received an injection of some
kind prior to the crash. Louis Lomax, the black author who was
getting close to the truth in the Martin Luther King case, was
killed in Arizona when his car was forced off the road after he
was made to drive at high speed. Hale Boggs disappeared in an
airplane crash that left no trace of the plane. And of course the
classic "accident" occurred at Chappaquiddick.
A fifth technique is an induced death that produces another
finding of the cause either by disguising the true cause or by
controlling the coroner or those in charge of burial. Examples
are: David Ferrie's murder by means of a karate chop to the back
of his head, disguised as an embolism of the brain, Clay Shaw's
murder by means unknown because there was no autopsy and complete
control of his removal and burial; Jack Ruby's supposed death by
cancer in jail (real cause unknown because he was never out of the
PCG's hands until he was under ground).
Then there is a favorite sixth technique: mock suicide.
Examples of PCG murders that somehow became suicides are: Hank
Killam, a husband of one of Ruby's dancers, who committed suicide
by throwing himself through a plate glass window off the street in
Miami; Betty Mooney, one of Ruby's girls who hung herself in her
jail cell by using her leopard-skin tights; Roger Craig, who shot
himself; Jesus Crispin, who knew Sirhan, supposedly killed himself
in his jail cell; Grant Stockdale, who threw himself off the top
of a tall building in Miami.
There are some on the list who were admittedly murdered, but
supposedly not by the PCG. These include Robert Perrin, Nancy
Perrin's husband; Buddy Walters, deputy sheriff under Sheriff
Decker, shot by a man he was trying to arrest; Eladio Del Valle, a
cohort of Ferrie, killed in Miami by an axe on the same day Ferrie
was murdered; Rolando Masferrer, blown up in his car; Eddy
Benevides, shot by an unknown assailant (he recovered). The
cover-ups in each of these cases were put into effect by
controlling the investigation or simply by not having one.
The complete list of deaths, including the eight major ones
(JFK, RFK, MLK, Mary Jo Kopechne, Lee Harvey Oswald, David Ferrie,
Ruby and Clay Shaw) numbers over a hundred. Here is a partial
list:

1. John Kennedy
2. Robert Kennedy
3. Martin Luther King
4. Mary Jo Kopechne

5. Lee Harvey Oswald

Note: Lost Data
19. Jesus Crispin
20. Jim Koethe
21. Bill Hunter
22. Tom Howard
23. Earlene Roberts
24. Betty McDonald
25. Eddy Benevides
26. Robert Perrin
27. Gary Underhill
28. Bill Chesher
29. Dorothy Kilgallen
30. David Goldstein
31. Levens (first name unknown)
32. Teresa Norton
33. Warren Reynolds
34. Harold Russell
35. Marilyn Moore Walle
36. William Whaley
37. James Worrell, Jr.
38. Captain Frank Martin
39. Mrs. Earl T. Smith
40. Karyn Kupcinet
41. Albert Guy Bogard
42. Hiram Ingram
43. Nicholas Chetta
44. Mary Bledsoe
45. Jude Preston Battle
46. John M. Crawford
47. Richard Carr
48. Kathy Fullmer
49. Clyde Johnson
50. Reverend A. D. W. King
51. Carole Tyler
52. Dr. Mary Sherman
53. Grant Stockdale
54. J. A. Milteer
55. Hugh Ward
56. Perry Russo
57. Maurice Gatlin, Sr.
58. W. Guy Banister
59. Charles P. Cabell
60. Dorothy Hunt
61. Michelle Clark
62. John Roselli
63. Sam Giancana
64. Fred Lee Crisman
65. Carlos Prio Socarras
66. Charles Nicoletti
67. Jimmy Hoffa
68. George De Mohrenschildt
69. General Donald Donaldson
70. Lou Staples
71. William C. Sullivan
72. James Chaney

The large majority of these murders eliminated witnesses to,
participants in, or investigators of one of the assassinations.
People involved with the participants in one of the assassinations
or cover-ups were also listed above. The participants were: Jack
Ruby, David Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Rolando Masferrer, J. Edgar Hoover
(in the cover-up), and Robert Perrin. There were four
investigators: Jim Koethe, Louis Lomax, Dorothy Kilgallen and Hale
Boggs. The rest were witnesses or associates.
Two articles[8] written in 1976 analyzed some of these deaths
and concluded that they were not accidents unconnected with the
assassinations of our leaders. Another analysis by the authors
demonstrated that fifty of the first seventy murders met three
criteria for proving death by foul means. All involved people
directly or indirectly linked to the major assassinations. All met
death under violent or very strange circumstances. No autopsies
were performed in any of these murders.
The Charles Senseney dart weapon might have been used in some of
the murders. The injection given Lee Bowers produced such a
paralytic and terrorized expression on Bowers' face that the doctor
examining his body exclaimed he had never seen such before. Grant
Stockdale was found to have died of a heart attack on his way to
the street from the top of a building (a dart might have killed
him).



____________________

[1] "Forgive My Grief" Volumes I, II, III, IV, Penn Jones, Jr., Self
Published, Midlothian, Texas.

[2] "Accessories After the Fact," Sylvia Meagher, Scarecrow Press,
N.Y., 1976

[3] "Miami Herald," March, 1976.

[4] "The Mysterious Death of Clay Shaw," Richard Russell, "True
Magazine."

[5] "The Umbrella Man," R.B. Cutler, & R.E. Sprague, "Gallery
Magazine," June, 1978.

[6] "New York Times," September 19, 1975.

[7] "RFK Must Die!," Robert Kaiser, E.P. Dutton & Co. Inc., N.Y.C.,
1970.

[8] (a) Self published article by Gary Schoener -- Minneapolis,
Minn. Researcher.

(B) Assassination Information Bureau (AIB), Cambridge, Mass,
Research project and article.







* * * * * * *

End Part10.

#12 John Ritchson

John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:34 AM

Part11.



