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John Dolva

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  1. It seems some are talking about snipers line of sight but I think that an even more ideal situation (winter sun) makes for factor two. The sniper is less visible to anyone looking in that direction, ie towards the sun.(attack from a vantage when the sun is in their eyes) Best of two worlds. Also, consider what was front for JFKs head.
  2. I think the forum is changing (or maybe I am). Seems to me there is more respect that allows divergent opinions to exist. Of course no-one's perfect (yes, me too (yes, really) ). If you want to put out a fire use water, not petrol. I think one thing is to not have the last word.
  3. around about 5:10 in the above video (which is really nicely paced and full of typical battle situations) finally, to me, a move to the center is made. Personally I would have looked for an opportunity to play a move in the center from much earlier on that didn't risk sente too much, perhaps the did and I'm not seeing it. It's not over till the fat lady sings , so : the End Game.
  4. I think it's a matter of scale. What I'm trying to get at is the role of the agents as in a way puppets where their behaviour is not unusual but the way they are treated is and has a deeper reason. It doesn't matter whether they are whatever they are. They are used, like soldiers in wars, and just as eaily lauded as discarded. This is a focus I think if redirected will actually look at the deeper politics of the situation.
  5. A Game of Go, Part 1 of 2 Uploaded by haskellsmall on Feb 10, 2009 The game of Go is an ancient Asian board game involving the placing of stones on the intersections of lines on a board, with the object of surrounding more territory or capturing more of the opponents stones. With elegantly simple rules, it has a depth and a multi-layered fascination which surpasses even that of Chess. My composition, A Game of Go, is a move-by-move musical setting for 2 pianos of a classic game, the sixth game of the 30 game match between Ota Yuzo and Honinbo Shusaku played in 1853 in Japan. For more information about Go, contact the American Go Assocition at http://usgo.org/ For more information about Haskell Small, go to his website at http://www.haskellsmall.com/ I believe that Go is not just a sport or pastime, but an art of equal status to the art of music. Both Go and music are enwrapped with mystery, subtlety, and the beauty of an inevitable, ineluctable truth. Furthermore, like music, I contend that Go is capable of the expression of human emotions- Go moves can be found that exude joy, despair, even humor. It is in this spirit that I have found the major interests of my life crossing paths. As a professional musician (pianist, composer, and teacher) who also suffers from an addiction to Go, I had for some time wanted to find a way to combine these interests. This came to fruition in 1987 when I conceived of the idea to compose a piece of music based on a game of Go. I decided to employ 2 pianos, one representing black, the other white, to set each move or sequence of moves of a classic game, the sixth game of the sanjubango (30 game match) between Ota Yuzo and Honinbo Shusaku played in 1853. I chose this game for its balance of expanding moyos (large framework) versus territory, an ongoing protracted race to capture, as well as several exciting ko (a recapture of a single stone after playing elsewhere) battles. To write this piece I had to sit in four different chairs. I started at the Go board, playing through the opening moves of the game, cerebrating on their meaning, then moved to an armchair where I attempted to imagine a musical rendering of these moves. Although if observed I would seem to be napping, I consider this the hardest step- mentally grappling with the given materials to create from whole cloth a gratifying musical design. Then I would go to the piano to confirm and sketch out the ideas, and improvise possible continuations. Then back to the Go board to try to discern a feeling or direction for how the music would continue to best serve the flow of the game. Then back to the armchair or piano, etc. With this process I eventually completed a rough draft, then to the next chair- at a writing table to produce the manuscript (or these days on computer of course). During this last stage, often I would retreat to one of the other chairs again for final revisions. Miraculously, after a number of months of hard labor, my baby was born. The piece naturally partitioned itself into three sections analogous with the opening of the game (placid, spacious, much thinking time), middle game (signaled by the first contact play- faster paced, intense), and finally the relatively calm unwinding of the endgame. The several ko fights that erupted during the game afforded me the opportunity to help unite the work with a recurring ko theme, which punctuated the exchanges of ko threats between the players/pianos. Another feature of the music is a choral idea (that eventually culminates in a fugue), used to