Steven Gaal
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Posts posted by Steven Gaal
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I CANT WAIT FOR TALKING KATE . NOW REPEAT AFTER ME ,"monarchy is the best !!" Long live QUEEN KATE !!!
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@Mattel's Hello Barbie raises concern over children's privacy
New York Daily News - 1 day agoYour child's talking Barbie doll may be eavesdropping on all your private conversations.
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This 'smart' Barbie is raising concerns over children's privacy
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The Verge - 1 day ago This Talking Barbie Doll Can Listen To You… And Share What You Say With Third Parties
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The Consumerist - 1 day agoMore news for talking barbie privacy
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Why the Talking "Smart" Barbie Terrifies Privacy Advocates
gizmodo.com/why-the-talking-smart-barbie-terrifies-privacy-ad...
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Gizmodo
5 days ago - Some child advocates are clamoring for Mattel to halt production of a new "smart" Barbie that can have conversations with your kid.
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Eavesdropper Barbie: Privacy fears over talking Barbie doll ...
www.ibtimes.co.uk/eavesdropper-barbie-pri...
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International Business Times
3 days ago - Privacy advocates express concern at a new interactive 'Hello Barbie' doll which can record conversations.
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Advocates Call Talking Barbie 'Surveillance Barbie'
www.newsweek.com/privacy-advocates-want-take-wifi-connected-hello-...
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4 days ago - Child privacy advocates are looking to shut down "Hello Barbie," Mattel's first Wi-Fi connected version of the popular doll. One reason: They say ...
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In 2007 the energy giants were pocketing £2.31 in pure profit from each household for their gas or electricity. By 2013 this had risen to £23.71, according to the Competition and Markets Authority.
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These are the people in charge of public education and our criminal justice system, America.
People who will completely ruin a child, screw up his life, and overreact to the point that it makes soap operas look like CSPAN on a Tuesday and all because they can’t bother to tell the difference between a smoke-able illegal substance and a normal ass leaf.
I don’t even know what else to say. This is the dumbest story I have read all year, perhaps even more ignorant than that time the school suspended the kid for “making a terroristic threat” by declaring he was going to make another kid disappear with his magical one ring from The Hobbit movie.
I actually feel dumber for having read it, for it thus lodging into a crack somewhere in my grey brain matter and possibly staying there forever like the Three’s Company theme song.
Thanks a lot, Bedford County public schools for making me stupid, too.
(read more)
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Marina revealed the whole truth as she knew it, Steven. Get over it. // TREJO
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MARINA & "HIDELL"
On the topic of when she first learned of the name "Hidell", Marina told three different stories.
If story # 3 was the truth, then the first two stories were lies.
She was never questioned about why she lied to the SS in December 1963 or why she lied under oath to the Commission in February 1964. The Commission just accepted her latest version of events as the truth because her latest version satisfied its preconceived notions.
"Oswald's membership card in the "New Orleans chapter" of the committee carried the signature of "A. J. Hidell," purportedly the president of the chapter, but there is no evidence that an "A. J. Hidell" existed and.....there is conclusive evidence that the name was an alias which Oswald used on various occasions. Marina Oswald herself wrote the name "Hidell" on the membership card at her husband's insistence." ( Report, pg. 292 )
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Problematic history (early prostitution and taken under the wing of MVD uncle) that Marina withheld in public interviews.
Marina Prusakova was born in Molotovsk on July 17, 1941. She lived with her mother and stepfather until 1957 when she moved to Minsk where she lived with her uncle, Ilya Prusakova, who worked at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD). There is also an allegation that Marina was raped at age 16 by an Afghan ambassador and that she was kicked out of Leningrad for suspicion of prostitution, or what’s known as a honey pot.
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http://educationforu...19668&p=272355'
Yuri Merezhinsky, interviewed by Norman Mailer for his book Oswald’s Tale, says she was anything but virtuous, claiming she was a prostitute. He knew Marina quite well and says she was in a group of four people—two women and two men—that were plying their trade in a Hotel Leningrad that were eventually booted out of the city. It was an offence strong enough to be sent to a labor camp, which didn’t happen to Marina. What would lead her to this alleged occupation can only be speculated at but the KGB did maintain, "honey traps" for intelligence gathering purposes from various officials, both local and foreign. She would have been known as a "swallow" in the honey trap. Marina was known to associate with diplomats and high government bureaucrats. Her basic clientele would have been foreigners. She would years later admit to being raped by an Afghan ambassador. How would she meet up with this sort of individual? Never the less, Marina suddenly leaves Leningrad and ends up living with her aunt and uncle in Minsk, where he was a member of the secret police, the MVD. Merezhinsky, though not her lover, said she was quite promiscuous with many of his friends without regard to reputation. He said he never told Lee any of this. (Although Lee, understanding Russian would have picked up on the gossip.)
Oswald immediately decides to head back to the United States, and in spite of her uncle's supposed objections — and Prusakov could have stopped this dead in its tracks if he wanted — she is granted permission to leave the Soviet Union in the company of an American defector. The time between her formal request and receiving permission is a matter of weeks.
If the Warren Commission has the facts right — and we think they do — then this is clear: the Soviet government wanted Marina and Oswald to marry and they wanted them to go together to the United States. That is crystal clear. Now, we take a leap, but a reasonable one: The only agency in the Soviet Union with the ability and interest to get this done was the KGB. If Marina wasn't KGB, she did one hell of an imitation.
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The story about Marina and Nixon was so farfetched that not even the Warren Commission bought into it (Warren Report pp. 187-188). It has been demolished by many authors; most notably Peter Scott who notes that to believe it, Marina had to have locked Oswald in the bathroom to keep him from committing this murderous act; yet the bathroom locked from the inside. Also, as the Commission noted in the pages above, Nixon was not in Dallas until several months after the alleged incident. Further, there was no announcement in any local newspaper that Nixon was going to be in Dallas at this time period -
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Marina Oswald to Jesse Ventura in 2010:
"Would you sacrifice your children for the truth?" – Marina Oswald to Jesse Ventura in 2010
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I would say that she has not been forthcoming via threats and odd background. Get over it. (GAAL)##############################
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]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]] Trejo hopes records release will help his theory.......trend is not your friend TREJO !!
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The White House said the cleanup of FOIA regulations is consistent with court rulings that hold that the office is not subject to the transparency law. The office handles, among other things, White House record-keeping duties like the archiving of e-mails.
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Steven,
Creationism seems to be close to your heart so if you like, we can start a separate thread devoted to it rather than have it mixed up with the "tin foil hat" thread discussion.// Burton
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NO THIS THREAD SHOULD STAY HERE. STOPPING THE SPEECH OF CREATIONISM IS A REAL ISSUE AND THERE ARE CONSPIRATORIAL METHODS USED.....
Worst Conspiracy Ever (Dinosaur Skin and Creationism)www.patheos.com/.../worst-conspiracy-ever-dinosaur-skin-and-cr...PatheosLoading...May 25, 2013 - I've heard creationists speak of conspiracy in these matters, of scientists actively ... They've found a lot of soft tissue in dinosaur bones. The time ...
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Scientist Fired for Discovering Something and Publishing ...godfatherpolitics.com/.../scientist-fired-discovering-something-publishin...Jul 24, 2014 - Armitage's peer review article is not the first soft tissue discovery that casts doubt on the time table of .... A conspiracy against the baby Jebus.
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Professor Fired for Reporting on Soft Tissue in a Triceratop's ...teapartyeconomist.com/.../professor-fired-reporting-soft-tissue-triceratop...Jul 26, 2014 - When examining the horn under a high-powered microscope back at CSUN, Armitage was fascinated to see the soft tissue. The discovery ...
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- University Fires Scientist After Discovery Challenges ...conspiracyanalyst.org/.../university-fires-scientist-after-discovery-challen...Jul 29, 2014 - But when Armitage examined the horn under a powerful university microscope, ... Attached to the fossilized horn was soft tissue, indicating that the dinosaur in ... I am a conspiracy analyst fighting against global elitists, criminal ...
Is There A Conspiracy Against Creationism? by John D. Morris, Ph.D.In the past few weeks, I was able to read Frank Peretti's best-selling Christian novel, This Present Darkness. The supposed fictional account of an entire town, including a local college, most of the churches, and many of the businesses being taken over by a shadowy, New-Age group, struck a familiar chord with me.
The story weaves many threads together, pitting praying Christians against the demonically controlled "Universal Consciousness Society" and its front organization, the "Omni Corporation.'' Before good triumphs over evil, however, we see that those committed to "world peace" through Eastern mysticism will stop at nothing to achieve their goals, including harassment, smear campaigns, larceny, violence—even murder. Demon-possessed civic and governmental leaders are in total control at every level, who change laws, alter records, confiscate, and imprison to reach their ends.
"What's the connection?" you are asking. First of all, let me say that until ICR became embroiled in its difficulties with the California State Department of Education and its Superintendent over the right to teach science from a creationist perspective in its graduate school, none of us had ever been involved in lawsuits or political bureaucracies before, to more than a nominal degree. But what an eye opener! It now seems to us that those in political power have excessive, if not near-total, control over anything they desire. We have found ourselves in an adversarial relationship not of our making.
Second, perhaps due to the popularity of the creation message these days, but also to a bitter hatred of Christianity, it seems that many individuals and powerful organizations have aligned themselves in a united front to destroy ICR. Those specifically involved include most of the major humanistic, atheistic, skeptic, and civil liberties groups (you could name most of them) as well as the so-called "intellectual elite" in higher education. Their goal is total control of education—total mind control. Already, many laws, policies, and programs are in place whose effects will be more pronounced in the days ahead. Evidently they feel powerful enough to move against ICR, perhaps feeling that if ICR falls, Christian education as a whole will be severely weakened.
These same groups are moving against Christian groups on a number of fronts: tax status, credentials, counseling, use permits, hiring of homosexuals, new-age teaching in public schools, banning Christmas scenes in public, etc., etc. Our religious freedoms are being stripped away, and already our influence in the community, as salt and light, is limited.
In the novel, the ruling officials were bound together in covert Satan worship. Although I haven’t run into widespread occultism in governmental circles yet, there is a dominant anti-Christian flavor to much of what is going on—an effort to totally secularize society. It is becoming more and more obvious that the battle must be fought primarily on a spiritual level.
The Christians "won" in the novel. In our case, the battle has been joined. If ever you prayed for ICR and the truth of God's creation of this world, now is the time.
Cite this article: John D. Morris, Ph.D. 1990. Is There A Conspiracy Against Creationism?. Acts & Facts. 19 (6).
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Creationism and the “conspiracy” of evolution: inside the UK's evangelical schools
Teaching creationism is unquestionably harmful, but should we be trying to ban it? Jonny Scaramanga, a former pupil at an evangelical school, examines how we are failing to hold such institutions to account.
by Jonny Scaramanga Published
5 February, 2014 - 09:02
The pupils at the evangelical school the author attended were taught that believers in evolution were fundamentally dishonest. Photo: Herbert/Getty ImagesShould teaching creationism in schools be banned? Professor Alice Roberts has argued that it should be, even in private schools. Her comments come as a shock to those British citizens who assume that creationists, like grizzly bears, are a species local to North America. In fact, two networks of evangelical schools – Accelerated Christian Education (ACE) and the Christian Schools Trust (CST) – teach Genesis’ account as a literal explanation of human origins. That’s around 100 UK schools before we even talk about Muslim and Jewish institutions. I attended an ACE school in the 1990s, and emerging successfully indoctrinated at the end of 1999. I am still recovering from the experience, but I’m not convinced banning them will help.
ACE schools are “teacherless”. Students spend the majority of the week at desks facing the wall, with dividers preventing contact with their neighbours. In silence, they complete workbooks which integrate Bible lessons into each subject. During that time, the only contact with staff comes if a student raises a flag to indicate that they need help. By contrast, most CST schools use a more traditional classroom setup, but with a similarly strong biblical emphasis.
ACE’s UK distributor, Christian Education Europe, does not disclose the locations of all its schools, but in 2009 claimed there were 59 in the UK. They list 29, but these are only the schools which choose to be listed. In 2008, it was reported that 2,000 British children were being educated this way.
In my first week at the ACE school, the principal preached a sermon called “Birds of a Feather Must Flock Together”. This 45 minute rant can be summarised in one sentence: “Don’t be friends with non-Christians”. So began three years in which I learned to view ‘unbelievers’ with a mixture of fear and contempt.
Creationism was central to this understanding. I was taught that evolution was a conspiracy; scientists knew they lacked evidence, but wouldn’t admit it because they hated God. Evolution was equated with atheism;“evolutionists” were fundamentally dishonest. Students in ACE are still taught this. These quotes come from the compulsory course which current students take instead of GCSE science.
From year 11 biology:
No branch of true science would make these kind of impossible claims without proof. Because evolutionists do not want to believe the only alternative—that the universe was created by God – they declare evolution is a fact and believe its impossible claims without any scientific proof!
From year 10 science:
A person who is not right with God must find reason, or justification, for not believing. So he readily accepts an indefensible theory like evolution – even if it will not hold water. That is his academic justification for unbelief.
There was a second way creationism was used to fend off outsiders. The school claimed that creationism proved the Bible was the Word of God. Biblical authority thus established beyond question, I was forced to live by such Scriptures as Psalm 1:1, “Blessed is he that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly. . .” My only interaction with sinners was for evangelism.
There is a natural human tendency to fear the strange. Attending a school exclusively with other evangelicals turned the rest of the world into strangers. My knowledge of outsiders came from propaganda cartoons depicting non-Christians as evil and stupid. When I left that school at 15, I expected my new classmates to try to corrupt me. I told them to accept Jesus or face hell, and they lived up to my expectations.
Creationists teach that either every word of the Bible is completely true or none of it is. If you have doubts, that is the devil trying to deceive you. I knew if I doubted, I risked losing my faith, and then I would go to hell. This provides a powerful disincentive against thinking critically. In that sense, the education militates against real learning.
The same literal understanding of the Bible taught me that gay people were sinners, women should obey their husbands, and parents had a moral imperative to spank disobedient children. Creationism was the keystone that held these beliefs in place. If that was questioned, the entire edifice might fall. Teaching creationism is unquestionably harmful, but there are other avenues to try before we ban it.
If they are prohibited from teaching creationism, evangelical schools will not suddenly provide high quality instruction on natural selection. More likely, children would be withdrawn into fundamentalist homeschooling. Testimony from America is that this can be somewhat variable.