Chapter 11
Nixon and Ford -- The Pardon and the Tapes

As the Power Control Group grew larger and the number of murders
increased through the years, it became more and more difficult to
keep the veil of secrecy surrounding the takeover intact. As
Nixon's instability increased, the danger of revealing the secret
superstructure to the American people increased.
Watergate and Nixon's resignation from office nearly ruined
everything for the Power Control Group. A splinter faction in the
CIA began showing strength and all of the dirt might have been
leaked to the press and to the people. Nixon himself had pulled
the most dangerous boner in the history of the PCG. He installed a
secret tape recording system that recorded a number of
conversations about the PCG's murders, assassinations and dirty
tricks. Even worse, Nixon did not destroy the tapes before the
Congress found out about them and went after them. As soon as it
became obvious that Nixon would be forced to resign, the PCG had to
use a desperation strategy.
Gerald R. Ford pardoned Richard M. Nixon on September 8, 1974:
such was the PCG's strategy. Many skeptical U.S. citizens nodded
their heads knowingly and assumed Nixon had made his "deal" with
Ford when he nominated him for the vice presidency. Evans and
Novak[1] assumed that Julie Nixon Eisenhower talked Ford into the
pardon on grounds that Nixon's health was poor. The Ford's fears
for Nixon's health didn't seem to convince very many news media
people who saw a rosy-cheeked, apparently robust ex-president in
San Clemente.[2]
The pardon seemed to most Americans and news editors a gross
error in judgment and a miscarriage of justice. But once again the
United States was fooled. This time, the PCG, Nixon and Ford
managed to pull the wool over the eyes of the public and to
narrowly escape revealing what can be called "the entire rotten
crust at the top of American power." Any reasonable hypothesis
about what actually happened, based on the evidence at hand, had
not been even remotely suggested by either Congress or the media by
1976.
Any explanation of the situation leading to the pardon begins
with the relationship between Gerald Ford and Richard Nixon. It
goes back to 1960, the year Mr. Nixon planned the overthrow of
Castro's Cuba. As earlier chapters have made clear, the U2
incident and the Bay of Pigs was the beginning.
In 1960, Nixon and the White House action officer worked on the
plans for what was later called the Bay of Pigs invasion.[3] Prior
to that time the PCG and Nixon had accumulated plenty of reasons to
want Castro overthrown. The anti-Communist attitude was the
superficial reason. Beneath it were Nixon's connections with the
Mafia and his friendships and financial holdings that were greatly
damaged when Castro closed the casinos run by the mob in Havana.[4]
When Nixon and Kennedy debated about the Cuban situation in the
1960 campaign, Nixon purposefully lied to the American people about
U.S. plans for an invasion.[5] When he narrowly lost to Kennedy,
it created a deep wound, and he and the PCG spent much of the next
three years planning revenge.
Nixon became a tool of a number of Cubans and Americans, both
inside the CIA and outside, who agreed with him that casting out
Castro was highly desirable. One of these men was E. Howard
Hunt.[6] Another was Bernard Barker.[7] A third was Carlos Prio
Socarras.[8] Richard Bissell, Richard Helms and Allen Dulles were
the three higher level men in the PCG.
These Nixon cronies and financial partners became involved with
the PCG. They murdered John Kennedy.[9] Whether Nixon was
directly involved in the PCG's planning for the assassination is
still open to question, although one researcher believes that he
was.[10] There certainly is substantial evidence that Nixon was
out to at least politically sink Kennedy and Johnson, and aimed to
do so in Dallas immediately before Kennedy was killed. (See section
on evidence).[11]
Whether Nixon was directly involved in planning the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy does not have to be
settled here. What is important is that Nixon was directly
involved in covering up the truth about who did kill Kennedy.
Evidence from the Nixon-Haldeman tapes of June 1972 indicated that
Nixon knew the truth about the assassination when he suggested
Gerald Ford be part of the Warren Commission.[12]
A close personal friendship had developed between Ford and Nixon
during their days together in the Congress, when both were strong,
ultra-conservative, "red, white and blue", anti-Communist,
"religious" members who thought and talked alike.
When Nixon realized that John Kennedy had been killed almost
under his nose in Dallas by some of his Bay of Pigs friends, the
PCG convinced him he had to do everything in his power to cover it
up and to bide his time until his powerful military and
intelligence friends could place him in the White House. It took
one more murder by the PCG (Robert Kennedy) to get him there, and
still another attempted murder to keep him there (George Wallace).
Control over the investigations of these murders was essential
for Nixon and the PCG. In order to guide a presidential commission
away from the truth, the closed small circle of people in the PCG
who knew what had happened to John Kennedy had to be enlarged.
Allen Dulles was no problem. He knew the cause was an
intelligence/military one from the day it happened. Earl Warren
was a different matter. He had to be fooled and later talked into
remaining silent "for the good of the country."
A ringleader inside the Warren Commission was crucial. It had
to be someone the PCG and Nixon could trust, one who had an honest
and trustworthy appearance. Nixon called on Gerry Ford, and he
convinced LBJ that Ford should be on the Commission.[13]
Nixon told Ford at some point prior to January, 1964 who killed
JFK and why. He convinced Ford that every effort should be made to
make sure Oswald was found to be the lone assassin. Ford did an
excellent job. He not only steered the Commission away from the
facts[14] whenever a key witness was interviewed or an embarrassing
situation developed, but he also nailed Oswald's coffin shut
personally by publishing his own book on Oswald.[15] This, coming
from the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, served to
firmly plant in the American mind the idea that there was no
conspiracy, that Oswald was the lone assassin, and that the Warren
Commission had done a good job.
From the day Ford's book was published, Nixon and Ford became
totally beholden to each other. They also both became totally
beholden to the members of the PCG who were at or near the top of
things and who were part of the small knowledgeable circle. Other
members of the PCG's inner circle included J. Edgar Hoover and
Richard Helms.
No one could be permitted by the PCG to come into power in the
White House, the CIA, the Justice Department or the FBI unless they
were part of the PCG and willing to keep quiet and help suppress
the truth about the JFK assassination. The PCG's membership
widened, of necessity, when Robert Kennedy was killed and Nixon
became president. The people involved in killing Robert Kennedy
and Nixon's top aides had to be told the truth. This included
Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Kissinger, Mitchell (who had the job of
controlling Hoover's successors in continuing the cover-ups) and
possibly others. Mitchell was instrumental in stopping Jim
Garrison's investigation of Clay Shaw and other PCG members and in
totally discrediting Garrison.[16] He was aided by Richard Helms
and others in the PCG through CIA support in the Clay Shaw trial
cover-up efforts.[17]
The White House plumber section of the PCG decided in 1972, with
or without Nixon's knowledge and approval, to assassinate George
Wallace, so that Nixon would be assured of the conservative vote.
The PCG and its debts once again grew. E. Howard Hunt and Charles
Colson, along with Tony Ulasewicz, Donald Segretti and others, were
in a position to make demands in exchange for their silence. The
Hunt million-dollar blackmail threat to reveal "seedy things" or
"hankypanky" was never explainable in terms of Watergate or the
Ellsberg break-ins. But three assassinations would certainly be
worth a cool million to keep Hunt silent. Again, the Haldeman-
Nixon June 23, 1972 tapes are revealing.[18]
When the Watergate crisis occurred, Nixon was trapped by his own
tapes, and the PCG was in grave danger. Discussions with Haldeman,
Mitchell and others mention the Kennedy assassination conspiracy
and the Wallace murder attempt on tape. The PCG was suddenly
threatened as a group. The tapes couldn't all be destroyed because
too many Secret Service people knew about them. Haldeman and Nixon
managed to erase one revealing 18 1/2 minute section about the
assassinations, but who could remember exactly what telephone calls
or Oval Office conversations might have mentioned the truth about
the three murders?
The PCG and Nixon again sensed the need for a successor who
would keep quiet. They called on Gerry Ford when Agnew was forced
out. Ford and Nixon, bound inextricably together by their mutual
cover-up of the assassinations, worked out a deal. Nixon nominated
Ford to be his Vice President. The Senate, completely bamboozled
by Nixon and Ford, never asked Ford any important questions about
the assassinations nor his performance on the Warren Commission.
When they asked Ford about his book, he committed perjury twice
before the Senate (see item # 15 in the list ennumerated below).
Nixon and Ford agreed that Ford would keep quiet if Nixon
remained silent and that Ford would succeed Nixon if he were forced
to resign or be impeached. They agreed to a pardon afterward. But
the most critical part of the arrangement was that those tapes
revealing the truth about the assassinations be kept out of
circulation. When the Supreme Court ruled that the tapes must be
turned over, it was then time to implement their agreed-upon
strategy.
In addition, Jaworski, Colson, Mitchell, Kissinger, Haldeman,
Ehrlichman, the Warren Commission, Hunt, Helms, Shaw and anyone
else in the PCG had to be bought off, pardoned, protected or killed
to insure their silences.
Leon Jaworski resigned. People asked why. The real answer was
buried in the fact that Jaworski knew what had been going on. He
knew because of information passed on to him by the Ervin Committee
and Cox regarding the assassination and the cover-up. He was also
personally involved in 1964 in the JFK cover-up.
Jaworski could have been a problem, even though he helped with
the JFK cover-up from the beginning.[19] Hunt was taken care of by
getting him out of jail, buying him a large estate in Florida and
paying him a lot of money.[20] Helms could be counted on.
Kissinger may have been a problem, but he finally agreed. His
wiretaps were ordered to find out who knew about the
assassinations. Hoover was dead. Clay Shaw was murdered.[21]
Warren was dead. Richard Russell was dead. John Sherman Cooper
was bought off (he received an important ambassadorship). John J.
McCloy was too old to worry about.
That left Colson, Mitchell, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman, plus some
other small fry. The PCG strategy as planned with these men
involved pardons for all of them in exchange for their silence,
especially Haldeman and Mitchell, who not only knew what happened
to JFK, but who also took overt actions to cover-up. (Haldeman
erased the 18 1/2 minutes of tape and Mitchell nailed Jim
Garrison.)
Newer members of the PCG may cause some problems. They all have
to know the truth by now. Rockefeller and Alex Haig must know.
George Bush, William Colby, Edward Levi and Clarence Kelly knew
because of their access to the records, and they must have agreed
to cover-up continuance. Ford and his cronies in the House had to
continue to knock out any efforts by Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas to
start a new House Committee investigation of the JFK assassination.
They were very successful in their control of the House Rules
Committee. Haig seemed to have been bought off with the promise of
a top NATO post in exchange for his silence. And control over
Frank Church and the Senate Intelligence Committee was necessary.
Gerald Ford remained committed to the PCG and to Nixon.
The tapes had to be controlled and edited at all costs. Nixon
no doubt required help in listening to the tapes after Haldeman
left and in sorting out those in which assassinations and cover-ups
were discussed. General Haig was undoubtedly the man he selected
to do the dirty work. It was almost certain that no tapes would be
turned over to Judge Sirica or to Jaworski with any assassination
references left on them. One of the tapes demanded by Jaworski had
such references. This is the recording made on June 23, 1972 in
which Nixon and Haldeman are discussing Watergate just six days
after the break-in.
The Nixon transcript of that tape turned over to Judge Sirica
upon orders of the Supreme Court showed many sections labelled
"unintelligible." It is a near certainty that the critical
sections were edited out by Nixon and General Haig before they were
turned over to Sirica and prior to their transcription. Judge
Sirica was the only person in the chain of possession of that tape
who could have been counted on to make a scientific analysis of the
tape to see whether it was tampered with before he received it.
His near brush with death in 1975 must be viewed in that light and
in the light of the PCG's use of weapon-induced heart attacks.
The rest of Nixon's tapes that were still in Gerald Ford's
possession and control might have contained many references to
assassinations and cover-ups. Rather than go through all of them
and edit or erase the critical material, it was more likely that
Ford would either turn them over to Nixon for total destruction or
sit on them as long as he was president.
The evidence for the Power Control Group's and Ford/Nixon's
strategy is as follows:


1. Nixon was White House action officer on Cuban invasion
plans in 1960.

2. Nixon was in contact with Hunt and others during the
Bay of Pigs planning.

3. Nixon lied to the American people by his own admission
about the Bay of Pigs during his TV debates with
Kennedy in 1960.

4. Nixon was financially linked to the Mafia and to Cuban
casino operations before Castro took over.

5. Nixon was acquainted with Hunt, Baker, Martinez,
Sturgis, Carlos Prio Socarras, and other Watergate
people and anti-Castro people in Florida, and he was
financially linked to Baker, Martinez and Socarras.

6. Hunt, Baker, Sturgis and Socarras were connected with
the assassination group in the murder of JFK.

7. Nixon was in Dallas for three days, including the
morning of the JFK assassination. He was trying to
stir up trouble for Kennedy.

8. Nixon went to Dallas under false pretenses. There was
no board meeting of the Pepsi Cola Company as he
announced his law firm had had to attend.

9. Nixon did not admit being in Dallas on the day Kennedy
was shot and did not reveal the true reason for his
trip. He held two press conferences on the two days
before the assassination, attacking both Kennedy and
Johnson and emphasizing the Democratic political
problems in Texas.

10. Research indicates that Nixon either knew in advance
about assassination plans, or learned about them soon
after the assassination.

11. Nixon proposed to Lyndon Johnson that Gerald Ford serve
on the Warren Commission.

12. Ford led the Commission cover-up by controlling the
questioning of key witnesses and by several other
means.

13. Ford helped firmly plant the idea that Oswald was the
only assassin and that there was no conspiracy by
publishing his own book, "Lee Harvey Oswald: Portrait
of the Assassin."