suggest the rich subtleties of the aji (latent potential) remaining in the evolving race to capture. The climax of the piece (and I believe of the game) is the resolution of the ko at moves 185 and 186. The race to capture is now resolved, and both players probably knew at this point that their mutual struggle for victory produced the ultimate result- jigo (tie game). A Game of Go was premiered at the third U.S. Go Congress in Amherst, MA, in the summer of 1987. A colleague and I played the piano parts while Marvin Wolfthal, also a Go player and a pianist, performed the video part by pressing return on a computer in time to each move as indicated in my score. It has since enjoyed a number of performances, both with and without the video component, including performances at Carnegie Hall and the Kennedy Center, and was also featured on NPR's "All Things Considered" on Mar. 6, 1988. Two recordings have been released, one by the 2-piano team Quattro Mani, who titled their CD A Game of Go (Klavier 11106). Category: Music Tags: Go game of Go Go game igo weichi baduk Go and music Chess Chess and music American Go Association Japanese board game music piano 2 pianos two pianos music and video video Shusaku Yuzo
  6. Indeed. I think it is right to focus on events in Africa. They can be so indicative of events elsewhere Particularly with neo-colonialism in mind. (which, strangely enough) lead back to the Congo when JFK was around and further back too. At the moment there seems to be a lot going on and scant reports from which to gat a wholistic picture of the flow of events. Unfortunately Imperial History is like that. Just dates, and more dates, and much shredded.
  7. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7OdldcC-zgo http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7OdldcC-zgo French National Anthem - "La Marseillaise" (FR/EN)
  8. Quite right. Therefore one can use the present event as a template even if in reverse. Statements made then and statements made now shows a lot. I wonder also if it is then important to reassess the SS role in the assassination. Personally I wonder if a key lies in the guy who reportedly decided on the bubbletop based on a call to dealey plaza. I wonder if there was a continuous check. Anyway the other guys partied, didn't sleep enough. That's quite a hold on (with a potentially disastrous outcome) a guy when life choices are to be made. A stranglehold for many. So it was in their interest to justify unwitting roles born of circumstances with similarity to this matter. If you don't get it forget it. But if you do, I'd really like to see some direct input now as we are pasasing through a telling event involving ther same players(personas) right now.. edit typos
  9. There is stuff starting to dribble out. It does indeed appear that the US and Canado veto of Cubas involvement in the summit is indeed a central matter. (as well as the Malvinas of course). There is speculation that there may not be another summit and if there is the US government certainly knows now that the citizens of the world knows it is facing a new South America and it is encumbent on it to change or possibly find them selves further out of influence, one commentator had it that the US itself may be excluded from a next meeting.. Of course this is disturbing becuse it is so clear what to expect from the US when it finds itself in this position.
  10. 10:50 21 4 2012 isp drop 11:15 23 _ ,, _
  11. I don't know if there is any general consensus on this. I've followed previous discussions on it but they never seem to truly adress the matter. There have been some (imo) interesting comments on it. One persons testimony on this may be significant. HDH (of course). He and the 4 odd unidentified (tho I think a recent post may have named two) PIs with him from a vantage point overlooking the scene without lines of sound travel being as interfered with obstacles and without being too immediate. I don't think he really says much about it. but things can be inferred from whatever he does say. Another is one members desription of sound echoing across the opening of the underpass. (one thing to keep in mind is that an echo occurs at about units of 16 odd meters) Another is the semicircular pagoda wall which may act as a sound lens which could place a sound from that phenomena as a crack behind Newman or other places depending on where the sound came from. 2c fwiw edit add I forgot, also in all these things it's important to understand what front actually means to different people. Then one can understand where left right and behind is.
  12. The Summit in Cartagena was an important event. There's hardly anything in the msm about it that many people know exept for this rather hypocritical matter. Quite laughable really to compare it to the SS reported role in the JFK assassination. It seems they like soldiers become the fallguys for the people in charge who in this instance seem to have not done very well at all. They came there with an agenda but so did others. It will be interesting to follow South Amercan events unfold in the coming period.