The scandal is that existing measures for quality assurance are not working. Ofsted inspections of ACE schools do not mention creationism at all, but frequently give generally glowing reports. Between 2007 and 2011, at least six Ofsted inspections of ACE schools were carried out by a Mr Stephen Dennett. At the same time, Dennett had a sideline as a freelance curriculum writer, and his name appears in the metadata of ACE curriculums as an author. He is also listed as a “consultant” to the board of the ACE-based International Certificate of Christian Education. I contacted Christian Education Europe, ACE’s UK distributors, asking them to comment on my concerns that Dennett’s Ofsted role had represented a conflict of interests, but to date they have not responded.
Compared with ACE, the Christian Schools Trust (CST) looks relatively moderate. Unlike ACE’s rigidly standardised curriculum, each CST school has its own policy on creation and evolution. There are still indicators that pupils in such schools are being misled, though. Research published in 2009 declared “the great majority of the schools teach their science from a creationist viewpoint”. The same survey found just 10 per cent of teenage CST pupils accepted the theory of evolution.
Dr Sylvia Baker, the academic who published this research, is a former teacher in a CST school. She insists the teaching of science is rigorous. “If you are seeking to imply that pupils in some CST schools are brainwashed into a simplistic ‘unscientific’ view of origins, you are sadly misinformed as excellent results in science subjects at GCSE have so often demonstrated,” she told me.
Together with the Muslim Schools Association, the CST has its own inspectorate, the BSI. The inspectorate was set up by the schools to “respect their distinctive ethos”. Since this ethos is the most contentious aspect of the schools, this strikes me as a wholly unwarranted privilege.
Organisations that ought to be holding these schools to account failing to protect the childrens’ interests. UK NARIC, the international qualifications comparison body, actually maintains that ACE-based qualifications are the equal of A-levels. The inspectorate ought to send a clear message to parents and staff at these schools that the current standard of instruction is unacceptable. We need scrutiny, not legislation.
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You could paint me as an assassin. Former military intelligence officer. Married to a wild child. Good luck.// TIDD
Golly Mr. Tidd opens himself up to ideas. Paint him as what ?? So his second cousin is spooky. I just think that the they (MARINA and LEE) were both complex people that couldn't/wouldn't reveal the whole truth. So I will keep posting and not get in party to a lawsuit (which I would win ) I will delete post.
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John M. Tidd looks like me (Thomas Graves)? //// what do you look like, only half a photo sg
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gee he looks a little like you
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didn't know "looks a little you" bit can be taken to court
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Tommy don't kid me u can copy a portion of what is presented and GOOGLE it and find source. You are a jokester !! sg
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You could paint me as an assassin. Former military intelligence officer. Married to a wild child. Good luck. // Tidd
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Golly not trying to paint anyone.
Senior Lecturer
gee he looks a little like you,but its CIA not really military intell.John Tidd served with the Central Intelligence Agency for most of his professional career. He joined the Agency in 1975 after earning a BA in international affairs from Occidental College and an MA from the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Dr. Tidd has spent most of his career in the Directorate of Intelligence—the CIA's analytic wing—first as an analyst following Soviet economic issues, then as a manager directing the analysis of international trade and energy developments. During this period Dr. Tidd earned an MA in economics from the University of Virginia and his PhD from Johns Hopkins SAIS. After serving as chief of the Agency's international energy division during the Persian Gulf War, Dr. Tidd directed the analytic group of the DCI Crime and Narcotics Center (CNC) in the mid-1990s. Beginning in the late 1990s, he served as chief of staff for the Directorate of Intelligence, then in several executive positions in the Agency's Directorate of Science and Technology. Dr. Tidd returned to CNC as its deputy director in early 2002, and during part of his tenure served as acting director.
In Fall 2004, Dr. Tidd came to the University of Arizona as part of the CIA's Officer in Residence Program, and he has continued to lecture since his retirement in 2006. As an adjunct at the School of Government and Public Policy, he teaches courses on US intelligence history, the current US intelligence system, and the use of covert action as a security policy tool. He also teaches several courses on globalization and both graduate and undergraduate courses on US public policy and bureaucracy. Dr. Tidd's research interests include the history of the US intelligence system, globalization and international intelligence sharing, and the emergence of "public intelligence" and its implications for US national security decision making.
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++++++++++++++++++++ Lived on Corliss St from 3 to 9. Played all over OXY as a kid. Latter studied via internet its (Occidental College aka OXY) extensive globalist outlook.
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Tidd clan all look alike.
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I don't believe anything Marina has said about her husband. I do think she's been screwed over. // Tidd
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Yes and no . You cant believe in much of what she said about her husband. Screwed over yes. BUT DID YOU READ pg 197 above ?? She went down a wild path that led her to be first exploited by her intel Uncle. The KGB/MVD figured out LHO to be a false defector and if they had a partial wild child/ adult to stick it back at USA intel ,so be it, per their viewpoint.
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Secular Study: No Big Bang?
by Brian Thomas, M.S. *
Evidence for Creation › Evidence from Science › Evidence from the Physical Sciences › The Universe Was Created › The Universe Was Created PowerfullyChristians who believe the universe began billions of years ago often point to the Big Bang model to try and verify a creation-like beginning.1 But a new origin of the universe model offers an "everlasting universe" and dismisses the whole idea of a Big Bang.2
Genesis does not describe a Big Bang. Instead of a hot explosion, it presents a rather cold, watery origin. Instead of stars first, followed by Earth's emergence billions of years later, God made Earth first, then stars four days later. If the Big Bang really happened, then nobody told God about it. And if Scripture's history falls this far off base, then what other errors might it contain?
Despite the dangers that the Big Bang presents for the Bible—to say nothing of the baffling scientific quandaries it generates—some Christians continue to believe it and even use it to argue for creation. But this noble intention can have bad results.3 Lured by the prospect of illustrating how secular science incorporates a kind of beginning point for the universe that could merge with the concept of God, this particular argument pays the price of accepting a model with almost no resemblance to Genesis.
And how can anyone trust the books of the Bible that refer to the creation account if Genesis is almost completely wrong? After all, those books also teach us about Christ, the focal point of the Christian faith.
In the new model, published in Physics Letters B, researchers included quantum correction terms to the standard formula assumed in Big Bang cosmology. This time, the formula ended up describing a universe with no beginning and no end.
Why would scientists even think to challenge a long-held concept like the Big Bang unless they saw some deal-breaking weaknesses in it? Their paper lists some of the flaws they recognized, including "the smallness problem," "the coincidence problem," "the flatness problem," dark matter, and the inexplicable singularity from which the universe supposedly sprung.2,4
So, the second price Big Bang-promoting Christians will have to pay is swallowing all these problems, each of which refutes Big Bang cosmology. Without compromising either biblical history or observational science, Christians can simply believe and defend the exact words of Genesis.
References
- Geisler, N., and Turek, F. 2004. I Don't Have Enough Faith to Be an Atheist. Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 73-89.
- Ali, A.F., and Das, S. 2015. Cosmology from quantum potential. Physics Letters B. Volume 741(4): 276–279.
- Creation scientists have been warning Christians of this danger for years. See: Henry, J. F. Christian apologists should abandon the big bang. Journal of Creation. 23 (3): 103-109.
- Dr. Jake Hebert describes how inflation theory, a Big Bang add-on, failed to explain the flatness problem in: Hebert, J. 2012. Big Bang Explanations Fall Flat. Acts & Facts. 41 (11): 16.
- Hebert, J. 2013. The Ever-Changing Big Bang Story. Acts & Facts. 42 (1): 14.
Image credit: Copyright © 2006 NASA, ESA, and J. Maíz Apellániz. Adapted for use in accordance with federal copyright (fair use doctrine) law. Usage by ICR does not imply endorsement of copyright holders.
*Mr. Thomas is Science Writer at the Institute for Creation Research.
Article posted on February 23, 2015.
Evidence for Creation › Evidence from Science › Evidence from the Physical Sciences › The Universe Was Created › The Universe Was Created Powerfully More Related Articles- Four Sets of 'Impossible' Stars
- No Nearby Dark Matter
- Lightweight Star Should Not Exist
- Water Near Edge of Universe Bolsters Creation Cosmology
- New Sky Map Shows Big Bang Even More Unlikely
- Exoplanet Discoveries Demolish Planet Formation Theories
- Microscopic Masterpieces: Discovering Design in Snow Crystals
- More Than a Rising Star
- There's Only One Universe
- How Big Is God?
}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}}} TO SUMMARIZE POSTS #1 and #10 are UNREFUTED AND REINFORCE EACH OTHER. TO REPEAT ...if only, if only the people I debate were...intellectually honest. //GAAL
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Marina Oswald (important Trejo source,Gaal)
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How would you get near an Afghan ambassador unless you were a spook or a wanta be spook. She would have known of the consequences of her actions. She was already working for her Uncle or soon would be doing so....
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see pg 197 below
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oooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooThere is also an allegation that Marina was raped at age 16 by an Afghan ambassador and that she was kicked out of Leningrad for suspicion of prostitution, or what’s known as a honey pot…With all her “high profile” targets and “relations”, it is thought she used to gain the benefits of pillow talk…tongues tend to loosen when the clothes come off and some alcohol imbibed. Marina supposedly graduated from pharmacology school at age 14, and with her parents out of the picture, and a KGB uncle that took her in following the Leningrad incident, who knows how she could have been used and trained by the KGB.
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I want to know a full list of all JBS members in Dallas in 1963. I want to know which ones were in powerful County and City positions in Dallas in 1963. I want to know which ones were members of the "Friends of Walker" group in Texas. // TREJO
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GOLLY YOU LIVE IN TEXAS. CANT YOU DO SOME RESEARCH
??? .....YOU SEEM TO HAVE A LOT OF TIME TO POST.... -
I want to know a full list of all JBS members in Dallas in 1963. I want to know which ones were in powerful County and City positions in Dallas in 1963. I want to know which ones were members of the "Friends of Walker" group in Texas. // TREJO
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GOLLY YOU LIVE IN TEXAS. CANT YOU DO SOME RESEARCH ??? .....YOU SEEM TO HAVE A LOT OF TIME TO POST.... -
CNN) Bold claims for new battery technology have been around since the invention of the lead-acid battery more than 150 years ago.But researchers at Manchester University in the UK say their latest discovery involving the new wonder material graphene could be the most revolutionary advance in battery technology yet.
According to a study published in the journal Nature, graphene membranes could be used to sieve hydrogen gas from the atmosphere — a development that could pave the way for electric generators powered by air.
“It looks extremely simple and equally promising,” said Dr Sheng Hu, a post-doctoral researcher in the project. “Because graphene can be produced these days in square metre sheets, we hope that it will find its way to commercial fuel cells sooner rather than later.”
Pencil power
At the heart of the technology is the remarkable physical properties of graphene — a substance with the same atomic structure as the lead found in the humble household pencil.
Isolated in 2004 by a team from Manchester University headed by Andrew Geim and Kostya Novoselov — both of whom won the Nobel Prize for Physics for their discovery in 2010 — graphene is already well known as a technological game-changer.
The first two-dimensional crystal known to science, graphene is the thinnest, lightest and strongest object ever obtained. It is harder than diamond and 200 times stronger than steel.
Flexible, transparent and able to conduct electricity even better than copper, the ground-breaking substance is set to revolutionize everything from smartphones and wearable technology to green technology and medicine.
Renowned for its barrier qualities, graphene is just one atom thick – more than a million times thinner than a human hair.
Membrane technology
The latest discovery makes graphene attractive for possible uses in proton-conducting membranes which are at the core of modern fuel-cell technology.
Fuel cells work by using oxygen and hydrogen as a fuel, converting the chemical energy produced by its input directly into electricity. However, current membranes that separate the protons necessary for this process are relatively inefficient, allowing contamination in the fuel crossover.
Using graphene membranes could boost their efficiency and durability.
The team found the protons passed through the ultra-thin crystals with relative ease, especially at raised temperatures and with the use of a platinum-based catalyst coated on the membrane film.
Harvesting hydrogen
The most surprising aspect of the research, however, found the membranes could be used to extract hydrogen from the atmosphere. The scientists said such harvesting could be combined with fuel cells to create a mobile electric generator fueled simply by hydrogen present in air.
“When you know how it should work, it is a very simple setup. You put a hydrogen-containing gas on one side, apply small electric current and collect pure hydrogen on the other side. This hydrogen can then be burned in a fuel cell.
“We worked with small membranes, and the achieved flow of hydrogen is of course tiny so far. But this is the initial stage of discovery, and the paper is to make experts aware of the existing prospects. To build up and test hydrogen harvesters will require much further effort.”
Currently, hydrogen is obtained nearly entirely from fossil fuels.
Graphene revolution
Already scientists are finding new ways of processing graphene and new applications for the invisible substance. Because it is flexible and stretchable, it makes it an ideal candidate for solar generation.
It looks extremely simple and equally promising-Dr. Sheng HuNew research from the Institute of Photonic Sciences in Spain showed that graphene could be far more efficient in the transformation of light into energy.
The study found that unlike silicon, which generates only one current-driving electron for each photon it absorbs, graphene can produce multiple electrons.
Although the application of graphene in solar cells is only theoretical, the potential could be staggering. Solar cells made with graphene could offer 60% solar cell efficiency — double the widely-regarded maximum efficiency of silicon cells.
Apart from uses in transportation, where its lightness and strength stands to transform the manufacture of cars and planes to make them more fuel efficient, graphene has been studied as a corrosion-proof coating for packaging and even super-thin condoms.
In medicine, researchers say it could be used to deliver drugs to specific sites in the body and is being developed as a treatment for people with brain conditions.
In industry, its use as a membrane is being studied as a means of purifying water and even as a way of extracting salt and other elements from sea water to make it drinkable.
Article Source: CNN.com
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Marina Oswald & Ruth Paine (important Trejo sources ,Gaal) ---------------
]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]Journalists & JFK – The Real Dizinformation Agents at Dealey Plaza
Hugh Aynesworth, Priscilla Johnson (McMillan) & Gordon McLendon
http://www.ctka.net/2011/Journalists_&_JFK_3.html
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http://www.giljesus.com/jfk/marina.htm
MARINA & "HIDELL"
On the topic of when she first learned of the name "Hidell", Marina told three different stories.
STORY # 1
Commission Exhibit 1789 is an interview that the Secret Service conducted with Marina Oswald on December 10, 1963.
On page 2 of that document, she was asked specifically if her husband used the name "Hidell" and she, according to the report, "replied in the negative".
STORY # 2
Just two months later, in her February 1964 testimony before the Warren Commission, she said that she learned about the fictitious "Hidell" from Oswald's radio debate in New Orleans.