14. Ford purposefully covered up the conspiracy of the PCG
in the JFK assassination and also covered up the fact
that Oswald was a paid informer for the FBI. He did
this by dismissing the subject in his book as worthless
rumor and by keeping the executive sessions of the
Commission (where Oswald's FBI informer status was
discussed) classified Top Secret.

15. Ford continued the cover-up when he was questioned
before being confirmed by the Senate as Vice President.
He lied under oath twice to the Senate Committee. He
stated that he had written his book about Oswald with
no access to classified documents. He lied about this
because his book used classified documents about
Oswald's FBI informer status. He lied when he said
that the book was entitled, "Lee Harvey Oswald:
Portrait of *an* Assassin." This was significant in
1973 because the public by then had become very
skeptical about a lone assassin. By changing one word
in the title, Ford made the book seem a little less
like what it actually was--an effort to make Oswald the
assassin.

16. Jaworski aided in the JFK cover-up by sitting on
evidence of conspiracy accumulated by Waggoner Carr,
Texas Attorney General, who he represented in liaison
with the Warren Commission. He also stopped the
critical testimony of Jack Ruby when he testified
before the Warren Commission, and diverted attention
away from Ruby's intent to reveal the conspiracy to
kill both Kennedy and Oswald.

17. Nixon became president in 1968 only because Robert
Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy. Nixon was well
aware of the conspiracy whether or not he approved of
it in advance.

18. John Mitchell and J. Edgar Hoover joined Nixon and the
lower level members of the PCG in covering up the RFK
murder conspiracy. They classified the evidence "Top
Secret" and murdered several witnesses, controlled the
judge in the Sirhan trial and the district attorney and
the chief of police in Los Angeles during and after the
trial. They still control these people and the Los
Angeles County Board of Supervisors. Clarence Kelly
also became involved.

19. The plumbers group ordered the assassination of George
Wallace in 1972 to insure Nixon's election by picking
up Wallace's vote (about 18%, according to polls).

20. J. Edgar Hoover and Richard Helms were aware of who
killed John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy. They helped
cover-up both conspiracies.

21. John Mitchell controlled the trial of Clay Shaw and the
Garrison investigation and discredited Garrison by
framing him in a New Orleans gambling case.

22. Nixon and Haldeman discussed the assassination of John
Kennedy, the conspiracy, Hunt's involvement, the
possibility that Hunt might talk, the cover-up, the Bay
of Pigs relationship between Nixon, Hunt and the other
PCG members, and the briefing Nixon might have had to
give anyone running against him in 1972, on matters of
"national security".

23. Nixon and Mitchell discussed the assassinations and the
attempt to assassinate George Wallace. Mitchell
executed orders to suppress the truth about these
events.

24. Gerald Ford had possession of the most critical tapes
on which assassinations and cover-ups were discussed.

25. Jaworski could be counted on to keep the assassination
material under wraps even after his resignation. He
was aware of the conspiracy evidence and cover-up in
all three cases (JFK, RFK, George Wallace).

26. Hunt was taken care of and will keep silent. He had
been out of jail and living on a beautiful $100,000
estate in Florida with plenty of money, across the
street from his Bay of Pigs friend, Manuel Artime.

27. Clay Shaw was murdered by the PCG, undoubtedly to keep
him from talking once the truth about his CIA position
was revealed by Victor Marchetti. He was embalmed
before the coroner could determine the cause of death.
Evidence indicates he was killed somewhere and then
brought back to his apartment.

28. Hale Boggs, a Warren, Commission member, was possibly
killed by the PCG. Bogg's airplane disappeared in
Alaska. No trace of it was ever found and no
explanation of how the plane could have crashed has
ever been given. Mrs. Boggs has expressed doubts about
it being an accident.

29. Four of the seven Warren Commission members are dead:
Warren, Dulles, Russell and Boggs. Of the remaining
members, Ford was President, John McCloy is retired and
living in Connecticut, and John Sherman Cooper was made
ambassador to East Germany.

30. Richard Russell, Hale Boggs and Cooper believed there
was a conspiracy in the JFK assassination. Russell and
Boggs both said so publicly.

31. Haldeman erased 18 1/2 minutes of a taped discussion
with Nixon. This tape undoubtedly contained "national
security" matters. The fact that Haldeman did the
erasing can easily be determined by tracing the trail
of possession of the tape from the day it was taken out
of the vault to the day the gap was discovered.
Haldeman had the tape with the recorder alone for
nearly 48 hours. No one else had the tape alone long
enough to do the erasing.

32. Ford and the PCG contemplated pardons for Mitchell,
Haldeman, Ehrlichman and possibly others who know the
number one secret.

33. Ford's statements to the sub-committee of the House
Judiciary Committee concerning his pardon of Nixon
dodged the real issue. Only Elizabeth Holtzman asked
questions coming close to the number one secret. When
she asked about a prior agreement, Ford said, "I have
made no deal, there was no deal, *since I became Vice
President*." Those last few words were not reported by
the press, but a large number of Americans watched and
heard him say them. Of course he spoke truthfully
because the "deal" was made *before* he became Vice
President.



____________________

[1] Evans & Novak column -- September 12. 1974.

[2] "Paris Herald Tribune" -- September 12, 1974.

[3] "Compulsive Spy," Tad Szulc, Viking Press, 1974.

[4] "Nixon and the Mafia," Jeff Gerth, "Sundance," December, 1972.

[5] "My Six Crises," Richard M. Nixon.

[6] "Compulsive Spy."

[7] "Nixon and the Mafia."

[8] "Nixon, Bay of Pigs & Watergate," -- R.E. Sprague, "Computers and
Automation," January, 1973.

[9] "Nixon, Bay of Pigs & Watergate."

[10] Trowbridge Ford, Holy Cross College, Boston, MA, Several papers and
articles.

[11] Warren Commission Hearings & Exhibits -- Vol. 23, Pages 941-943.

[12] Nixon Transcript of June 23 1972 tape -- "New York Times," August
6, 1974.

[13] Trowbridge Ford -- Article on Gerald Ford & Warren Commission.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Gerald Ford "Lee Harvey Oswald: Portrait of the Assassin."

[16] "The Framing of Jim Garrison", R.E. Sprague, "Computers and
Automation," December, 1973.

[17] "The CIA and the Kennedy Assassination" -- Unpublished article by
R.E. Sprague.