  13. rip http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XaupBBI2x58 Men at Work - Down Under (Techno Remix)
  14. It might be worth reviving this thread. At the moment I'm picking through Goering by Richard Ovary with a mind to not only understand the economics of NAZI Germany but also look at relationships to others like Speer, Hesse, Doenitz, Ghelen, and whatever elements that went into embedding NAZIS in post war bureaucracy and who these persons were that were embedded. I think this has many avenues of relevance to the JFK assassination but I also think it has relevance in understanding the events the world is going through today. Not exactly a sexy topic, it seems, but it is nevertheless relevant to properly understand and therefore make informed judgements generally. edittypo
  15. Today I'd like to talk about phishing but I'm not going to.
  16. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=18875
  17. C U B A Havana. April 18, 2012 A message to my people April 14, 2012 "Year 54 of the Revolution" Dear compatriots: Returning to the world of the absurd after a very brief visit to the homeland which has led to the most diverse ramblings – some at a level of insanity only possible for the detractors of our society – it’s time for me to pay a debt I owe to my people with these words. They are not directed to those who were hoping to criticize us, anticipating that my stay in Cuba would become a political event and are now doing so because it was so discreet. Nor are these words directed to those who predicted I would not return and are now seeking the most diverse rationalizations to explain what I did. This is about an elemental responsibility I have to a people who felt as their own the respite offered by my brief visit, many of whom hoped to follow my visit in a spirit of solidarity and generosity. I owe these words only to this last group. As has been reported, my request to travel to Cuba was of a humanitarian nature, within the letter and spirit of the legal framework established for my supervised release. It did not represent a favor or a political demand, but rather a situation which had been foreseen within the law, which was resolved strictly adhering to the legal stipulations. In this same spirit of respect for the law which has guided us from the beginning of this process, it was absolutely necessary that my stay in the homeland not include anything which did not conform to the nature of my request. We had given our word and the moral authority, which the Five have won over the years throughout this story, was in the balance. This was the reason for the lack of exposure given my visit, which may have seemed surprising to some. I’m sure that this explanation will be understood by all who love us and who saw my visit as an opportunity for public demonstrations of joy and happiness. The limitations imposed by the nature of my trip made this impossible, beyond that which occurred spontaneously in a few places where my presence was required given the obligation to express my gratitude or shared experiences, in addition to the limitations on my time which was devoted to the reunion with my family and visiting my ill brother, the concrete reason for my trip. I have returned with unforgettable memories of the brief moments I walked along our streets and the spontaneous contact with some of our people, which are a source of inspiration and give me strength. I received during these days, from Cubans in all walks of life, open and sincere affection, always respectful of the conditions under which my visit took place and with the discretion required, in the most diverse expressions. I knew that by way of everyone of these compatriots, I was receiving the affection of millions who would have liked to have known about my stay. To all – those who I had the privilege of meeting and those I did not – I would like to express my most profound gratitude, be it for your generous demonstrations of respect, your expressions of solidarity or best wishes for my brother. Returning to the world of the absurd, I will devote myself to continuing this long battle for justice. It was absolutely necessary that my behavior in Cuba be extremely cautious. It was absolutely necessary that I return. I carry in my heart the intense experiences of those beautiful 14 days with my people, with whom I will some day celebrate the return of the Five. For now, to all of you, in the name of my family and my own, I send you our most profound gratitude. And in the name of the Five, I reiterate that we will not fail you and will always strive to be worthy of your support. A firm embrace. René González Sehwerert PRINT THIS ARTICLE
  18. Details of the meeting (being blanketed by a ridiculous scandal re SS and Military indiscretions as if that is anything new, avoiding the real issues) C U B A Havana. April 18, 2012 DECLARATION OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT For our second independence THE Summit held in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, gave evidence of the ever-growing abyss that exists between "Our America", as Martí called it, and the "turbulent and brutal North that despises us." Cartagena witnessed a rebellion of Latin America and the Caribbean against the imposition made by "one and a half governments" which applied their imperial veto to paragraphs in the Draft Final Declaration of the so-called Summit of the Americas which demanded an end to the blockade and Cuba’s exclusion from hemispheric events. Since the celebration of the former Summit in 2009, the illusions about the policy of