Mr. RANKIN. Have you ever heard that he used the fictitious name Hidell?
Mrs. OSWALD. Yes.
Mr. RANKIN. When did you first learn that he used such a name?
Mrs. OSWALD. In New Orleans.
Mr. RANKIN. How did you learn that?
Mrs. OSWALD. When he was interviewed by some anti-Cubans, he used this name and spoke of an organization.
Mr. RANKIN. How did you discover it, then?
Mrs. OSWALD. I already said that when I listened to the radio, they spoke of that name, and I asked him who, and he said that it was he.
( 1 H 64 )
But the name "Hidell" was never mentioned during the radio debate, as one can see by examining a transcript of that broadcast ( Stuckey Exhibit 3 )
In addition to the non-mention of "Hidell" during the broadcast, Lt. Frank Martello of the New Orleans Police appeared before the Commission on April 7 & 8, 1964 and testified that when he interviewed Oswald, he asked Oswald for identification and Oswald produced his wallet. Martello asked him to empty the wallet and examined the contents of it. Among the contents was:
4. Card for the New Orleans Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in name of LEE HARVEY OSWALD signed by A. J. HIDELL, Chapter President, issued June 6, 1963." ( 10 H 54 )
This was a signature on the card that Marina had signed and was seen by Martello BEFORE THE RADIO BROADCAST.
And Martello wasn't the only one who saw it.
FBI agent John Quigley interviewed Oswald at the time of his New Orleans arrest and testified on May 5, 1964 that he also SAW the FPCC membership card signed by "Hidell".
Mr. McCLOY. Did he have the membership cards in his possession at that time?
Mr. QUIGLEY. Yes, sir; he did, sir.
Mr. McCLOY. You saw them?
Mr. QUIGLEY. Yes, sir; I did, sir. I think the last you will notice, in that last sentence he had in his possession both cards and exhibited both of them.
Mr. McCLOY. Right. One of them was, at least one of them, was signed A. Hidell?
Mr. QUIGLEY. Yes, sir; that is correct.
( 4 H 434 )
SO THERE ARE TWO WITNESSES WHO PROVE THAT MARINA'S # 2 STORY IS A LIE. SHE SIGNED THAT CARD BEFORE THE RADIO BROADCAST.
STORY # 3
Because of these developments, Marina Oswald was invited back to give testimony and appeared before the Commission on June 11, 1964. At that time she admitted signing the FPCC card as "A.J. Hidell" and said that Oswald threatened to beat her if she didn't sign the card.
If story # 3 was the truth, then the first two stories were lies.
She was never questioned about why she lied to the SS in December 1963 or why she lied under oath to the Commission in February 1964. The Commission just accepted her latest version of events as the truth because her latest version satisfied its preconceived notions.
"Oswald's membership card in the "New Orleans chapter" of the committee carried the signature of "A. J. Hidell," purportedly the president of the chapter, but there is no evidence that an "A. J. Hidell" existed and.....there is conclusive evidence that the name was an alias which Oswald used on various occasions. Marina Oswald herself wrote the name "Hidell" on the membership card at her husband's insistence." ( Report, pg. 292 )
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Dulles mistresses childhood friend was Ruth Paine. http://jfkcountercou...phy-of-spy.html
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Buddy Walthers took part in the search of the home of Ruth Paine. Walthers told Eric Tagg that they "found six or seven metal filing cabinets full of letters, maps, records and index cards with names of pro-Castro sympathizers." James DiEugenio has argued that this "cinches the case that the Paines were domestic surveillance agents in the Cold War against communism."
ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooDavid Regan says:
=Tough to say, Vanessa. Perhaps our WC defenders can shed light on this, but it doesn’t end there.
The FBI was deeply unimpressed by the ‘Nixon’ story. There were no witnesses and it’s credibility rested entirely upon Marina’s word. On top of that, there is conflicting testimony between Marina and Ruth Paine as to when Oswald left Dallas in April 1963 for New Orleans.
In addition, both the FBI and the Secret Service had tried without success to establish_Oswald’s whereabouts during the two weeks following the Walker incident on April 10. They had been unable to find any evidence that he was in Dallas after April 12, when he cashed his last pay check from the Jaggers-Chiles-Stovall and
applied for unemployment benefits at the Dallas office of the Texas Employment Commission.On March 18-19, 1964, Mrs. Paine appeared as a witness before the Commission. When the events of April, 1963 came into
discussion, she volunteered the “recollection” that she and both
Oswalds and their child shared a picnic in a Dallas park on April 20, 1963 and that, on April 24, she took Oswald’s baggage to a bus station for his departure for New Orleans that evening
or the next morning.She said Marina went to stay at her home on that day, April 24, and remained there until she drove her to New Orleans on Nay 10, her husband having): found work there. She added that she, Mrs. Paine,
went to San Antonio on April 26-28, leaving Marina at her home.In her testimony, Marina had mentioned no “picnic” with Mrs. Paine in April or any other time. She had not specified
when her husband left for New Orleans.
As with Marina’s “Nixon” story, there were no witnesses to Mrs. Paine’s “recollections.” But the Warren Commission accepted
her statements without auestion. They had the effect of making Marina’s “April 23 incident plausible, at least to the
extent that Oswald was now asserted to have been in Dallas then. No one on the Commission appeared to have been aware that, when interviewed right after the assassination (Nov. 27, 1963)
by FBI agents Hosty and Odum, Hrs. Paine had told them that “she took Marina to her home” on April 11, 1963 – which was the day after the Walker attempt.The documents which have been reviewed indicate that Mrs. Paine told Agents Hosty and Odum the truth, but lied to
the Warren Commission under oath.]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooxxxxxxxxoooooooooooooooooooooooooooo]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]
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Stratfor
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Far less speculation has gone into what is, in our view, a significantly neglected aspect of this story: Marina Oswald. From Stratfor's standpoint, she is at least one of the keys to whatever happened on Nov. 22, 1963. Our image of Marina Oswald, dating back to the days following the assassination, is that of a simple, frightened young woman, stunned by what had happened and in way over her head. That image of a more or less innocent bystander has remained intact for 40 years, even though the facts have consistently pointed to her being a much more important figure in the story.
Marina Oswald — born Marina Prusakova — met Lee Harvey Oswald in Minsk, where he worked in an electronics factory after having defected to the Soviet Union in 1959. She was then 19 years old. Her father had been killed in the war; she lived with her stepfather in Archangel, in the far north of Russia, before moving to Moldova as a small child and then to Leningrad at age 12. In 1955, she entered the Pharmacy Technikum for what the Warren Report called "special training." She received a diploma in pharmacology in June 1959 and then was assigned to a job in a warehouse, which she quit after a day.
Two months later, she moved to live with her uncle in Minsk, the capital of Belarus. Her uncle was a colonel in the MVD — the Russian Interior Ministry security service. At that time, the agency — which was a mixture of a national police force and the FBI — carried out several functions, from running large parts of the Gulag to serving as an internal security force. According to the Warren Commission, Col. Prusakov was head of the local lumber industry, which would have certainly made him part of the Gulag apparatus and therefore part of the security structure. With a rank of colonel, he clearly had substantial responsibilities. According to the Warren Commission, Prusakov "… had one of the best apartments in a building reserved for MVD employees."
In Minsk, Marina finally got a job in the pharmacy of a hospital. At the same time, she joined Komsomol, the Communist youth organization — a fairly common thing to do and something that her uncle, given his standing in the government apparatus, certainly would have expected her to do. She had a good many friends when, seven months after moving to Minsk, she was introduced to Lee Harvey Oswald. They had one date — at a dance. Immediately after the dance, Oswald was taken ill and checked into a hospital, though not the one where Marina worked. Marina visited him often in the hospital, although they had met only twice prior to his hospitalization. She was able to visit him outside of regular visiting hours, according to the Warren Commission, because of her uniform. Oswald was hospitalized from March 30 until April 11. It is not clear what illness kept him hospitalized for almost two weeks, but he was cared for at an ear, nose and throat clinic: He apparently had the mother of all sinus headaches.
According to Marina's testimony to the Warren Commission, Oswald visited her regularly at her uncle's apartment after his release. The Commission makes a point of saying that "they were apparently not disturbed by the fact that he was an American and did not disapprove of her seeing him." This is an important point. Oswald was an American defector, clearly regarded with suspicion by Soviet Intelligence. Marina's uncle was a colonel in the MVD. Having American defectors visit his apartment in 1961 should have concerned him a lot. He would certainly report it to his superior. An American FBI official entertaining his niece's Soviet defector boyfriend in 1961 would certainly be cautious about its effect on his pension; however, Prusakov apparently was not concerned.
Now it gets interesting. On April 20, a little more than a month since their first meeting, Oswald proposes to Marina. She accepts and they are married on April 30. Let's pause here. Marina Oswald is an attractive young woman. She holds a diploma in pharmacology from a first-rate technical school in Leningrad. Her uncle is a senior official in the MVD. Lee Harvey Oswald is a foreign defector, without any real future and — we are handicapped here by our glandular bias — not a great looker or sharp dresser. But he must have been a hell of a dancer, because they were married about six weeks after they met with much of the courtship having taken place in a hospital.
OK — it may have been uncontrollable love at first sight. Stranger things have happened, we suppose. The problem was that in order for Marina to marry Oswald, they needed to get special permission from the state, because he was a foreigner. That would have been true if he were the head of the Polish Communist Party. But Oswald wasn't just a foreigner, he was an American defector. Given the Soviet bureaucracy, someone in Moscow was going to have to sign off on this one — and it had to have kicked off one heck of a security review in her uncle's office, but permission nevertheless was granted in 10 days.
If that is hard to believe, try the next one. After about a month of marriage, Oswald tells Marina that he's tired of the Soviet Union and wants to go home. She apparently says "whatever" and they start making arrangements to leave the Soviet Union. At this point, she told the Warren Commission, her aunt and uncle became upset and stopped speaking to her. A great deal has been made of the U.S. Embassy's willingness to allow Oswald to return to the United States, but not nearly enough has been made of the fact that the Soviets permitted not only Oswald, but also Marina, to leave the country.
In October, while this was going on, Marina decided to take her annual vacation. According to the commission, Oswald and Marina agreed that she needed "a change of scenery." Having been married less than six months, she took a three-week vacation by herself to visit an aunt in Kharkov. Kharkov in October is not the greatest place to visit, but off she went.
When she returned, she pursued her exit visa. She met with an MVD colonel, Nicolay Aksenov, who had to approve the exit permit. Marina thought that the interview might have been granted because her uncle was also an MVD colonel, but that makes little sense if her uncle opposed her departure. On Dec. 25, 1961, about six weeks after applying, she received her exit visa from the Soviet Union, as did Oswald. Marina told the Commission that she was surprised to receive permission. That is an understatement — what happened was unheard-of. Although the Warren Commission tried to argue that these things were not that uncommon, they just were.
Let's recap here:
1. Marina, part of the Soviet upper-middle class, reasonably educated and an attractive young woman, meets Lee Harvey Oswald and is so smitten by him that she agrees to marry him in a little over a month — two weeks of which he spent courting her from a hospital bed.
2. The Soviet government grants Marina permission to marry him in the span of 10 days, despite the fact that this is an MVD colonel's niece marrying a U.S. defector.
3. Oswald immediately decides to head back to the United States, and in spite of her uncle's supposed objections — and Prusakov could have stopped this dead in its tracks if he wanted — she is granted permission to leave the Soviet Union in the company of an American defector. The time between her formal request and receiving permission is a matter of weeks.
If the Warren Commission has the facts right — and we think they do — then this is clear: the Soviet government wanted Marina and Oswald to marry and they wanted them to go together to the United States. That is crystal clear. Now, we take a leap, but a reasonable one: The only agency in the Soviet Union with the ability and interest to get this done was the KGB. If Marina wasn't KGB, she did one hell of an imitation.
Endless questions flow from this, ranging from what the mission was to why the U.S. embassy permitted Marina into the country. This now enters into the realm of speculation. However, one thing is clear to us: Any theory as to what happened on Nov. 22, 1963, that does not take into careful account the role of Marina Oswald is inherently flawed. This includes the Warren Commission's own findings. If Lee Harvey Oswald killed John F. Kennedy, there has been no adequate explanation of Marina Oswald's role in this.
The only way to dismiss the Marina question is to make the following three assertions:
1. You have to believe that Marina, the attractive MVD princess, took one look at Oswald and said, "I've got to have that man."
2. You have to argue that obtaining permission in 10 days for an MVD colonel's live-in niece to marry an American defector was no big deal.
3. You have to argue that getting an exit permit from the Soviet Union for Marina in the space of six weeks in 1961 was no big deal.
If ever there was a cooked-up marriage, this was it. Now, how this fits into the assassination story is too speculative to bother with — but that no explanation is possible without building this into the story is obvious.
There has been tremendous focus on Oswald's stay in the Soviet Union and speculation that his defection might have been part of a CIA plot. That is not inconceivable, although the purpose of the plot is opaque. There has been focus on Washington's decision to readmit Oswald, even though he had renounced his U.S. citizenship. All of this has focused attention on the CIA, but there has not been equal attention paid to the extraordinary story of Marina Prusakova's marriage to Oswald and her exit from the Soviet Union.
This does not necessarily clear things up, but in our mind, it sets an additional hurdle that any theory must pass over. The eagerness of the Warren Commission to pass over the strange marriage of these two is one of the reasons we have little confidence in the analysis it contains. The fact of the marriage raises questions of whether Oswald was, simply in the context of his marriage, involved in a conspiracy. If he was the only gunman — which we doubt — he still was not alone.
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Marina Oswald (important Trejo source,Gaal) --------------- ((ALL BELOW CTKA))
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Hugh Aynesworth
Refusing a Conspiracy is his Life's WorkAt the time of the assassination, Hugh Aynesworth was a reporter for the Dallas Morning News. He has maintained that on November 22, 1963 he was in Dealey Plaza and a witness to the assassination --- although there is no photograph that reveals such. At times, he has also maintained he was at the scene where Tippit was shot --- although it is difficult to locate a time for his being there. He has also stated that he was at the Texas Theater where Oswald was arrested --- although, again, no film or photo attests to this. Further, he has written that he was in the basement of the Dallas Police Department when Oswald was killed by Jack Ruby. Like Priscilla Johnson, Aynesworth soon decided to make his career out of this event. As we shall see, it is quite clear that he made up his mind immediately about Oswald's guilt. Long before the Warren Report was issued. In fact, he tried to influence their verdict.