[18] Nixon tape, June 23, 1972.

[19] Warren Commission Exhibits -- Testimony of Jack Ruby, Vol. V,
Pages 181-213 and Vol. XIV, pages 504-571. Also Trowbridge Ford
article on Jaworski.

[20] "Washington Watch" and Triss Coffin newsletter, August 10, 1974.

[21] Zodiac News Service release -- August 20, 1974.







* * * * * * *

#13 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:35 AM

Part12.




Chapter 12
The Second Line of Defense and Cover-Ups in 1975 and 1976

The mini-war waged by assassination researchers and a few
Congressmen from 1964 to 1976 to reopen the major assassination
inquiries never really disturbed the Power Control Group. But in
1975, simultaneous with the revelations about all of the terrible
things the CIA and the FBI did, the researchers and a few of their
friends in the media and in Congress began to draw more attention
than was comfortable for the PCG.
A special renewed effort became necessary to extend the cover-
ups. Part of this effort was a program to bring the media back
under control and to reinforce media support of the cover-ups.
This has been discussed in some detail in Chapter 9. Another part
of this effort was the expansion of the Rockefeller Commission's
assignment to reinforce the cover-up of the JFK assassination
conspiracy. Separate new efforts were necessary to control the
courts and lawyers and other public officials in the King and
Robert Kennedy assassination conspiracies. These were brought
about by appeals for new trials by James Earl Ray and Sirhan B.
Sirhan. The appeals were accompanied by new revelations. New
publicity was given to demands for an investigation into the
Wallace shooting by prominent people, including Wallace himself.
A minor success in the JFK case was scored by researchers with
the assistance of Dick Gregory, Geraldo Rivera of ABC, Tom Snyder
of NBC, Mort Sahl and others. They managed to have the Zapruder
film and other photographic evidence of conspiracy shown on local
and national television. No one of any intelligence outside the
PCG who has even seen the Zapruder film questions the fact that
shots came from two different directions in Dealey Plaza. This
breakthrough after eleven years of effort put new public and
Congressional pressures on the PCG. It was closely followed by a
grass roots campaign conducted by Mark Lane's Citizens Commission
of Inquiry to reopen the JFK case. Pressure was brought to bear on
Congressmen by their local constituents as a result of this
campaign. Henry Gonzalez from Texas and Thomas Downing from
Virginia introduced resolutions in the House of Representatives
calling for the reopening of all four cases and the JFK case, so
the public and Congress had a formal base to work with and a goal
to reach.
New revelations were made in 1975 about the FBI's and the CIA's
information withheld from the Warren Commission. From Dallas came
the admission that Oswald had been in closer contact with the FBI
than believed and that Jack Ruby had been an FBI informer.
Perhaps the most dangerous development for the PCG was the
creation of a sub-committee under the Church committee to
investigate the JFK assassination. This two-man subcommittee
formed by Senator Gary Hart of Colorado and Senator Schweiker of
Pennsylvania became a real threat when it was given authority by
the full Senate Committee on Intelligence to conduct their own
independent investigation with a staff of nine people. It would be
harder to control their efforts than to control the Church
committee, where the PCG had several strong allies, including
Senators Goldwater and Tower.
Gerald Ford, William Colby, Richard Helms (from his faraway post
in Asia) and the other PCG members developed a three-prong strategy
for the JFK case in order to cope with all of these new problems.
First came the reinforcement of the lone-assassin Warren
Commission scenario. Ford selected David Belin to be chief of
staff of the Rockefeller Commission. Ford admitted that Belin in
his Rockefeller Commission role--as well as in his advocacy to
reopen the JFK case in order to prove the Warren Commission
findings correct--was acting as "one of our best staff members."
This was necessary so that the Rockefeller Commission could add a
new assignment to its original charter and investigate the CIA and
FBI. The new assignment was to prove that all of the new questions
about the Zapruder film and the evidence for assassins on the
grassy knoll were answerable in support of Warren Commission
conclusions.
The former Warren commissioner now President, who led the
cover-up and pardoned Nixon, nominated the Warren Commission staff
lawyer who led the cover-up at the working level as the new
Rockefeller Commission chief of staff.
Belin did his job like a faithful dog. He personally called in
the most dangerous researchers, including Cyril Wecht and Dick
Gregory's cohorts, Ralph Schoenman and Robert Groden, who had been
making all of the noise on television. With the help (and possibly
the knowledge) of only one other staff man, Belin interviewed these
witnesses briefly, almost casually: then he misquoted them, edited
their statements, or left them out of the Rockefeller Report. He
purposefully did not call any researchers other than Wecht who
might have presented some embarrassing evidence of conspiracy. He
instead called a number of "experts" from the stable of PCG people,
including some of the Ramsey Clark doctors panel that had examined
the medical evidence in 1968 to back up the Warren Commission
during the Garrison investigation and the Clay Shaw trial. He also
called on reliable Dr. Lattimer, the urologist, to testify again
about the bullet wounds above the navel.
Belin wrote the chapter of the Rockefeller Commission Report
himself. It formed a base for controlled media presentations of
the lone assassin scenario. CBS used much of the basic material in
its series in 1975. Others quoted liberally from the favorite
misquotes of Cyril Wecht and the statements of the CIA doctors
concerning the fatal shot at frame 313 of the Zapruder film. That
had always been a sticky point with Belin and the other Warren
Commission defenders and technical cover-up artists in the PCG.
Belin was nearly driven to distraction at times, trying to avoid
any discussion of the back-to-the-left acceleration of JFK's head
following the Z313 shot.
He was therefore delighted to be able to produce a medical
opinion that the back-to-the-left motion was consistent with a shot
directly from the rear. The fact that no ballistics experts or
physics experts were called to testify about Newton's second law of
motion and what happens to an object when struck by a rifle bullet
traveling at twice to three times the speed of sound was never
questioned by the Rockefeller panel or the media. Belin easily
eliminated the assassins on the grassy knoll simply by persuading
the FBI to say the assassins weren't there at all.
Over a period of several months in the second half of 1975, the
PCG (through its control agents in the 15 media organizations, and
by using Belin's creation) hammered away again at the lone assassin
thesis. They caused the wave of excitement and furor created by
Gregory, Lane, Groden, Schoenman and their friends to die out.
Lectures on university campuses, discussions on FM radio talk shows
late at night, and conspiracy books and articles in underground