President Obama vanished; a gap between his speeches and his actions widened. There were no major changes in the policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean. The blockade against Cuba continued and it was even tightened in the financial sector, despite the international condemnation and the overwhelming vote against it at the United Nations General Assembly. The purpose of the blockade is "to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government", which is now known as "change of regime". The ALBA group met on February 4 last in Caracas on the occasion of the celebration of an anniversary of the historical Civic and Military Rebellion of 1992. It adopted one Declaration on the Sovereignty of Argentina over the Malvinas Islands, another on the blockade and described the imposition of Cuba’s exclusion from these events as unfair and unacceptable. President Correa resolutely stated that if this issue was not resolved, Ecuador would not attend the Cartagena Summit. This statement shook the entire region. That courageous stand was the prelude to what happened next. President Raúl Castro expressed at the ALBA meeting: "I would like to thank President Correa, Evo and all of you for your statements…You are absolutely right; this is an issue of utmost importance. We have never asked for such a measure, but that does not mean we will not support this one, which we think is only fair." The president of Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos visited us, in a respectful fashion, and received a response from President Raúl Castro Ruz stating that Cuba, if invited, would attend the Summit, abiding by its principles and the truth, with absolute respect, as is customary. He deserves credit for explicitly introducing the issue of the blockade and the exclusion of Cuba. President Evo Morales, who was the first to question the Summit at the February ALBA meeting in Caracas, waged a battle in Cartagena and stated as follows: "We are going through a phase of disintegration. It is not possible that one country could veto the presence of Cuba. Therefore, there is no integration; and with the absence of Ecuador, an absence that is only fair to protest the U.S. veto against Cuba, what kind of integration can we talk about?" On April 13, President Chávez exclaimed: "Now, truth be told, if these two governments, the United States and Canada, refuse to discuss issues that are so profoundly identified with Latin America and the Caribbean such as the issue of Cuba, the sister nation of Cuba, the fraternal Cuba, or the issue of the Malvinas Islands, what’s the point of holding any more Summits of the Americas? We will have to do away with these Summits". Before that, he had written: "We likewise call for an end to the shameful and criminal blockade of the sister Republic of Cuba, a blockade that has been cruelly and brutally imposed by the empire for more than 50 years against the heroic people of José Martí." At a massive rally in solidarity with Cuba, full of young people, held on April 14 in Managua, Daniel Ortega stated as follows: "I think it is high time for the government of the United States to listen to all Latin American nations, with the most diverse ideologies and political philosophies, ranging from the most conservative to the most revolutionary. But, despite that, they all agree that Cuba must be present in these meetings; otherwise there won’t be any other so-called, or misnamed, Summit of the Americas." The unitary and solid stand adopted by Our America on the blockade, the exclusion of Cuba and the Malvinas Islands was truly impressive. The resolve and dignity upheld by the President of Argentina in her strong defense of these causes were indicative. We felt proud when the President of Brazil, Dilma Rousseff, expressed with serene dignity, in front of Obama, that the Greater Homeland can only be treated as an equal and reaffirmed the common position in support of Argentina and Cuba. The Caribbean leaders gave evidence of the soundness of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the fact that the Caribbean and Latin America are likewise indivisible. Their defense of Argentinean sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands and their traditional and categorical support to Cuba were transcendental. The left, popular, trade union, youth and student organizations, as well as the NGO’s, gathered at the Congress of the Peoples in Cartagena expressed an emotional solidarity with Cuba. The Inter-Parliamentary Meeting of the Americas condemned the exclusion of and the blockade of our country. The United States underestimated the fact that on December 2, 2011, in Caracas, on the occasion of the Bicentennial of the Independence of that country, under the leadership of Chávez, and on the occasion of the 55th anniversary of the Landing of the Granma, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was founded, an event that had been anticipated by the leader of the Revolution, Fidel Castro Ruz, on February, 2010, when he wrote: "no other institutional event in our hemisphere in the course of the last century has been so transcendental." At that first Summit, when Cuba was elected as President of CELAC for the year 2013, Army General Raúl Castro Ruz stated: "With the decisions which we have adopted here and the joint work that we have carried out during the last three years, we have vindicated more than two centuries of struggles and hopes. Having come this far has required effort, blood and sacrifice. The colonial metropolis of the past and the imperial powers of the present have