On July 21, 1964 Aynesworth's name surfaced in the newspapers in Dallas in a column by his friend Holmes Alexander. Alexander implied that Aynesworth did not trust Earl Warren and therefore was conducting his own investigation of the Kennedy murder. He was ready to reveal that the FBI knew Oswald was a potential assassin and blew their assignment. He also had talked to Marina Oswald and she had told him that Oswald had also threatened to kill Richard Nixon. Alexander goes on to say that these kinds of incidents show the mind of a killer at work. That "of a hard-driven, politically radical Leftist which is emerging from the small amount of news put out by the Warren Commission. If the full report follows the expected line, Oswald will be shown as a homicidal maniac." Holmes concludes his piece with a warning: If the Commission's verdict "jibes with that of Aynesworth's independent research, credibility will be added to its findings. If [it] does not there will be some explaining to do." Clearly, Aynesworth contributed mightily to the article, had decided Oswald had done it even before the Commission had revealed its evidence, and was bent on destroying its credibility if it differed from his opinion.
The story about Marina and Nixon was so farfetched that not even the Warren Commission bought into it (Warren Report pp. 187-188). It has been demolished by many authors; most notably Peter Scott who notes that to believe it, Marina had to have locked Oswald in the bathroom to keep him from committing this murderous act; yet the bathroom locked from the inside. Also, as the Commission noted in the pages above, Nixon was not in Dallas until several months after the alleged incident. Further, there was no announcement in any local newspaper that Nixon was going to be in Dallas at this time period --- April of 1963. Since Aynesworth was quite close to Marina at this time (he actually bragged to some friends that he was sleeping with her) it may be that he foisted the quite incredible story on her in his attempt to portray Oswald as the Leftist, homicidal maniac he related to Holmes Alexander.
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Gerald Posner: Did He Get Anything Right?
One of the notable things about Posner's book is how much of a personal attack it is upon Oswald. Who does he rely upon for much of this personal vitriol? None other than Priscilla Johnson... Another source is Ruth Paine. Another is John Lattimer. As the reader can see from other profiles, these are not the most unbiased or credible sources. Posner just used them indiscriminately. He also used Hugh Aynesworth. In the profile on this site of Aynesworth, we mention the "attempt' by Oswald to do away with Richard Nixon. We showed how this was probably foisted on Marina Oswald by Aynesworth sometime in 1964. We also showed why not even the Warren Commission could accept it. Guess what? Posner did. In the paperback edition of his book (p. 119) he treats this episode straightforwardly, without reservations. The tell-tale sign that he got it from Aynesworth is that he uses the same newspaper heading that Aynesworth gave to his friend Homes Alexander for his 1964 article. Alexander noted in 1964 that an article in the Dallas Morning News featured a story that was headed "Nixon Calls for Decision to Force Reds out of Cuba". This is precisely the story that Posner uses. He then adds that Nixon was not in Dallas "the day" Marina said he was, implying that Marina was off by a day or two when she was actually off by nearly seven months. He also discounts the fact that there was never any announcement of Nixon arriving around this time by saying that there was an announcement that Johnson was and Oswald confused the two. Finally he argues that Marina was strong enough to keep Oswald barricaded in the bathroom by bracing herself against the opposite wall. This is ludicrous to anyone who has ever met Marina. She is positively petite, actually dainty, being a little over five feet tall and, at the time of the assassination and probably about 120 pounds. Posner never notes the Alexander/Aynesworth column, the then association between Aynesworth and Marina, Aynesworth's mercenary and clearly ideological aims, or Marina's plight and later recantation of much of what she said when she was under the influence of Aynesworth and Priscilla Johnson. He could have done all of this. He mentioned none of it.
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Book review (pt. 2): With Malice
By Hasan Yusuf
Naturally, Myers also uses the Warren Commission testimony of Marina Oswald as evidence that Oswald actually owned the revolver allegedly used to kill Tippit (With Malice, Chapter 8). Unfortunately for him, Marina Oswald has been exposed as an incredibly compromised witness by a multitude of researchers. For one thing, Marina initially denied that Oswald ever used the name Hidell (WCE 1789). However, when she testified before the Warren Commission in February 1964, she now claimed that she first heard of the name Hidell, "When he [Oswald] was interviewed by some anti-Cubans, he used this name and spoke of an organization." (WC Volume I, page 64). She was referring to Oswald's debate with Ed Butler of INCA and anti-Castro Cuban Carlos Bringuier on William Stuckey's radio show on August 21, 1963. The problem is the name Hidell was never mentioned during the debate by anyone (WC Volume XXI, Stuckey Exhibit No. 3).
When Marina testified before the Warren Commission on June 11, 1964, she now claimed that she signed the name "A.J. Hidell" on the Fair Play for Cuba Committee card (WCE 819), which Oswald allegedly had in his possession when he was arrested in New Orleans on August 9, 1963! (WC Volume V, page 401). It should be obvious to any intellectually honest researcher that Marina was being pressured into being less than honest.
In assessing Marina Oswald's credibility as a witness, the reader should also bear in mind that according to Oswald's brother Robert, Marina may have been deported back to Russia if she didn't co-operate with the FBI (WC Volume I, page 410). Marina also admitted during her testimony before the Warren Commission that a representative from the United States immigration service had advised her that it would be better for her to help the FBI, in the sense that she would have more rights in the United States (WC Volume I, page 80). Although she testified that she didn't consider this a threat, the mere fact that she had been advised she would have more rights in the United States if she co-operated should send the message to researchers that she would even lie to obtain those rights (ibid). Marina Oswald also testified that she initially " ... didn't want to say too much" to evidently protect her husband (WC Volume I, page 14). However, Marina's friend Elena Hall told the Warren Commission that she didn't think that Marina ever actually loved her husband, and would apparently belittle him (WC Volume VIII, page 401). Such a revelation undermines the notion that Marina lied to protect her husband. None of these problems with Marina Oswald's credibility as a witness is ever discussed by Myers.
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CIA Rogues and the Killing of the Kennedys,
by Patrick NolanReviewed by Martin Hay
Of course, there are allegations that Oswald beat his wife, Marina, but many of these were made by Marina herself after she was put under intense pressure to tell the authorities what they wanted to hear. As Nolan himself notes, in her earlier interviews, Marina described Lee as "a good family man" (p. 110). It wasn't until after she was threatened with deportation that the Russian-born widow's stories began to evolve. So these are open to question. And how would this prove Nolan's thesis anyway?
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Philip Shenon's A Cruel and Shocking Act
By James DiEugenio
Posted December 4, 2013
Philip Shenon's book A Cruel and Shocking Act begins with a deception. It then gets worse.
On the frontispiece, before the actual text begins, Shenon quotes from Marina Oswald's Warren Commission testimony. In that particular quote, Marina was asked if Lee Oswald had visited Mexico City. She replied that yes, Oswald had told her that he had been at the Cuban and Russian embassies.
In itself, this is an accurate quote. But what Shenon does not tell the reader here, and in fact what he does not say until nearly 200 pages later, is this: that during her first Secret Service interview she denied Oswald had ever told her he was in Mexico. She did this more than once, and she was categorical about it. She even denied it when she was not asked about it. Just because she had seen the story about Oswald in Mexico City on television. (Secret Service Report by Charles Kunkel "Activities of the Oswald Family November 24 through November 30, 1963")
When Shenon does admit she initially denied it, he does not mention a major event that occurred after the initial denial and almost simultaneously with her February appearance before the Warren Commission. A week after her initial appearance before the Commission-where she now changed her story about Mexico City and several other matters-Marina signed a contract with a film company called Tex-Italia Films. The grand total of funds transferred to her was $132, 500. Which today would amount to about a half million dollars. (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 977) What makes this transaction so intriguing is that when the company partners were investigated, it was discovered that they used false names. Further, the company's business offices were asked to leave the lot they were located on for failure to pay their rent. Finally, there was no film made by Tex-Italia about Marina or her dead husband. (ibid)
Now, to most people, these events and the subsequent reversals of testimony would seem relevant to the story Shenon is telling. After all, if the reader was informed of this information, one conclusion he or she could come to is that Tex-Italia was a front company, and its main purpose was to get Marina Oswald to testify to a tale that was more in line with the official story about Kennedy's assassination. After all, Mexico City was quite important to the Commission. As we shall see, it is even more important to Shenon. If there is a serious question about Oswald being there, then the Oswald story begins to wobble about in a direction the Commission, and Shenon, do not want it to go. Therefore, in addition to beginning his book with this misleading testimony, in addition to not informing the reader about the timing of the financial transaction, when one scans the index of Shenon's long book, the reader will not find an entry for Tex-Italia Films.
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The second piece of old evidence that Shenon reports as being long hidden is the destruction of a photograph of Oswald by Marina and Oswald's mother Marguerite. To use just one example, this incident was thoroughly described by writers like the late Jack White and Greg Parker many years ago. It is also described at length by Vincent Bugliosi in his colossal book, Reclaiming History. Like Bugliosi, who Shenon greatly admires, the author wants us to think that somehow this is another of the infamous "backyard photographs" which the Commission, and Life Magazine, used to incriminate Oswald. But like Bugliosi, Shenon does not quote Marina's testimony before the HSCA about this point. (Shenon, p. 25) Her memory of this was very hazy and unreliable. But further, Marguerite described this particular photo as being different than the others. She said, in this one, Oswald was holding the rifle above his head with both hands. Further, that this one was addressed to his daughter June. June was two years old at the time. These points are rather indecipherable. Especially in light of the fact that Marina originally said she took just one backyard photo. (ibid, DiEugenio, p. 86) Which is probably why the Commission, when they had the opportunity, did not press far at all in this field.
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ALSO SEE
David Josephs on Mexico City: Part 1, Part 2, Section A, Part 2, Section B, Part 3, Section A, Part 3, Section B
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I have a heck of a lot more street-level evidence against Edwin WALKER in the JFK murder than *anybody* ever presented about President GHW Bush. Sorry, but the Bush-did-it theories are sillier than the LBJ-did-it-theories. Pitiful.
Sincerely,
--Paul Trejo
ooooo]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]oooooThe Bush-Dallas-JFK issue has been much debated on the forum showing many strong evidentiary links. I will just bring out a few. To call Bush-JFK-Dallas theories silly is really arrogant and disrespectful to many serious assassination researchers.
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- Dulles mistresses childhood friend was Ruth Paine. http://jfkcountercoup2.blogspot.com/2012/08/mary-bancroft-autobiography-of-spy.html
- In Dallas, Oct 28, Dulles had lunch with Harold Byrd (owner TSBD), mayor Cabell and Jack Crichton (was involved in the arrangements of the fatal visit of JFK,wiki). Later that day Dulles had dinner with Neil Mallon who was a long term friend (and former boss) of GHWB. GHWB's father Prescott and Dulles are long term and very close friends.
- Bush is with the former COS of Greece in Dallas. Helms' second in command was also former COS Greece (and Greek BTW). Barbara Bush told Beschloss that her husband and son ("W") went to see the parade (JFK Dallas). Cuban intelligence chief stated that Crichton and Bush were part of a group of businessmen organizing the financing for anti-Castro operations.
- If the Bush family had a Coup against the POTUS before , why not again ?
https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2009/11/08/18628134.php
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Silly is the GHWB-JFK-Dallas connection idea Mr. Trejo ?? Really, I think not. (Gaal) <<<<<<<<<<<<
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Im posting from Tyler texas. No, I am in Southern California, however, in 63 GHWB felt that this ,'Tyler Texas', was a good alibi. According to Bruce Adamson GHWB knew the Brother of the agent he called. (GAAL)
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Shifting his attention to the elder Bush, Baker found that here, too, reinvention was the very essence of the man. Painstakingly studying the particulars of Poppy Bush’s life, Baker began to grasp that the public portrayal of George H.W. Bush as a bland, patrician, genial bumbler was essentially a clever cover-up. But what was it hiding? From conflicting accounts of Bush41s wartime service to the outsized global reach of Bush’s tiny start-up offshore drilling company, Baker began connecting the dots. Step by step, his research led him to an astonishing truth: that Bush41’s career in oil, politics and diplomacy had provided cover for a secret life-as a clandestine intelligence operative involved with highly sensitive operations, many of them domestic.
The only thing the public knew about Bush41 and the spy world, prior to publication of FAMILY OF SECRETS, was that he spent a single year as CIA director. Appointed by President Ford in 1975 at a time of intense congressional inquiries into CIA abuses, Bush was, according to government and media, a fresh face and outsider who as a former congressman could fend off congressional attempts at oversight.
It is significant, however, that during the same period Congress was also on the verge of reopening inquiries into the death of John F. Kennedy. Baker notes this factor as he begins to tote up curious inconsistencies and anomalies in the elder Bush’s accounts of his activities at the time of Kennedy’s death. Baker presents three faces of George H. W. Bush: the one who cannot remember where he was on November 22, 1963; the one identified (in a declassified FBI memo about the assassination) as a CIA officer working with Cuban exiles; and the one who, identifying himself as an ordinary citizen, calls in a tip on a potential assassin.
"At 1:45 pm on November 22," Baker reports, Bush Sr. "called the FBI to identify James Parrott as a possible suspect in the president’s murder, and to mention that he, George H.W. Bush, happened to be in Tyler, Texas." That is, not in Dallas (at least not at that precise moment). While Poppy was making the call fingering Mr. Parrott, Baker writes, Poppy’s own assistant was visiting the suspect at home-thus enabling the Bush aide to provide Parrott with an alibi. This evidentiary daisy-chain begs what follows: an exhaustive examination of Bush’s own furtive activities and his whereabouts that day-and his close ties to a large gallery of intelligence operatives who played a role in the events unfolding in Dallas. Among the subjects of interest: Allen Dulles, a former business associate and close friend of Poppy’s father, the former banker, Senator Prescott Bush. Dulles had been forced out of his post as CIA director by John F. Kennedy-who spent his three years in office virtually at war with the uncontrollable spy agency. Another important figure was Bush’s old friend George de Mohrenschildt, a mentor to Lee Harvey Oswald in the months before the shooting. More than a decade later, after Bush had become CIA director, De Mohrenschildt wrote him a panicked note mentioning Oswald; six months later, De Mohrenschildt was dead from what was described by local police as a self-inflicted shotgun blast.
Baker contextualizes these troubling events by establishing the extent to which Kennedy had alienated the powerful-from the CIA to the FBI leadership, from the mafia to the oil industry, from the Pentagon to major corporate figures. He also demonstrates the crucial role the Bush dynasty, through five generations, played in loyally advancing the agendas of many of these same interests.