newspapers appeared as always. But there was no more showing of
the Zapruder film on ABC, NBC or CBS; nor was there any talk of
conspiracy in any of the major fifteen national news media
organizations.
The second part of the strategy was to create a fall-back, or
second line of defense in the JFK case. If necessary the same idea
could also be applied in the other three cases when the situation
became too dangerous. There was less danger in 1975 in the RFK,
MLK and Wallace cases because the researchers and the media had not
yet consistently begun to tie in the CIA, FBI and other PCG high
level people. In 1976 a danger emerged in the MLK case when it was
revealed that J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI might be linked and that
Hoover attempted to get King to commit suicide. However, that
development occurred several months after the implementation of the
strategy began in the JFK case. Of course there had never been any
danger with the Chappaquiddick crime, because few researchers
realized what the PCG had accomplished in that event. No
suspicions existed in Congress either, beyond some curiosity about
Tony Ulasewicz and E. Howard Hunt's strange visits to the island
and to Hyannisport.
There may be several second lines of defense positions already
prepared for the JFK case. The one that has been implemented in
1975 and 1976 is the "Castro did it in revenge" position. The PCG
realizes that while the media will behave like slaves to present
the first line of defense (Oswald did it alone), the public isn't
buying it any more. In 1969, shortly after the Clay Shaw trial
ended, the percent of people disbelieving the lone assassin theory
fell to its all-time low of just over 50%. By 1976 it had risen to
80%, despite the faithful efforts of CBS, "Time," "Newsweek," et
al. More importantly, Richard Schweiker, Gary Hart, Henry
Gonzalez, Thomas Downing, and a very large part of the House and
Senate weren't buying the lone assassin story any more either.
So, a good second line of defense story was needed. It had to
be one that the House and Senate and Schweiker, Church, Downing and
hopefully Gonzalez would buy. It had to be one which could be
created out of existing facts and then shored up by planted
evidence, faked records, dependable witnesses lying under oath, and
once again, the control and use of the media. The "Castro did it
in revenge" story met these requirements. The media had already
helped to some extent by publishing information from Jack Anderson,
Lyndon B. Johnson and others about Castro's turning around various
CIA agents or sending agents of his own, including Oswald, to
assassinate JFK. Perhaps even more importantly, Senator Schweiker
said he believed Castro might have been behind the assassination
and that this possibility should be investigated.
The Castro story strategy was implemented in 1975. Gradually at
first, a story appeared here or there in the press about the
assassins assigned to kill Castro. Then the media began to reprint
the Jack Anderson story about Castro's turning around of some of
these agents. New authors of the story appeared. Anderson's
original story seemed to be forgotten. These articles never seemed
to have an identifiable source or any proof. Hank Greenspun of the
Las Vegas newspaper circuit and the man involved with Howard
Hughes, Larry O'Brien, released a story to the "Chicago Tribune."
He said his information came from reliable sources.
The momentum began to build. More and more "leaked" information
about Castro and assassins and Oswald being a pro-Castroite hit the
establishment media. The stories and the sequence of events began
to be predictable, if a researcher had understood the PCG and their
fight for survival in 1975 and 1976. Then the Church committee and
the Schweiker sub-committee issued statements that they were going
to investigate the "Castro did it" theory. The PCG began feeding
them information in various forms and various ways that would back
up the idea. The JFK sex scandal was released by Judith Exner.
The PCG provided her with an incentive to spice up the "Castro did
it" theory with a little sex involving JFK and one of the assassins
assigned to Castro, John Roselli.
The PCG realized they had the double advantage of drawing
attention to Roselli and Castro and the turn-around assassin idea,
while at the same time gnawing away at JFK's image. There was
press speculation that Exner was a Mafia plant in the White House
to find out how much JFK knew about the Castro assassination plans.
Since Frank Sinatra had introduced Judith to both JFK and Roselli,
there was speculation about Sinatra's Mafia friends linked to the
rat pack, to Peter Lawford, to JFK's sister and to JFK himself.
All of this was meat for the PCG's grinder. It certainly drew
Schweiker's attention away from Helms, Hunt, Gabaldin, Shaw,
Ferrie, Seymour and all of the other operatives involved in JFK's
murder. In fact, the Schweiker staff, which had the names and
locations of several participants and witnesses that could pinpoint
the Helms-Hunt-Shaw-Gabaldin group as the real assassins as early
as September, 1975 did not interview more than one or two of them
and did not follow up on the rest at all. Their attention was
diverted by the second line of defense strategy and they were also
influenced by infiltration by the PCG.
Part three of the strategy was the control of the Congress and
the committees in the House and the Senate concerned with
investigations of the intelligence community and the JFK
assassination. This subject will be covered in depth in Chapter
14. Suffice it to say here that the PCG planted people on the
staffs of the Church committee and the Schweiker sub-committee.
They exercised control over the other committees in the House and
Senate (Abzug, Don Edwards, Pike committees) and they controlled
the House Rules committee, which effectively blocked the Gonzalez
and Downing resolutions for over a year.
The CIA has always had its supporters in both House and Senate.
So has the FBI. So did J. Edgar Hoover (sometimes through
blackmail) and Richard Helms. There was a story published in the
"Washington Post" about a dinner party given by Tom Braden, former
CIA man, at which all of Richard Helms' old buddies rallied to his
defense. Several well-known Congressmen were there and Senator
Symington gave a rousing speech supporting Helms in his hour of
need.
Gerald Ford, of course, as then titular leader of the PCG, had
many old friends in the House. Nixon had many supporters in both
House and Senate and still has to this day. Thus, control by the
PCG over Congress and committees is not all that difficult.
Specific examples will be given in Chapter 14 of how this really
works. So the cover-ups continue. The PCG is still in the
driver's seat. The three parts of their strategy work very well.
The lone assassin story is repeated at least once a month in some
media source or other. The "Castro did it" story will no doubt
make its official appearance again.
The Congress is under control. Gonzalez was not under control,
nor was Downing. But they couldn't do much without the Rules
Committee, which was controlled.
The people are left with no effective way of doing anything
about the PCG and their crimes. What is worse, there is no way the
people can elect the man of their choice.






* * * * * * *

#14 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:38 AM

Part13.