opposed this endeavor." Obama does not seem to understand either the significance of the Bolivarian victory of April 13, 2002, or the fact that it’s been ten years now since the coup d’etat, organized by his predecessor with the support of the OAS and the Spanish government headed by Aznar, against President Hugo Chávez, in an attempt to annihilate the Bolivarian Revolution and assassinate its leader. As the Venezuelan Foreign Minister, Nicolás Maduro, reminded him, looking him straight in the eye, in a memorable speech delivered at the Cartagena Summit, the U.S. government continues to intervene in the internal affairs of Venezuela and support the coup conspirators whose members have now become electoral candidates. President Obama should have realized that the Cartagena Summit was not the best place to offer Cuba advice about democracy, much less when the person attempting to do so was absolutely isolated, forced to apply the empire’s veto, given its lack of ideas and political or moral authority. He engaged in demagogy prior to some troublesome elections. He should rather take care of his wars, crises and politicking. We, Cubans, will take care of Cuba. The United States never wanted to discuss the terrible consequences of neoliberalism for Latin America and the Caribbean; or the situation of immigrants in the United States and Europe, who are separated from their families, cruelly deported or murdered at walls like the one that has been built along the Río Bravo. The U.S. government never agreed to talk about the poor either, who account for half of humanity. The empire and the former colonial metropolis do not listen to the "indignados," their citizens and minorities who live in poverty in those opulent societies, while investing huge amounts of money to bail out corrupt bankers and speculators. In the superpower, 10 per cent of families control 80 per cent of the wealth. Those resources are enough to solve the problems of the planet. The novelty at the Cartagena meeting was that many of the governments, with natural differences and different approaches, demanded an alternative model that gives priority to solidarity and complementarity over competition based on selfishness; guarantees a harmonious relationship with nature rather than the plundering of natural resources or frenzied consumption. They called for the protection of cultural diversity as opposed to the imposition of values and lifestyles that are alien to our peoples. They asked for the consolidation of peace and rejected wars and militarization. They launched an appeal to recover the human condition in our societies and build a world that promotes respect for the plurality of ideas and models; the democratic participation of society in government affairs, including consultation about economic and monetary policies; the battle against illiteracy, infant and maternal mortality and curable diseases. They called for greater access to both free and truthful information and potable water. They recognized the existence of social exclusion and the fact that human rights are to be exercised by all and should not be used as a political weapon by the powerful. This time, the United States government was forced to listen, not to an almost unique voice as had been the case for decades or to a slender minority as occurred until very recently. Now it was the majority of peoples which expressed itself at the Summit to promote this indispensable debate either through their Presidents and Heads of Delegations or through the stand adopted by those who did not attend. The Summit was censored because the empire listens with deaf ears. In Cartagena, the Monroe Doctrine –"America for the Americans"- was laid bare. As if no one could remember the deception of the Alliance for Progress in 1961 and the Americas Initiative or FTAA in 1994, they have tried to trick us into trusting the "Alliance of Equals." As Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz predicted during an international event held in Cartagena on June 14, 1994, the so-called Summits of the Americas have only benefited the North. When expressing his opinion about a similar meeting held in Washington 105 years ago, José Martí wrote: "After viewing with judicial eyes the antecedents, motives, and ingredients of the feast, it is essential to say, for it is true, that the time has come for Spanish America to declare its second independence." During the meeting itself, ALBA declared both officially and publicly that without a radical change in the nature of these Summits, it will never attend these meetings again. Other continental leaders have made similar statements. As to the OAS - that unburied corpse - there is no need to say anything about it. The Republic of Argentina has the inalienable right to exercise its sovereignty over the Malvinas, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands as well as over the surrounding maritime areas. Cuba is mindful of the fact that the Greater Homeland will not be complete until the sister people of Puerto Rico is able to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination and until Puerto Rico, a Latin American and Caribbean nation, submitted to the colonial status imposed by the United States, achieves its full independence. With a solid consensus on regional sovereignty and the defense of our culture within our rich diversity, with almost 600 million inhabitants and abundant natural resources, Our America has now the opportunity to solve the serious problems of extreme inequality in the distribution of wealth and could contribute, with its already obvious