The more people Baker interviewed, the more documents he obtained, the more he delved into diverse and often obscure treatises, the more he could see the outlines of an American history that had not been fully told before-a story of behind-the-scenes battles for control of this country’s policies, with incredibly high stakes.
In FAMILY OF SECRETS we learn that it was a business partner and secret-society confrere of Prescott Bush who drew up the blueprint for a new Central Intelligence Agency for President Truman; in retirement, Truman would assert that he had been tricked-and never intended to authorize the CIA’s covert action component. We grasp what the former soldier, Dwight Eisenhower, meant when, leaving the presidency, he warned us of a "military-industrial complex."
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=====================>> Let me add even David (Atlee) Phillips implicates Dulles in a IMHO limited hangout.(GAAL) <<<<<<<<
Professor Paul S. Cutter
In one of many conversations with David (Atlee) Phillips(1922-88), a CIA senior officer, who
hobnobbed with the members of the East Coast Establishment and Social Register, a CIA station
chief in the Dominican Republic and Rio de Janeiro, who was implicated in the Salvador Allende
death in 1973, as well as President Kennedy assassination, he personally told me, of course, that
he had nothing to do with either charges, disclosing very privately his own opinion and others
around him that it was a group of agency stalwarts,headed by Allen Dulles, head of CIA, involving Vice President Johnston, who had most to gain,it was that cavalcade (including support from
the military-industrial complex), which assassinated JFK. "There was a feeling in Allen’s innersanctum that JFK had all the makings of another Julius Caesar, in this day and age easily to
name himself a ‘dictator for life’ with all the popularity with the public at large, both home and
abroad… Plus his ‘secret disarmament agreement with K’ (Khrushchev), which you know all
about…," the ol’ sleuth concluded. I think I believed him, but not about Allende… I broached the
subject and Henry Kissinger’s rolein it as well, who brought $8 million dollars in cash to Chile,
paid to the trade unions, to finance the revolt while the trigger was pulled by CIA snipers, the
black arts section of the Langley agency. He glossed over and changed the subject, in fact, every
time I brought it up for discussion… I thought all along that Phillips’s squad did it, but he refused
to cave in and more so because of his ability to change the subject…David was a clever man.
In one of many conversations with David(Atlee) Phillips(1922-88), a CIA senior officer, whohobnobbed with the members of the East Coast Establishment and Social Register, a CIA station
chief in the Dominican Republic and Rio de Janeiro, who was implicated in the Salvador Allende
death in 1973, as well as President Kennedy assassination, he personally told me, of course, that
he had nothing to do with either charges, disclosing very privately his own opinion and others
around him that it was a group of agency stalwarts,headed by Allen Dulles, head of CIA, involving Vice President Johnston, who had most to gain,it was that cavalcade (including support from
the military-industrial complex), which assassinated JFK. "There was a feeling in Allen’s innersanctum that JFK had all the makings of another Julius Caesar, in this day and age easily to
name himself a ‘dictator for life’ with all the popularity with the public at large, both home and
abroad… Plus his ‘secret disarmament agreement with K’ (Khrushchev), which you know all
about…," the ol’ sleuth concluded. I think I believed him, but not about Allende… I broached the
subject and Henry Kissinger’s rolein it as well, who brought $8 million dollars in cash to Chile,
paid to the trade unions, to finance the revolt while the trigger was pulled by CIA snipers, the
black arts section of the Langley agency. He glossed over and changed the subject, in fact, every
time I brought it up for discussion… I thought all along that Phillips’s squad did it, but he refused
to cave in and more so because of his ability to change the subject…David was a clever man.
++++++++++++++++
++++++++++++++++
PLEASE SEE
CIA plot to kill JFK is based only on political bias, and not on solid evidence. That's my final word on it.
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21367&hl=dulles
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Germany court orders measles sceptic to pay 100,000 euros
A German biologist who offered €100,000 (£71,350; $106,300) to anyone who could prove that measles is a virus has been ordered by a court to pay up.
Stefan Lanka, who believes the illness is psychosomatic, made the pledge four years ago on his website.
The reward was later claimed by German doctor David Barden, who gathered evidence from various medical studies. Mr Lanka dismissed the findings.
But the court in the town of Ravensburg ruled that the proof was sufficient.
http://www.bbc.com/n...europe-31864218 //// Burton
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U.S. Media Blackout: Italian Courts Rule Vaccines Cause ...
whatreallyhappened.com/.../us-media-blackout-italian-courts-rule-vaccin...U.S. Media Blackout: Italian Courts Rule Vaccines Cause Autism. Submitted by 1newsjunkie on Wed, 03/04/2015 - 20:12. Tags: CURRENT EVENTS ...
==============================================================================================
- If vaccines are safe, why has the US gov. paid out $3 BILLIONwww.naturalnews.com/048819_vaccine_injuries_autism_US_governme...Mar 1, 2015 - (NaturalNews) Vaccines are a very imperfect science, despite the good ... US Vaccine Court bypasses the true judicial process, protecting ... that the first manifestation of onset of the injury occurred within the Table time frame.
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100000 EURO < $ 3,000,000,000 GOLLY do the math !!
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Suppression of dissent in science
]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]]Published in Research in Social Problems and Public Policy, Volume 7,
edited by William R. Freudenburg and Ted I. K. Youn (Stamford, CT: JAI Press, 1999), pp. 105-135
Pdf of published articleBrian Martin Go to
Brian Martin's publications on suppression of dissent
Abstract There are numerous documented cases of attacks on dissident scientists, yet there is no established body of literature or standard theoretical frameworks for dealing with this phenomenon. Cases in three contentious areas - pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power - are used to illustrate processes and patterns of suppression. The evidence in these areas shows the possibilities and difficulties in drawing links between suppression and corporate, professional, and state power, respectively. Studies of suppression can provide a convenient probe into the exercise of power in science and more generally into the dynamics of expertise and legitimacy in a technological society.
The deployment of scientific and technological expertise is central to contemporary societies, and hence it should follow that the exercise of power in society routinely and pervasively infiltrates technical domains. In speaking of power, it is possible to refer to several dimensions or faces (Abell 1977; Bachrach and Baratz 1962, 1970; Lukes 1974), including the overt exercise of power over others to get one’s way, the setting of agendas, and the shaping of people’s beliefs. In the second and especially the third dimension of power, powerful people and groups are able to get their way without the appearance of having intervened in a blunt fashion: their power has been naturalized and made to appear legitimate. Another way to conceive this is to say that power is thus embedded in systems of knowledge and understanding (Foucault 1973, 1977).
For any group that is able to acquire a disproportionate share of society’s wealth, power, or status, it is advantageous for this inequality to be seen as legitimate. One of the key bases or supports for legitimacy in contemporary societies is scientific and technological expertise. Because scientific knowledge is widely believed to have an authority derived from nature, undisputed scientific knowledge claims can play a powerful legitimating role. When technical experts unanimously agree on a policy or practice, this provides a persuasive justification for that state of affairs. If all experts say, for example, that continents drift, that bridges are well designed, or that vaccinations are beneficial, then opposition to these views, if it exists, can be dismissed as uninformed. Unanimous expert support helps bring rewards for certain groups. Sometimes these rewards are primarily to expert researchers themselves, as in the case of funding for geologists who undertake studies about or presuming the validity of continental drift; sometimes they are also to companies, such as bridge builders; and sometimes they are to several groups, such as researchers, doctors, and pharmaceutical companies with a stake in vaccination programs.
Legitimacy based on science is precarious, however. A few dissenting experts are sometimes all it takes to turn unanimity into controversy. The existence of controversy, even when one side has many more numbers and prestige, usually serves to undercut the legitimacy of the dominant position (Mazur 1981; Scott, Richards, and Martin 1990).
When dissident experts challenge a scientific or technological orthodoxy, this potentially becomes a challenge to the privileges of groups associated with the orthodoxy, since the legitimacy of those privileges may be thrown into question along with the orthodoxy itself. In this situation, some of the groups that are able to exercise power against challengers may, on occasion, use their resources to do so. In other words, if a few scientists break ranks and question received ideas or even support the challengers, they pose a severe threat to interest groups associated with the dominant position and, therefore, are potential targets for attack. Many dissident scientists can be likened to heretics, who are doctrinal critics working within the dominant institution. Attacks on heresy can serve to articulate the belief systems and social organization of both the institution and the challengers (Kurtz 1983). It is to be expected that wherever legitimacy supported by technical expertise is important - namely in a vast range of areas - there is a reasonable chance that some cases may be found of the exercise of power to suppress dissent from dominant views.
What can be called suppression of dissent in science typically has two components. Firstly, a scientist does something - research, teaching, making public statements - that is perceived as threatening to a powerful interest group such as a corporation, government department, or professional group. Secondly, agents or supporters of the powerful interest group make attempts to stop the scientist’s activity or to undermine or penalize the scientist, for example by censorship, denial of access to research facilities, withdrawal of funds, complaints to superiors, reprimands, punitive transfer, demotion, dismissal, and blacklisting, or threats of any of these.
In one circumstance, suppression of dissident scientists is well recognized: attacks on scientists because of their political views. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, during the period called McCarthyism, numerous left-wing scientists came under attack in the United States and a few other countries (Belfrage 1973; Buckley-Moran 1986; Caute 1978; Goldstein 1978). In the Soviet Union and other state socialist countries, dissident scientists have been repressed like any other group (Popovsky 1980). Likewise, under authoritarian regimes scientists can become targets of attack (Schoijet and Worthington 1993). However, in most of these cases scientists have come under attack due to their political views rather than their scientific views though in some cases, such as Lysenkoism, scientific views have been defined as political by the state.
To help clarify the concept of suppression as presented here, it is useful to contrast it with several related but distinct concepts: repression, discrimination, whistleblowing, censorship, and self-censorship. When physical violence is used against opponents - including beatings, imprisonment, torture, and murder - this can be called repression, restricting the term suppression to restraint or inhibition without physical force (Martin et al. 1986, pp. 2-3).
Discrimination against people on the basis of sex, ethnicity, or some other such criterion can be considered suppression of a category of people. Alternatively, suppression of dissent can be considered discrimination on the basis of belief. Either way, there is a distinct difference: one discriminates on the basis of who people are, the other on the basis of what they say or do. Of course, in many practical situations these ascribed and achieved characteristics are closely interlinked.
Whistleblowing can be conceived of as individual dissent that challenges a powerful interest group (Anderson, Perrucci, Schendel, and Trachtman 1980; Bok 1980; De Maria 1995; De Maria and Jan 1996; Dempster 1997; Devine and Aplin 1986; Elliston, Keenan, Lockhart, and van Schaick 1985a, 1985b; Ewing 1977; Glazer and Glazer 1989; Graham 1986; Hunt 1995; Lampert 1985; Miceli and Near 1992; Mitchell 1981; Nader, Petkas, and Blackwell 1972; Perrucci, Anderson, Schendel, and Trachtman 1980; Peters and Branch 1972; Petersen and Farrell 1986; Vinten 1994; Westin, Kurtz, and Robbins 1981). Almost all the whistleblowing literature is couched in terms of individual employee dissent and thus misses much of the insight to be gained by examining systems of power and patterns of control. The concept of whistleblowing also fails to incorporate many types of suppression, such as blocking of publications, that do not involve principled organizational dissent. Whereas the study of whistleblowing leads to a focus on individual behavior, the study of suppression leads to a focus on the exercise of power. In spite of differences in emphasis, though, there is much in common between studies of whistleblowing and of suppression.
Censorship is one means of suppressing dissent, but not all suppression takes the form of censorship. Cases of overt, external censorship, which pose ample methodological challenges of their own, are relatively unproblematical compared to self-censorship, which is when people consciously or unconsciously decide not to speak out due to the likely consequences or because their beliefs have adapted to the realities of what is commonly considered to be allowed.
As a result of conversations with numerous scientists (Martin 1997), it is my observation that quite a number of scientists avoid doing research or making statements on sensitive issues because they are aware, at some level, of the danger of being attacked if they do. This is compatible with the findings of Wilson and Barnes (1995), who surveyed 70 senior Australian environmental scientists asking, among other things, "Do you believe that scientists may jeopardise their career prospects or research funding success by speaking out on environmental issues?" More than half replied "yes" and less than one in five replied "no," the rest being unsure. Despite the importance of self-censorship, I have restricted the focus in this paper to cases of overt suppression. Dealing with self-censorship introduces psychological dimensions and would require a theory of psychology, plus the need to theorize links between direct suppression and self-censorship and between systems of power and self-censorship.
In this context it is worth quoting C. Wright Mills commenting on university teachers: "the deepest problem of freedom for teachers is not the occasional ousting of a professor, but a vague general fear - sometimes politely known as ‘discretion’, ‘good taste’, or ‘balanced judgment’. It is a fear which leads to self-intimidation and finally becomes so habitual that the scholar is unaware of it. The real restraints are not so much external prohibitions as control of the insurgent by the agreements of academic gentlemen." (Mills 1963, p. 297).
There are many cases in which dissenting scientific expertise poses a threat to powerful interests and, as shown later, there is extensive evidence about suppression of dissent in science. Whatever one’s assessment of charges about suppression, it might be expected that this evidence would be the subject of intense sociological investigation, given the light it could throw on the uses of expertise in a technological society. To the contrary, though, there is no body of work in sociology on the topic and no standard theoretical frameworks for dealing with it. Indeed, although in the sociology of science there are many different approaches and schools of thought (Jasanoff, Markle, Petersen, and Pinch 1995), in none is there significant attention to claims about suppression. This includes early historical and philosophical studies of how human concerns and social processes are deeply embedded in scientific practice and knowledge (Feyerabend 1975; Hanson 1958; Hesse 1974; Kuhn 1970; Polanyi 1958); the political critique of science, which analyzes the influence of social structures, such as capitalism, religion, and the state, on the development of science (Arditti, Brennan, and Cavrak 1980; Bukharin et al. 1931; Dickson 1974, 1984; Merton 1938; Rose and Rose 1969, 1976a, 1976b); controversy studies (Collins 1981; Engelhardt and Caplan 1987; Mazur 1981; Nelkin 1979); the sociology of scientific knowledge and related constructivist analyses of science (Barnes 1974, 1977, 1982; Bloor 1976; Collins 1985; Knorr-Cetina 1981; Mulkay 1979; Pickering 1984; Pinch 1986); actor-network theory, in which knowledge is seen as a contingent, locally constructed, and historically situated outcome that is intimately linked with the negotiations of human and nonhuman actors (Callon and Law 1989; Callon, Law and Rip 1988; Latour 1983, 1987, 1988; Law 1986; Law and Callon 1988); and critiques of scientific epistemology and power (Aronowitz 1988; Rouse 1987). Most science studies analysts treat scientific discourse as relatively "free" in the sense that there are influences and incentives but no bludgeons affecting the ability of scientists to speak. The possibility of systematic squashing of speech and activity in whole areas of science in "free" societies is given little attention. In spite of the large number of cases and considerable documentation, few social analysts of science have investigated attacks on dissident scientists. (Some exceptions are Abraham (1995), Hess (1992), and Martin (1986, 1988, 1991).) The scarcity of treatment provides a potent demonstration of the non-neutrality of the literature.