Chapter 13
The 1976 Election and Conspiracy Fever

To dramatize what might happen and probably did happen in 1976,
this chapter has been prepared by assuming the attitude typical of
today's innocent Americans. A new disease is sweeping America.
No, it's not the flu; it's conspiracy fever.[1]
People afflicted by the disease imagine conspiracies everywhere.
They believe, for example, that the CIA arranged for the takeover
in Chile and the assassination of Salvador Allende. They even
think Henry Kissinger had something to do with it. These poor
feverish devils have the strange idea that J. Edgar Hoover was a
fiend rather than a public hero. They imagine that he ordered a
vicious campaign against Dr. Martin Luther King and a conspiracy
against most of young America called Cointelpro. Some even think
Hoover had King killed. There are some Californians with the west
coast strain of this bug who imagine that the FBI and the
California authorities created a conspiracy in San Diego and Los
Angeles against black citizens. The California group also think
there was something strange about Donald DeFreeze and the
Symbionese Liberation Army. They suspect an FBI or California
state authority conspiracy, complete with police provocateurs,
double agents, faked prison breaks, and a Patty Hearst, alias
Tania, all thrown in by our own government to create a climate that
would make the public accept the prevalence of terrorism and demand
a police state.
The disease spread to Congressmen as well. It does not seem to
be limited, as it was before Watergate, to people under the age of
30. There are even Congressmen with a more virulent form of the
malady who are convinced their telephones are still being tapped.
They, along with thousands of others who suffer, no doubt reached
this conclusion just because they were told by a CIA-controlled
media that hundreds of telephones were tapped a few years ago.
Early forms of conspiracy fever are no longer considered to be
dangerous. For example, all those sick citizens who imagined
conspiracies in the incidents at Tonkin Gulf, Songmy, Mylai, the
Pueblo and the Black Panther murders are now considered to be more
or less recovered, since it turns out it was not their imaginations
working overtime after all. Even the special variety of the fever
which caused the impression that the CIA murdered a series of
foreign heads-of-state is no longer on the danger list.
There is still one form of the illness, however, that is
officially considered to be very dangerous, virulent, and to be
stamped out at all costs. It is the version producing the illusion
that all of America's domestic assassinations were conspiracies.
Those infected believe the conspiracies are interlinked in a giant
conspiracy to take over the electoral process in the United States
and to conceal this from the American people. Some citizens are
known to have this worst form of the fever. They include a
Congressman or two. Others have come down with a milder form in
which they imagine separate conspiracies in four assassination
cases (John and Robert Kennedy, Dr. King, and the attempted
assassination of George Wallace).
Members of the Ford Administration, particularly David Belin,
Mr. Ford's staff member on the Rockefeller Commission, went along
with an analysis made by Dr. Jacob Cohen, a professional fever
analyst, that the disease has been spreading rapidly because of a
small group of "carriers" traveling around the country who are
infecting everyone else. Some of these carriers, called
assassination "buffs", were thought to have contracted the fever as
many as twelve years ago.
In the disease's worst form, the patient imagines that there
exists a powerful, high level group of individuals, some of whom
have intelligence experience. The highest level of fever in these
patients produces the idea that this high level group, usually
called the PCG, will eliminate presidential candidates not in their
favor or under their control. Others imagine that Jimmy Carter has
been brought into the PCG by threats against his children and
careful briefings by George Bush.
It is worth analyzing the sick people with this domestic
assassination conspiracy fever to see how far their imaginations
take them. They calculate that the PCG, fearing exposure if any
president is not under their control and influence, will go to
whatever lengths are required to insure the election of the man
they do control. The idea is that Gerald Ford was nicely in the
PCG's pocket because he has been covering up for them ever since
1964. He has continued to help them through 1975 and 1976 by
maintaining a steady cover-up effort on all four cases. Jimmy
Carter was perhaps brought under control. The feverish "buffs"
figure that the PCG would have been sure to eliminate Jimmy Carter
unless he could be controlled.
The scenario continues into the future. The more control
exercised by the PCG, the stronger they become and the more people
in the executive branch become beholden to them to continue
covering up the cover-ups.
So, wake up America. Wipe out this disease. It's just as
dangerous as Communism, if not more so. Like the general in "Z",
Americans must realize that such a disease has to be eliminated
whenever and wherever it appears.



____________________

[1] "Conspiracy Fever" is derived from an article with that title by
Jacob Cohen, a psychologist, in "Commentary" magazine, October,
1975.







* * * * * * *



End Part13.

#15 John Ritchson

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Posted 24 February 2005 - 10:39 AM

Part14.