The next section addresses the issue of how to determine whether actions should be categorized as suppression. In the following three sections, evidence is cited for the existence of suppression in three contentious areas: pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power. The links between suppression and corporate, professional, and state interests, respectively, are discussed, noting in particular the difficulties in drawing simple connections. The semi-final section deals more generally with suppression and power, in particular noting a link between suppression and hierarchy in science. The final section suggests some possibilities for future research in what can be called comparative suppression studies.
Studying suppression
A "system of power" is used here as a shorthand for a set of patterned social relationships, usually reaffirmed but sometimes challenged by the behavior of individuals, which provides differential opportunities to groups and individuals to influence the behavior of others. A system of power in this usage is compatible with a nonreified interpretation of social structure; it is intended to refer both to power associated with social structure and to power exercised on a local scale, for example between individuals within an organization. It is to be expected that different frameworks for studying power - for example Barnes (1988), Clegg (1989), Lukes (1974), Parenti (1978) and Wrong (1979) - will be useful for different sorts of analyses. For analyzing suppression in science, the concepts of interest and resource are quite useful.
If a system of power provides resources that might be used for attacking dissident scientists, it is worthwhile investigating to see if there are actual cases that fit this pattern. Three important systems of power are those involving economic, status, and state interests. In the following sections, three areas are examined, each one illustrating a potential link between a category of interests and suppression of dissent in science. In the case of pesticides, the financial interests of pesticide companies are central; in the case of fluoridation, the status interests of the dental profession are central; and in the case of nuclear power, the interests of state agencies in control are central. In each of these areas, there is considerable documentation about suppression of dissent in science. One of the questions to be addressed is whether it is possible to draw a connection between the central interest group and the exercise of power to suppress dissent. But before addressing the case studies, it is useful to address some preliminary issues.
In any analysis of power and dissent, it is vital to determine how to distinguish suppression from actions taken for legitimate reasons. If a scientist is dismissed, how can anyone tell whether it is due to suppression or simply to poor performance? Ultimately, there is no way to prove that suppression is involved in any particular case, but there are several ways to determine whether suppression is a likely possibility. A useful tool is the double standard test: is a dissident scientist treated any differently from other scientists with similar records of performance? If a scientist who has spoken out about a chemical’s potential to cause cancer is demoted for allegedly poor performance, but other scientists with similar or worse performance records are not demoted, then this suggests that suppression is involved. The dissident scientist is apparently treated according to a standard different from other scientists.
Suppression is easiest to discern when the action taken is unusual and information is available to apply the double standard test. Dismissals of scientists are uncommon and often records are available of publications, reviews of performance and the like, so the double standard test can be applied straightforwardly. Suppression can also occur through blocking of publications, appointments, and research grants. But because publications, appointments, and research grants are routinely denied for conventional reasons (poor quality, better candidates available), and because the information on which such decisions are made is seldom publicly available, it is extremely difficult to show suppression in these areas.
Another way to assess whether suppression is involved is to examine actions in relation to commonly accepted standards of behavior. If someone disagrees with a scientist’s research conclusions or public statements, an accepted method of response is to criticize the argument, for example by sending a letter to the scientist or to a journal. By contrast, sending a letter of complaint to the scientist’s boss or funding body attacking the scientist’s credibility or right to speak out would be seen by many as an attempt to apply pressure on the scientist rather than address the issues under dispute. Care has to be taken in applying this method, since accepted standards of behavior can vary from situation to situation. Abusive verbal attacks on a scientist’s personal character might be considered outrageous in one research culture but treated as an extravagant but tolerable manifestation of vigorous intellectual jousting in another.
Another reason to suspect suppression is the existence of a pattern of attacks in a similar area, as will be illustrated in the cases of pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power, where there are theoretical reasons to expect suppression - namely, the existence of a powerful interest group that has established a routine connection with science, and a challenge to this group from a subordinate or peripheral group. It is only by considering many cases in a given area that it is possible to demonstrate patterns of suppression. Any single case considered in isolation is open to the criticism that it may have been an exceptional occurrence or due to peculiar factors. There is insufficient space in this paper to provide full detail on even a single case, which itself may require a full article in itself, if not a book, for example Adams (1984), Anderson et al. (1980), Bell (1994), Dixon (1976), Efron (1972), and Sarasohn (1993). Hence cases are only briefly described here and references given. The availability of documentation is one reason for focusing on the the areas of pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power. Although these may seem to be "old" issues, the controversies continue and new suppression cases have been reported in recent years. Although in each controversy the opposition has made considerable advances, this does not mean that suppression is unimportant in the dynamics of these issues any more than the demise of McCarthyism in the United States means that the techniques used against dissidents then were of little significance and not worth studying.
Although the study of suppression can be a powerful way of understanding the exercise of power in science, investigators face several problems. It is no trivial matter to collect information on cases of suppression. Most cases are not well known; to uncover and analyze even a single case can be a difficult and time-consuming task. Attacks on scientists are almost never characterized, by the perpetrators, as suppression of dissent. For an investigator to use such a label, or even to seek details about cases, can be interpreted as demonstrating bias and, in contemporary cases, is likely to be threatening to both elite scientists and relevant interest groups. Just as there is no neutral way to study scientific controversies (Scott, Richards, and Martin 1990), there is no neutral way to study suppression in science. Arguably, in this case as in cases of power-knowledge generally, a commitment by the analyst sometimes can be the foundation for, rather than an obstacle to, a useful investigation (Jansen 1988, p. 183; Martin 1996b; Shrader-Fréchette 1994).
Just because some participants on one side in a controversy are suppressed does not necessarily make that side either correct or virtuous. Suppression is the exercise of power against dissent. Commonly, there are some on each side who might be willing to suppress the other, in certain circumstances. The cases recounted in Hentoff (1992) show this willingness in the case of U.S. social movements. Typically only one side has the resources to be able to do so. The social study of suppression is not a study in virtue, but rather a study of the exercise of power. Of course, this does not preclude the actors or the analyst from having views about the phenomenon.
Many of the cases described and cited here involve serious attacks on the careers of scientists, such as formal reprimands, forced transfers and dismissals. Another dimension to suppression operates at the level of belief systems and manifests itself most commonly through peer review, such as blocking of publications. This sort of suppression is difficult to document and indeed difficult to distinguish from the "normal" operation of science. One view is that closure in scientific controversies is built on suppression of divergent viewpoints. This sort of paradigm-level suppression is apparent in areas from continental drift (Frankel 1987) to theories about the origin of AIDS (Martin 1993). In this paper, cases of suppression via paradigm commitments and peer review are used only as supplements to suites of cases using a range of other methods.
In each of the following three sections, one case is described in a few paragraphs, then there are a few briefer accounts, and finally there are references to many other cases. The assessments and generalizations made are based on all the cases cited, not just the ones recounted here. The brief treatments here cannot begin to give an adequate description or analysis of any case, and are intended only to give a flavor of the sorts of cases about which documentation is available.
Pesticides
Pesticides are chemicals designed to kill insects, plants, fungi, and other life that is considered to be undesirable for human purposes, especially agriculture and public health. Supporters argue that pesticides are essential for these purposes whereas critics argue that many uses of pesticides are unnecessary or harmful to the environment and human health. The debate over pesticides has raged since the 1960s (Bosso 1987; Hay 1982; Ordish 1976; Perkins 1982).
• Dr Melvin Dwaine Reuber is a research scientist who became one of the world’s leading critics of pesticides through his studies of their link with cancer. Through the 1960s and 1970s he had a productive and successful career, publishing over 100 scientific papers and establishing himself as a top scientist in a well-paying job. In 1981 he was head of the Experimental Pathology Laboratory at the Frederick Cancer Research Center, part of the National Cancer Institute in the United States. Then, suddenly, he received a blistering attack on his performance and professional behavior from the director of the Center, Dr Michael G. Hanna, Jr. - who had previously given him the highest commendations. The reprimand from Hanna questioned the quality of Reuber’s studies of carcinogenicity of pesticides and also called him to task for using Center letterhead for a letter that allegedly reported his private work.
Even more seriously for Reuber, the substance of Hanna’s letter appeared shortly afterwards in Pesticide & Toxic Chemical News (1981), a newsletter of the petrochemical industry. Copies were circulated widely and used by industry to discredit Reuber and his work (Honorof 1988; Marshall 1984; Martin 1996a; Nelson 1981; Rushford 1990; Schneider 1982).
The attack on Reuber served the interests of the pesticide industry, given that his work was a serious threat to it. His studies were important in bans placed on leading pesticides aldrin, dieldrin, chlordane, and heptachlor, and his work was used around the country by opponents of pesticides. He was willing to write letters about his results, realizing that they would be used in local anti-pesticide campaigns.
Reuber subsequently sued Pesticide & Toxic Chemical News. (He won substantial damages in a lower court but finally, a decade later, lost on appeal. Whether winning or losing a court case tells anything about whether suppression is involved is something that has to be examined in each individual instance.) The court case revealed that pesticide interests had complained to the National Cancer Institute about Reuber. One of these complaints had led Hanna to make an investigation that led to his reprimand.
• Clyde Manwell, professor of zoology at the University of Adelaide in South Australia, coauthored a letter published in the local newspaper which questioned some aspects of government spraying for fruit fly. He was fiercely attacked in state parliament and the university initiated an attempt to dismiss him (Baker 1986).
• Robert L. Rudd’s book Pesticides and the Living Landscape (Rudd 1964), which raised concerns similar to Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962) and was completed earlier, was delayed and excessively scrutinized - by 18 reviewers - before being published by the University of Wisconsin Press. "He lost a promotion, and his very position with the University [of California] was threatened" (Graham 1970, p. 168).
• After BioScience published an article by Frank E. Egler (1964) that criticized pesticides, both the journal and author were censured in a motion at a meeting of the Entomological Society of America, a professional body supported by pesticide manufacturers, even though the article would not have been seen by most of those present (Graham 1970, p. 171; Judson 1965; van den Bosch 1978, p. 71).
These are a few of the many documented cases of attacks on scientist critics of pesticides (see also Baker and Manwell 1988; Boffey 1968, pp. 632-633; Carr 1986; Coppolino 1994; Epstein 1978; Freeman 1993; Graham 1970; Martin 1996a; Martin, Baker, Manwell, and Pugh 1986, pp. 123-163; McKenna 1992; van den Bosch 1978, pp. 47, 61-71, 102-107, 119-137, 196-197). In a typical case, a scientist does research that is potentially threatening to the pesticide industry or speaks out critically about pesticides, and is attacked in some fashion. Common methods include withdrawal of research funding, threats, and attempts at dismissal.
Suppression of scientist critics of pesticides appears to serve the interests of the agrichemical industry. The use of manufactured chemicals in agriculture, especially pesticides and fertilizers, became a substantial industry after World War II. This was part of a new model for agriculture, based on large monocultures, expensive machinery, less labor, and increased corporate control over the process of farming. The preferred industry solution to the problem of pests was pesticides. Vast amounts of money were poured into promotion of the "pesticide paradigm," which became the scientific as well as the commercial standard in a variety of ways (van den Bosch 1978).
There were some critics of these developments, both scientists and nonscientists, but they had little impact until the rise of the environmental movement. Rachel Carson’s classic book Silent Spring (1962), a prime catalyst for the movement as a whole, was a sustained critique of the abuse of pesticides. The synergistic combination of citizen activists and scientist critics provided a formidable challenge to the pesticide establishment. Activists without scientific credentials could be dismissed as uninformed, while critical researchers without community backing could simply be ignored. One way to undermine the combined forces of activists and scientists is to attack the scientist critics. The attacks on Reuber and others can be seen in this light.
Linking the pesticide industry to attacks on "dissident" scientists seems easy enough on the surface, but a closer look shows many theoretical complications in using this process to probe links between systems of power and social action. In most general terms, the relevant system of power is capitalism, but it would be difficult to argue that the interests of the pesticide industry are identical to those of the capitalist class as a whole. Arguably, alternatives to pesticides such as integrated pest management might be just as valuable for the overall rate of profit. (Explaining the success of pesticide interests compared to alternatives is a major research project in itself - see Perkins (1982).) So the terms need to be reduced to a sector of the capitalist class, the pesticide industry.
In most documented cases of suppression of scientist critics, the pesticide industry is involved only indirectly, if at all. A direct involvement would be the dismissal of a scientist critic who worked for a pesticide company. Such cases may exist but they are seldom documented. A plausible explanation for the lack of such cases is that scientists working for industry, as well as being self-selected and acculturated to an industry perspective, are also well aware that openly opposing their employer is likely to mean loss of their jobs. Thus, it is those who are least vulnerable to direct reprisals who are most likely to find the support and freedom to undertake critical research and to speak out. Arguably, if Reuber had worked for the chemical industry, studies of the sort he actually did probably would not have been funded, he would not have been allowed to publish his results, and, if he had persisted in finding unwelcome results, his career would have been terminated before he became prominent.
The industry, when it is involved in attacks on scientists employed elsewhere - most commonly government or universities - typically makes complaints to the supervisor or employer of a scientist. It is a characteristic feature of suppression cases that criticisms are made not directly to the scientist - which would be a proper part of scientific dialogue and debate - but to the scientist’s boss. It is undoubtedly the case that there are many more informal complaints - for example, over the telephone - than formal written complaints. When applying this sort of pressure, the industry can only succeed to the extent that it has allies or sympathizers in powerful scientific positions. Therefore, an understanding of suppression of critics of pesticides requires an understanding of the relationship between industry and the bureaucratic structure of scientific workplaces, as will be discussed later.
Yet another complication is that many attacks on critics of pesticides come from government bodies. For example, many of the attacks described by van den Bosch (1978) involve the U.S. Department of Agriculture. In a number of examples, government agencies seem more ardent in their support of pesticides than do pesticide companies themselves. This can be explained as an example of a "captured bureaucracy" (Mitnick 1980), as a feature of the "capitalist state" (Jessop 1982), or as an aspect of the inevitable state involvement in creating markets for capital (Heilbroner 1985, pp. 78-106; Moran and Wright 1991).
In summary, in the case of pesticides, it makes sense to speak of a link between the pesticide industry and attacks on scientist critics of pesticides. Suppression can be conceived of as a means that uses and reinforces the power of a particular industry. It also highlights the many qualifications necessary in drawing a link between systems of power and social action.
Fluoridation
Fluoridation, the addition of one part per million of fluoride to drinking water as a means of preventing tooth decay in children, was endorsed by the United States Public Health Service in 1950 and promoted heavily thereafter, with strong support from the American Dental Association. A substantial fraction of the population in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States drinks water with added fluoride, but fluoridation is uncommon elsewhere in the industrialized world. From the beginning, there was substantial citizen opposition to fluoridation, but there were few dentists, doctors, or scientists who openly opposed the procedure.
• Dr George Waldbott was the leading scientist opponent of fluoridation in the United States from the late 1950s through the 1970s. He wrote articles and books, testified at numerous inquiries, and was the focal point for the U.S. antifluoridation movement. A prominent allergist and author of hundreds of scientific papers, Waldbott’s submissions concerning hazards of fluoride to certain journals were routinely rejected, and he had reason to believe that the editors and the U.S. Public Health Service were in communication about this (Waldbott 1965, p. 323).
Much more threatening to Waldbott, though, was the American Dental Association’s dossier on opponents of fluoridation. Compiled by the ADA’s Bureau of Public Information, this dossier contained letters and extracts from newspapers and other sources. Many of those listed in the dossier, such as the Ku Klux Klan and various fringe practitioners, were easy to discredit or ridicule. The implication of the dossier was that all opponents of fluoridation were cranks. As well as listing many apparently dubious characters and organizations, the dossier listed some whose credentials and professional achievements would normally be seen as conferring respectability, but whose presence in the dossier suggested guilt by association. Furthermore, the material in Waldbott’s entry was questionable. Some of it was based on a visit to Waldbott by a visiting German profluoridationist who misrepresented his intentions to Waldbott, gained access to Waldbott’s files on studies of patients with adverse reactions to fluoride, and wrote a letter about his visit to a leading U.S. profluoridationist; extracts from this letter appeared in the dossier. The dossier was twice published by the prestigious Journal of the American Dental Association (Bureau of Public Information 1962, 1965) and was circulated throughout the country and even overseas, being used against Waldbott wherever he visited (Waldbott 1965).
• John Colquhoun, of the Department of Health in Auckland, New Zealand, spoke publicly about the risk of fluoride poisoning from small children swallowing toothpaste. He was formally warned to stick to official policy (Colquhoun 1987, p. 231).
• Max Ginns was expelled from his dental society in Worchester, Massachusetts in 1961 after he circulated a petition of dentists and doctors opposed to fluoridation (Waldbott, Burgstahler, and McKinney 1978, pp. 325-326).
• Mien Bulthuis wrote a dissertation on fluoride’s role in inhibiting the enzyme cholinesterase. The Chief Inspector of Health in the Netherlands applied pressure on the Netherlands Health Board to prevent publication of the dissertation because it might add to public concern about fluoride (Moolenburgh 1987, p. 107).
Waldbott, because of his prominence in the antifluoridation cause, was informed of numerous other cases of suppression (Exner and Waldbott 1957, pp. 184-191; Waldbott 1965; Waldbott, Burgstahler and McKinney 1978, pp. 318-352). As well, there are many other documented cases (Caldwell and Zanfagna 1974; Colquhoun 1987, pp. 231-232, 311-312; Diesendorf 1996; Groth 1973, pp. 179-185; Martin 1988, pp. 337-342; Martin 1991, pp. 68-102; Moolenburgh 1987, pp. 24-25, 47; Sutton 1980, pp. 23-33; Yiamouyiannis 1986). Some of the common types of attacks include threats to deregister dentists and warnings from superiors to desist from statements about hazards of fluoridation. There are also a number of instances in which editors or referees opposed publishing articles because they might aid the antifluoridation cause, including one in which submissions from a scientist known to oppose fluoridation were returned without being opened (Waldbott, Burgstahler and McKinney 1978, pp. 334-335).
The proponents of fluoridation have been highly successful in stigmatizing critics as reactionary, irrational, confused, and unscientific, and even in claiming that fluoridation is so well verified that there is no scientific debate. Most social scientists have accepted that fluoridation is scientifically beyond question and have examined only social explanations for opposition to fluoridation (Martin 1989). There is indeed much reputable scientific research backing fluoridation (Murray and Rugg-Gunn 1982; Newbrun 1986) but there is also some scientific work arguing both that the health hazards of fluoridation are significant and that the benefits are less than claimed (Diesendorf 1986; Waldbott, Burgstahler and McKinney 1978). In the struggle over fluoridation as a public health measure, the struggle over knowledge claims concerning the benefits and hazards of fluoride has played a key role. The few critics who are scientists, doctors, or dentists have a significance beyond their numbers, since they change the situation from one of unanimity concerning knowledge to one of conflict. It is in this context that occasional instances of suppression of scientist critics can be understood as an important method of waging the struggle for fluoridation.
Arguably, the key driving force behind the promotion of fluoridation has been the dental profession (Martin 1991; Varney 1986). Rather than using the traditional idea of professions as altruistic bodies of practitioners, professions are treated here as systems of power, specifically as ways to organize an occupation to garner status and wealth (Collins 1979; Freidson 1970; Johnson 1972; Larson 1977; Willis 1983). Dentistry can be fruitfully analyzed in this way: it involves lengthy training and certification by the profession itself; it is oriented around professionals treating individuals rather than changing social structures; and it is built on a body of esoteric, scientifically validated knowledge (Davis 1980).
The promotion of fluoridation, while in conflict with the idea of individual treatment, did not pose a threat to dental practice, since there are many more dental problems than can be dealt with individually by dentists. Fluoridation, whose justification is based on sophisticated scientific methods such as epidemiology, promised to increase the scientific status of dentistry, which was otherwise associated with mechanical techniques such as filling of teeth. Finally, a number of prominent dental researchers stood to and did build their reputations on the promotion of fluoridation (Martin 1991; Varney 1986).
Thus, in contrast to the cases of pesticides and nuclear power, the material interests of the key system of power - the dental profession - are much less significant than its status interests. Generally speaking, it is in those countries where the dental profession has the greatest degree of control over working conditions and entry to the profession, namely the English-speaking countries, where fluoridation has been most strongly promoted and widely adopted.
In some countries, the state has played a supporting role in the promotion of fluoridation, by providing endorsements, funding research, and, in some cases, mandating fluoridation. This can largely be attributed to the efforts by advocates within the dental profession. For example, it was vigorous lobbying by fluoridation proponents that led to the original endorsement of fluoridation by the U.S. Public Health Service (McNeil 1957). That there is no special state interest in fluoridation is suggested by the decisions made against fluoridation by many European governments in spite of support from the dental profession, and the attempts by many local governments in the United States to offload responsibility for making a decision about fluoridation, for example by calling referenda (Crain, Katz, and Rosenthal 1969).
Many antifluoridationists argue that industrial interests are behind fluoridation, notably the aluminum industry (which produces fluoride wastes), toothpaste manufacturers (for which fluoride is a promotional element), and sugary food manufacturers (for which fluoride provides a magic-bullet solution to tooth decay, diverting attention away from the well-established role of sugar in tooth decay). There is little evidence showing any direct involvement by the aluminum industry or toothpaste manufacturers in promoting fluoridation of public water supplies; some financial support comes from sugary food industries. Almost all the direct promotion, and also almost all of the instances of suppression of scientist critics of fluoridation, are linked with the dental profession or its allies in the state. It can be argued, though, that commercial interests have provided a context in which the dental profession found the promotion of fluoridation a path of least resistance from powerful interests, compared for example to challenging the sale and consumption of sugary food (Martin 1991, pp. 115-130).
The fluoridation debate thus provides a good case study of the dynamics of science as a system of power-knowledge in which the key interest group is a profession. Scientific knowledge and the authority to pronounce on scientific knowledge have been crucial in the debate, both as resources in the struggle and as outcomes of it. Suppression of scientific dissent seems to have played a significant role in this struggle.
Nuclear power
Nuclear power is a method of producing electricity by harnessing the energy released by nuclear fission. Proponents argue that it is a safe and economical way of producing necessary energy; critics argue against nuclear power on various grounds, including hazards (nuclear reactor accidents, long-lived radioactive waste), proliferation of nuclear weapons, high economic cost, and the political restrictions associated with a "plutonium economy."
• The U.S. Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) in 1965 funded a long-term study of the health effects of low-level ionizing radiation under the supervision of Dr Thomas Mancuso, an epidemiologist at the University of Pittsburgh. In 1974, before Mancuso had reported any results, another researcher, Samuel Milham, reported an increase in cancers at the AEC’s plant at Hanford, Washington. The AEC pressured Mancuso to repudiate Milham’s claims, but he refused on the grounds that his study was not complete.
The AEC, apparently unhappy with Mancuso’s refusal, arranged for a review of the study. ("AEC" is used throughout here, though its name changed.) There were six reviewers: four were favorable and only one recommended termination and transfer to another school of public health. Nevertheless, the AEC terminated the study, citing only the two negative reviews, and transferred it to a private company, Battelle West, under the supervision of the former AEC employee who, as a reviewer of Mancuso’s study, had recommended its termination (Bertell 1985; Bross 1981, pp. 217-222; Freeman 1981, pp. 41-42; Sterling 1980; Wasserman and Solomon 1982, pp. 141-144).
• Ross Hesketh, a nuclear physicist at the Central Electricity Generating Board in Britain, spoke out about the use of plutonium from civil nuclear power plants for military purposes. He was disciplined, harassed, transferred, and finally dismissed (Dickson 1983; Edwards 1983).
• Jens Scheer, a nuclear physicist at the University of Bremen, was a leftist and critic of nuclear power. The university suspended him and tried to dismiss him from his post (Nelkin and Pollak 1981, p. 92; Piper 1975).
• Atsushi Tsuchida, a physicist working at the Institute of Physical and Chemical Research (known as Riken) in Japan, was critical of nuclear technology and wrote for a wide audience. Riken did not list his publications, denied him a salary rise (considered a harsh punishment), and prevented him giving outside lectures (Siratori n.d.).
These examples are among numerous cases, from around the world, of attacks on scientists and engineers whose work or statements aid the case against nuclear power (Clarke 1997; Craddock 1994; Freeman 1981; Grossman 1996; Hatzfeldt 1989; Jungt 1979, pp. 85-107; Martin 1986; Pooley 1996; Sharma 1983, pp. 120-126; Sharma 1996; Sutcliffe 1987, pp. 38-58). Common types of attacks on scientist critics of nuclear power include transfer to different jobs, withdrawal of research funding and staff, blocking of publications, and dismissal. A large number of these cases involve employees of government research laboratories. Employees of private firms in the nuclear industry may be even more vulnerable to attack and hence are unlikely to try to retain their jobs while being openly critical. Perhaps realizing this, three General Electric nuclear engineers who openly criticized nuclear power in 1976 resigned at the same time (Freeman 1981, pp. 258-292). Critics within universities are more protected from dismissal, though research funding can be withdrawn, as in the case of Mancuso.
The promotion of nuclear power is closely linked to state power (Camilleri 1984; Gorz 1980; Jungk 1979). In nearly every country, nuclear power is state-owned and state-run. Only in the United States has private industry played a significant role; even so, the U.S. government has provided crucial support via regulation, limiting legal liability in the case of reactor accidents, and controlling key parts of the nuclear fuel cycle (uranium enrichment, reprocessing). The central role of the state in nuclear power stems from historical links with nuclear weapons production (always a state enterprise), which have persisted due to the potential role of civilian nuclear power in proliferation of nuclear weapons. Also important are the enormous scale and potential danger of nuclear power, which make private involvement risky without government guarantees, and which have involved the state in order to prevent terrorist and criminal use of nuclear materials. Critics would also argue that nuclear power has seldom been a commercial proposition and hence government backing, provided for military, status, or social control purposes, has been essential. When the British government privatized its electricity industry, parts of the nuclear industry were exempted and remained under government ownership.
In the 1960s and especially the 1970s, a worldwide movement against nuclear power developed (Falk 1982). Many of the key arguments raised against nuclear power involved technical dimensions, such as the risk and consequences of nuclear reactor accidents, the possibility of safe disposal of long-lived radioactive waste, and the feasibility of alternative "energy paths" (Lovins 1977). Of nuclear scientists and engineers who have been willing to take a stand, most supported nuclear power, especially in the early years of the debate. Those few who questioned the orthodoxy were a great threat, since they undermined the apparent unanimity of expert support for the technology. The occasional instances of suppression of nuclear dissidents can be interpreted as a response to this threat.
Suppression and power
The previous three sections cite considerable evidence that some scientists critical of pesticides, fluoridation, or nuclear power have been attacked because of this. References to many cases of suppression were given, but these are likely to be only a fraction of those that have occurred. No doubt others are to be found in the unsystematic "literature" on suppression, but, more importantly, documented cases are only a fraction of actual ones, since many are hushed up by all parties. The documented and publicized cases overrepresent certain types of cases (such as dismissals and attacks on prominent individuals) and underrepresent others (such as denial of appointments and blocking of publications). In spite of these obstacles, the evidence in the three areas chosen is substantial and revealing.
It can be argued that suppression, while sometimes effective in silencing individual dissidents, is even more effective in signaling to others what they might face if they step out of line. It can also discourage investigators from undertaking certain lines of research (Deyo, et al. 1997). On the other hand, suppression sometimes can be counterproductive, for example when it is grossly unfair, exposing the raw face of power and stimulating greater dissent. The topics of the effectiveness of suppression and strategies against it are beyond the scope of this paper (Martin 1997; Pring and Canan 1996; Stewart, Devine, and Rasor 1989). Nevertheless, one irony is worth noting. As noted earlier, legitimacy is enhanced when it seems to be natural, with no overt exercise of power, and unanimity of scientific expertise is one powerful way to establish legitimacy. Attacks on dissident scientists are one way to try to enforce unanimity, yet, by their nature, many of these attacks involve the blatant exercise of power and, if publicized, potentially undermine the appearance of legitimacy based on knowledge alone.