Chapter 14
Congress and the People

The last hope of the people to take back their government from
the PCG is through Congress. The executive branch is a captive of
the PCG. The legislative branch has no power in the situation.
Where courts or judges do have some small measure of power, as in
the hearings and appeals for a new trial for James Earl Ray, they
have been controlled by the PCG. The ruling of the judge in the
Ray appeals case, for example, was obviously a decision made for
him by someone higher up. He ruled that Ray could not have a new
trial after hearing a vast amount of evidence of conspiracy and
solid evidence that Percy Foreman had duped Ray into pleading
guilty.
Unless a people's revolution comes along, and that hardly seems
likely, the only possibility left is to hope that Congress can do
it. What are the odds? From what has been pointed out so far, it
is obvious that if Congress is to expose the PCG, throw the rascals
in jail, and wipe the slate clean to seize the country back for the
people, a tremendous battle will be required. All of the forces of
the PCG, including their friends in the House and Senate, will be
focussed on preventing this from happening. A power base within
both houses would have to be created that could not only do battle
with the PCG but that would not be fooled by their myriad of
fiendishly clever techniques, methods and stratagems. It would
have to be a power base that protected itself from infiltration and
usurpation of its own resources. It would have to somehow conquer
the media control problem; otherwise, no American citizen would
know what it was doing or what the battle was about.
How would such a battle start and such a power base be
constructed? An important step would be to purify the special
committee created by either resolution and to purify the staff.
Preventing infiltration of staff by the PCG is especially
important. As mentioned in Chapter 12, the Church Committee staff
and the Schweiker sub-committee staff were infiltrated by the PCG,
and specifically the CIA. A leading assassination researcher and
former intelligence officer in the Defense Intelligence Agency who
knew many, many CIA agents discovered two of them in the Church
Committee staff offices in the fall of 1975. The other staff
members had not been aware that these two men were CIA agents
because they were "deep cover" agents.
This problem is rather complex because there is always great
pressure from the House or Senate to create a balance on any
appointed committee. Thus the Church committee was hamstrung by
several of the Senators appointed to be on it: they were close
friends and supporters of the CIA and FBI. Senators Goldwater and
Tower, for example, fought very hard to block any efforts to have
the entire committee investigate potential CIA or FBI involvement
in domestic assassinations. This does not necessarily mean that
Goldwater and Tower are members of the inner circle of the PCG.
But it does mean that PCG members who know who killed John Kennedy
and why can influence Goldwater and Tower to block such efforts.
The first step in the House or Senate might be floor voting
because of the tight control exercised by the PCG over the
committee procedure on resolutions. In the House, for example, the
Rules Committee is all-powerful in determining which resolutions
are brought to the floor.
Henry Gonzalez introduced his resolution HR204 in 1975 and sent
it to the rules committee. Nearly a year passed. On March 18,
1976 Mr. Gonzalez, together with Mr. Downing, was tired of waiting
for some action by Chairman Madden and they took the issue to the
floor of the House for discussion.[1] By this time the two
representatives had 125 co-sponsors for their two resolutions (an
unusually large number). Gonzalez and Downing had taken over the
floor of the House for two hours and had several supporting
speakers. No one rose in opposition. Prior to that time,
Representative Sisk from California and Representative Bolling from
West Virginia had been vehemently outspoken in the Rules Committee
against both resolutions. Madden, Sisk and Bolling all left the
House before Downing and Gonzalez started speaking.
As a result of Gonzalez's and Downing's efforts, Madden was
forced by Speaker Albert and other members of the House and by some
of his own constituents to hold a formal hearing on the two
resolutions on March 31, 1976. The PCG controlled the hearing
through Sisk, Bolling and Lott. The resolutions were tabled,
subject to future recall by the chairman. The vote was nine to
six. Representative Bolling was called into the hearing from the
House floor to cast the ninth vote at the last minute. He heard
none of the arguments. He didn't have to. The PCG had instructed
him on how to vote.
This event is described to illustrate how difficult it would be
to overcome the control advantages on the side of the PCG. Only on
the Senate or House floor might it be possible to equalize things.
The two events, the two hour discussion on the House floor on March
18, reported by the "Congressional Record," and the hearing by the
rules committee on March 31 illustrate another problem Congress has
combatting the PCG. Not one of the major news media organizations
reported either event. Two hours on the House floor is an
incredibly long time for any subject. There were many reporters
present from television, radio, newspapers and press services. Mark
Lane saw to that. But nothing appeared on CBS, NBC, ABC, or in
"Time," "Newsweek," or the "New York Times." Why? The answer is
obvious. Very tight control over the news from the House is
exercised by the PCG.
The larger implication is there for all to see who want to open
their eyes. Seeing it and believing it are two different things.
For nearly all Congressmen who still have faith in America, the
whole point of this book, and the existence of a Power Control
Group which included Ford, Nixon, Kissinger, the CIA, the FBI, the
fifteen major news media management level people, plus nearly
anyone else of importance in the executive branch and many
Congressmen, is too much to swallow. They would rather have the
whole thing go quietly away than face up to something that
gigantic. And that is the real source of the PCG's strength, the
unbelievability of it all.


Addendum to Chapter 14

Several truly historic and highly encouraging events occurred in
the months of September and October, 1976 that could indicate a
change in the tide and power and control described in earlier
chapters.
First, on September 15, a coalition of representatives from the
Black Caucus, Henry Gonzalez and Thomas Downing managed to get
Resolution H1540 through the House Rules Committee. Mark Lane,
Coretta King and others were responsible for creating pressures
that finally convinced Speaker Carl Albert, Chairman Tom Madden of
the Rules Committee and others that this was necessary and
desirable. The new resolution, made up of parts of the Downing and
Gonzalez resolutions plus input from Representative Walter Fauntroy
from the Black Caucus called for a special 12-person committee to
reopen the JFK and Dr. King cases and any other deaths that the
committee might decide to investigate.
The Rules Committee voted nine to four in favor. Representative
Bolling, who perhaps unknowingly had lent his support to the
opposition in the earlier vote, was an important swing vote and
actually introduced the resolution in the meeting. The position of
the nine who voted for the resolution was more than vindicated two
days later, when the House, by the extraordinary vote of 280 to 64,
passed the resolution. History was made. On that day cheers
should have gone up from several hundred dedicated researchers
around the world, and the Power Control Group should have begun
looking for rocks to crawl under.
The real war was only beginning, however. The "New York Times"
barely reported the event, did not mention the vote, and buried the
story in the middle of another story with one-half inch in one
column. The "Washington Star" and "Post" carried larger stories
and the "White Plains Reporter Dispatch" made it a first page
headline story. The PCG's media control slipped a bit.
The next hurdle was for Downing, Gonzalez and Fauntroy to
convince Albert that the chairman of the new committee for 1977
should be Mr. Gonzalez since Mr. Downing had announced his
retirement. Because elections were being held in November, Mr.
Albert named Mr. Downing as chairman for the balance of 1976, with
Mr. Gonzalez as next in line. He also let it be known to the press
that Mr. Gonzalez would be the best choice to head the committee
next year.
Mr. Albert then named ten other members of the committee for the
1976 period. Four of them, Fauntroy, Burke, Stokes and Ford, were
members of the Black Caucus. Stewart McKinney, Representative from
Connecticut, is a well known supporter of the truth. Those five,
together with Downing and Gonzalez, could probably be counted on to
try to arrive at the truth. The other five representatives--Dodd
from Connecticut, Preyer from Tennessee, Devine from Ohio, Thone
from Nebraska and Talcott from California--were unknown quantities.
If the PCG theory holds up, at least one of them, and perhaps two,
will turn out to be PCG representatives.
The next event of significance occurred on October 4 when Mr.
Downing named Richard A. Sprague, former district attorney from
Philadelphia and fearless prosecutor of the Yablonski murderers, as
executive director of the committee's staff. The main significance
of this event was who was not named. Bernard Fensterwald, Jr., was
in strong contention, but he was not selected because of suspicions
that he might be a CIA agent and also because of conflicts of
interests among his clientele. Fensterwald represented Otto
Otepka, James McCord, James Earl Ray and Andrew St. George, among
others. There is certainly a strong CIA flavor and PCG influence
among his clients. Whether or not Bud Fensterwald himself works
for the CIA or the PCG, his rejection as executive director was a
healthy sign that the committee might be able to go through the
purification process described as essential in Chapter 14.
Richard A. Sprague had his hands full attempting to separate PCG
applicants for staff positions from non-PCG members. The PCG,
during the same time period (September and October) these historic
events were taking place, was very active in spreading its second
line of defense information. "Castro did it in revenge" stories
began popping up everywhere. Jack Anderson was revived to back up
the strategy by publishing another of his "Castro did it" columns.



____________________

[1] House Resolution 204 -- Henry Gonzalez
House Resolution 498 -- Thomas Downing







* * * * * * *



End Part14.




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