Suppression of dissent provides a direct link between power inside and outside science and what is accepted as scientific knowledge. In the controversies over pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power, what is accepted as scientific knowledge is central to the dispute: it is both affected by the exercise of power in the controversy and is a tool used in it. A few studies explicitly emphasize how scientific knowledge is deeply embedded in these disputes (Diesendorf 1982; Martin 1991; Sterling 1980; see also Abraham 1993, 1994, 1995; Walker 1993).
The three case studies presented here, of pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power, suggest a link between suppression of dissent and three systems of power, namely corporate power, professional power, and state power, respectively. Several factors support the case for a linkage between a system of power and a pattern of suppression: interests in a particular stance on the issue in question; a challenge to the interests; a key role for dissident experts in supporting the challenge; and direct or indirect use of power to attack some of the dissidents. In the case of pesticides, for example, certain chemical companies make a profit by selling pesticides; the environmental movement has challenged the use of pesticides; scientists who are critical of pesticides have played a key role in providing legitimation to the environmental movement challenge; and some of the attacks on scientists critical of pesticides come directly from industry.
If corporate power, professional power, and state power can be linked to patterns of suppression, what about other systems of power? Patriarchy is a promising area to study. There are quite a number of studies of patriarchy and science (Bleier 1986; Brighton Women and Science Collective 1980; Harding 1986; Keller 1985), but what about patterns of suppression? There is certainly considerable evidence of discrimination against female scientists and failure to give adequate recognition to their work (Niven 1988; Rossiter 1993; Sayre 1975; Theodore 1986), but arguably this sort of discrimination is different from suppression of dissent as it is conceptualized here.
There is some evidence of suppression of vocally feminist scientists and of suppression of research that challenges beliefs about male biological superiority or that in other ways challenges male privilege (Bleier 1984; Masson 1984). More research is needed into these types of suppression. Also, it is likely that the way in which science interacts with patriarchal power is quite different from the way it interacts with corporate, professional, or state power. Other power systems worthy of study in relation to suppression in science are racism, the military, heterosexism, and oppression of and in the Third World.
One thing that is quite clear from studies of suppression cases is the large role of discretion and contingency. One dissident scientist may be harassed persistently whereas another is left alone; speaking out on one occasion may be greeted with tolerance or even praise, whereas on another occasion it may trigger a serious attack. This variability can be attributed to psychological and organizational variables. Sometimes an official just happens to be aggravated, on a particular day, by a particular person or behavior and this leads to an attack. To capture this variability, it is useful to say that a system of power provides resources for certain individuals to take certain types of actions, for example for a laboratory manager to hire a particular scientist. Thus, the system of power does not require suppression of dissent; it simply makes it possible. At the same time, psychology is not autonomous of power systems: certain belief systems and behavioral styles may thrive in suitable organizational and social structures, and in turn either reinforce or challenge those structures (House 1988).
None of the controversies presented here provides a perfectly neat link between a discrete system of power and cases of suppression. The links are messy for at least two reasons. Firstly, in these examples, the systems of power are not compartmentalized. Although particular chemical companies have a strong interest in pesticides, some government bodies are closely aligned to the industry. The dental profession may be the key driving force behind fluoridation, but some government and corporate bodies have strong interests in fluoridation as well. While state power is a key force behind the promotion of nuclear power, corporations are also heavily involved, and many nuclear scientists and engineers have a career interest in the technology. These sorts of linkages are virtually inevitable.
A second complication in making links between systems of power and suppression in a certain field is that attacks often are made by the bosses of dissident scientists. For example, a common form of attack is for an industry or government official to call the boss of an outspoken scientist and suggest that action be taken. Sometimes there is no phone call at all: the boss, worried about keeping on the good side of industry or government because of grants, employment prospects and so forth, takes action against a subordinate without any outside prompting. The action in this case serves the interest of industry or government without the necessity of overt intervention. It can still make sense in such cases to speak of the influence of a system of power (Lukes 1974).
The frequent examples of attacks by bosses provide an important insight into the exercise of power in science, namely that hierarchy in science often tends to serve the interests of powerful outside groups. Hierarchy in science refers here to differences in power rather than knowledge (though these may be linked), and is closely linked to the bureaucratic conditions in which most scientific research is carried out. Those scientists with the greatest say in decisions about research funding, research priorities, top-level appointments, and editorial policies can be called "political scientific elites" (Blissett 1972; Elias, Martins, and Whitley 1982; Rahman 1972; Traweek 1988, pp. 126-156). More commonly studied are "cognitive scientific elites," namely those scientists whose research productivity and intellectual stature give them great influence and status within science (Amick 1974; Merton 1973; Mulkay 1976; Polanyi 1951, p. 54; Zuckerman 1977). Many political scientific elites are also cognitive elites.
A typical scientific career, as well as involving a long apprenticeship, often provides little security or scope for innovative or unorthodox research, especially in the early years. This encourages conformity to the directions set by scientific elites which are, in turn, shaped by sources of funding and applications as well as their own career interests. Hierarchy within the scientific community thus is an advantage to powerful groups, though of course it does not guarantee that their interests will be served. The direct influence of bosses over scientists and scientific research is usually greatest within industry and government; within universities, professional norms and collegial interactions usually play a greater role, and it is no coincidence that for academics dissent is somewhat easier, though often still risky. While hierarchy within science facilitates attacks on dissidents, it can also facilitate links between interests and science in more routine ways, such as setting priorities for research. Although studies are available of the political machinations in and over science (Boffey 1975; Brickman, Jasanoff and Ilgen 1985; Dickson 1984; Greenberg 1967; Jasanoff 1990; Primack and von Hippel 1974), a thorough study of the rise of bureaucracy in science and the links between political scientific elites and other interests remains to be carried out.
To analyze the link between scientific bureaucracy and suppression of dissent, a convenient framework is the concept of bureaucracy as a political system (Weinstein 1977, 1979; see also Collins 1975, pp. 286-347; Perrucci, Anderson, Schendel and Trachtman 1980; Zald and Berger 1978). Rather than treating bureaucracy as a rational administrative system, this approach draws an analogy with the state: bureaucracy is like an authoritarian state except that usually there is no capacity for physical violence. By extension, bureaucratic elites can be faced by opposition movements, coups d’état, and so forth. Whistleblowing - open individual dissent - is a special form of principled opposition. Suppression of dissent within a bureaucracy is then analogous to government attacks on political opponents or movements, another area in which the role of contingent factors in the exercise of power against dissent is important. This conception of bureaucracy thus brings to the fore the phenomena of resistance to bureaucratic elites and suppression of dissent. However, this model remains to be applied systematically to scientific research carried out in bureaucratic and semi-bureaucratic settings.
Social studies of science certainly provide more than adequate tools for dealing with suppression. There is a considerable literature showing how science can be understood as growing out of and shaped by the organization of society, including the state, capitalism, bureaucracy, the military, and patriarchy, and how these systems of power are linked to the internal power dynamics of science, involving elements including hierarchy, division of labor, professions, male domination, and cognitive authority. An approach along these lines (Abraham 1995; Blume 1974; Collins 1975, pp. 470-523; Restivo 1988, 1994; Sklair 1973) can be called a "political sociology of science" (Blume 1974). This sort of framework can be used to examine the development of particular research fields (Clark and Westrum 1987; Forman 1971; MacKenzie 1981; Wright 1994; Young 1973), to relate research to funding by state and industry (Clarke 1971; Noble 1977), to analyze the construction of boundaries within science and between science and non-science (Gieryn 1983, 1995; Wallis 1979), to examine the relationship between major scandals in science and its social organization (Collins and Restivo 1983) and to determine the presence of bias in science-based regulatory decision making (Abraham 1993, 1994, 1995). So far, though, it has seldom been used to examine suppression of dissident scientists. One possible reason is that most analysts of science, whether positivist or constructivist, basically support science as it exists (Restivo 1988; 1994, p. 28).
Comparative studies of suppression
The incidence and dynamics of suppression can vary according to many different factors, and hence the study of suppression provides a window into the politics of expertise and legitimacy. The examples in this paper suggest the value of a field of study that could be called "comparative suppression studies": studying the incidence and characteristic features of suppression in different fields, organisations, or polities, and relating this to social structure, interests, and other relevant factors. Here several areas for comparative suppression studies are outlined: suppression in different countries and political systems; suppression of scientists versus suppression of nonscientists; suppression and social movements; suppression and technical saliency.
One type of comparative suppression studies involves examination of the frequency and characteristics of suppression in different countries. For example, most documented cases of suppression of scientist opponents of fluoridation are from those few countries with a substantial level of fluoridation; in the case of nuclear power, which has been introduced in numerous countries, there are cases of suppression from around the world (Martin 1986). However, the available evidence is too unsystematic yet to provide a basis for many conclusions. The obstacles to collecting comparative suppression evidence, which include language, culture, and organizational differences, are formidable. On the other hand, there is much to be learned from such studies, since insights about the effect of social structural and organizational variables are likely to be more obvious than with single-country studies.
It is also possible to compare methods of suppression used in different sorts of political systems and examine the relative roles of repression and suppression (respectively, violent and nonviolent reprisals and deterrents). There is ample documentation of both repression and suppression of political dissidents in authoritarian regimes (see the journal Index on Censorship and reports produced by Amnesty International); there is also much information on suppression (and some repression) of political and other dissent in liberal democracies (Arblaster 1974; Belfrage 1973; Blackstock 1976; Bunyan 1976; Caute 1978; Cowan, Egleson, and Hentoff 1974; Donner 1980; Fitzgerald 1972; Gelbspan 1991; Goldstein 1978; Halperin, Berman, Borosage, and Marwick 1976; Harris 1976; Hillyard and Percy-Smith 1988; Hollingsworth and Norton-Taylor 1988; Parenti 1971; Schultz and Schultz 1989; Wolfe 1973). But there is relatively little comparative analysis of suppression and repression under different political systems, much less of suppression in science.
Another comparative dimension is scientists versus nonscientists. There are many documented cases of workers or community activists, without credentials or special status, who have opposed pesticides, fluoridation, or nuclear power and have come under attack (Cutler 1989; Day 1989; Freeman 1981; Peterzell 1980; Shoecraft 1971; Van Strum 1983). The limited information available seems to suggest that the characteristic methods used to attack nonscientists are different, in part, from those used to attack scientists, no doubt because techniques such as withdrawing grants can seldom be used against nonscientists. For example, in liberal democracies, physical violence against dissident scientists seems less common than violence against dissident nonscientists. A comparative study of suppression of scientists and nonscientists could yield insights into the exercise of power in science.
One of the most promising types of comparative suppression studies involves looking at different fields or issues. For example, there is ample evidence of suppression in the areas of pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power but, for example, few publicized cases of suppression associated with the automobile industry (McCarry 1972; Otake 1982). There are at least two reasonable hypotheses worth exploring. One is that suppression is more common and visible when a social movement makes a challenge to a powerful interest group that has a near monopoly on scientific credibility. The existence of a social movement makes technical dissent more threatening, since it can be used to give the movement greater credibility. Added to this, the existence of a movement provides a receptive audience - both movement supporters and the general public - for scientific work or statements challenging orthodoxy, and thus can encourage critics to speak out. Thus there are likely to be more cases of critics who speak out and more incentive to suppress those who do. This dynamic could explain the difference in the incidence or visibility of suppression in different fields. There has been major citizen action against pesticides, fluoridation, and nuclear power, but nothing comparable in the way of an "anti-car movement."
An alternative or complementary hypothesis is that suppression is more common in areas where technical expertise is more crucial to the power of an interest group. Many fields involve technical issues and actual or potential technical disputes, but only in some are these of central importance. In disputes over nuclear power, for example, the major arguments have involved health and environment, such as reactor accidents and radioactive waste, and have involved technical claims and counterclaims. Compare this to the automobile industry, where the technology is more familiar and where expertise is less monopolized by the industry. It might be, then, that in the case of automobiles technical criticisms are less salient, both to critics and to the industry itself. Another comparison is between the debates over nuclear power and nuclear weapons. In both cases there have been significant social movements, but there seems to be more evidence of suppression of scientists who are critics of nuclear power than of those who are critics of nuclear weapons. This could be because technical disputes are more central to legitimacy in the nuclear power issue, whereas moral and military considerations have played a much more prominent role with the nuclear weapons debate (although it too has involved a series of technical disputes, from the hazards of fallout to the accuracy of missiles).
An insight into the centrality of technical issues is given by the rhetoric used in controversies. In the pesticide, fluoridation, and nuclear power debates, opponents have often been castigated as uninformed (scientifically), unscientific, and even antiscientific. In the case of the automobile industry, critics are more likely to be treated as threats to economic prosperity or, in its equivalent in the U.S. context, as "unAmerican." In the debate over nuclear weapons, critics in the west have been called ignorant of the realities of world politics or, until the 1990s, communists or traitors.
More investigation is required to determine whether these or other hypotheses can be sustained. Before that can occur, though, there is a need for systematic studies of technical dissent within the automobile industry, within the nuclear weapons establishment, and in any other area with which comparisons might be made. But as well as more evidence, there is also a need to deal more systematically with methodological issues in suppression studies, such as criteria for assessing alleged instances of suppression and ways for going beyond publicized cases to those that are hushed up. Studying suppression has the potential to reveal much about the dynamics of expertise, power, and legitimacy in contemporary society, but this type of investigation is bound to remain controversial itself both because of definitional and methodological challenges and because it draws attention to an exercise of power that those exercising it would rather pass unnoticed.
Acknowledgments
I thank the numerous people over the years who have shared their experiences and insights about suppression. Sharon Beder, Daryl Chubin, Randall Collins, Bill Freudenburg, Isla MacGregor, Stewart Russell, Deena Weinstein and anonymous referees provided helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. I thank in particular one anonymous referee whose insightful suggestions were used to recast the paper.
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“They’re All Gone”: Shock as sardines vanish off California — Fishermen didn’t find a single one all summer
in Political Conspiracies
Posted · Edited by Steven Gaal
10,000 baby sea lions dead on one California island — Experts: “It’s getting crazy… This is a crisis… Never seen anything like it… Very difficult to see so much death” — TV: “Numbers skyrocketing at alarming rates” — “Woman is burying the rotting mammals” after digging graves at beach (VIDEOS)
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(LINK) >>>>>>>> http://enenews.com/experts-10000-baby-sea-lions-dead-one-california-island-getting-crazy-very-difficult-death-crisis-tv-numbers-skyrocketing-alarming-rates-woman-digging-graves-beach-bury-dead-bodies-videos