strength, to the "equilibrium of the world", the defense of peace and the preservation of the human species. To that end, and in the face of attempts to divide us and derail us, which will continue to appear over and over again, Our America must remain united. No one in the North should ever forget that 51 years ago the Cuban people were already defending, at this very hour, a Socialist Revolution on the bloodstained sands of Playa Girón and that, ever since, "all the peoples of the Americas are a little bit freer." Havana, April 18, 2012 R e f l e c t i o n s o f F i d e l C a s t r o Havana. April 18, 2012 Reflections of Fidel Sugarcoated realities fading away (Taken from Cubadebate) I was surprised today as I listened to the speech delivered by Jose Miguel Insulza in Cartagena. I thought that the person who was speaking on behalf of the OAS would at least demand some respect for the sovereignty of the peoples of this hemisphere which were for years colonized and cruelly exploited by colonial powers. Why didn’t he say a single word about the Malvinas Islands, or demand respect for the sovereign rights of the sister nation of Argentina? The Cartagena Summit went through episodes that will not be easily forgotten. It is true that its celebration required a huge effort. Despite the several hours that have elapsed since its inaugural session, we have no idea of what happened during the lunch sponsored by Santos, with which he attempted to make up for the colossal amount of energy used up by the participants in that Summit. Those who may find this entertaining, will very seldom in their lives have the opportunity to watch the faces of more than thirty political leaders in front of the TV cameras since they got out of their cars until the moment when, after the heroic and final effort involved in walking down a long carpeted corridor, they climbed up 10 or 12 steps to the stage where the host, smiling and happy, waited to greet them. It didn’t matter whether they were young or of age, or whether they had flat feet, knee surgery or difficulties in one or both legs. They were forced to continue to the top. Rich or poor, they were compelled to observe the protocol. Curiously enough, Obama was the only one who took advantage of the route to get some exercise. As he was walking all by himself, it was easier for him to do so: he adopted a sporting attitude and jogged up the steps. The women attending the Summit either as companions or as Heads of State were the ones who did it best. Once again they proved that the world would be a far better place if they took care of political affairs. Perhaps there would be fewer wars, although no one can be sure of that. Some might say that, for obvious political reasons, Obama was the figure who made the worst impression on me. However, this was not the case. I noticed he was pensive and at times quite absent. It was as if he were sleeping with open eyes. No one knows how much rest he had before arriving in Cartagena, which generals he spoke with, what problems were on his mind; whether he was thinking about Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, North Korea or Iran. Quite certainly, of course, he was thinking about the elections, Tea Party moves and Mitt Romney’s sinister plans. At the very last minute, shortly before the Summit, he decided that the tax contributions of the richest should equal at least 30% of their income, as it was before the Bush Jr. administration. This, of course, would allow him to portray a clearer image of his sense of justice as opposed to the Republican right. But the real problem is this: the enormous debt accumulated by the federal government, which exceeds 15 trillion dollars and demands no less than 5 trillion dollars in resources. The tax to be imposed on the richest will contribute around 50 billion dollars over a period of ten years, while the need for funds will increase to 5 trillions. Therefore, he will be receiving one dollar for every 100 that are needed. An eighth grader could do these calculations. We should remember very well what Dilma Rousseff demanded relations ‘on equal terms’ with Brazil and the rest of Latin America. "The Euro-zone has responded to the economic crisis with a monetary expansion, thus provoking a ‘tsunami’ that has led to an appreciation of the Brazilian currency and has damaged the competitiveness of the national industry", she stated. Those realities do not escape Dilma Rousseff, a capable and intelligent woman who knows how to address them with authority and dignity. Obama, who is accustomed to having the last word, knows that the Brazilian economy is emerging with impressive strength and that, in conjunction with others like those of Venezuela, Argentina, China, Russia, South Africa and others from Latin America and the world, will trace the future of the world’s development. The biggest problem of all is to preserve peace in the face of an increasing danger of war that, given the destructive power of modern weapons, would push humanity to the edge of an abyss. I realize that the meetings in Cartagena are taking a long time and the sugarcoated realities are fading away. Nothing was said about the guayabera shirts presented to Obama as a gift. Somebody will have to compensate the Cartagena designer Edgar Gómez. Fidel Castro Ruz April14, 2012 9:58 p.m. PRINT THIS ARTICLE
  19. Maybe a well thought out, rational. coordinated action in DP dealing with this plus leafleting etc at interviews etc can USE this release to create the necessary doubt that may draw people in to the investigation. Use it as a springboard.
  20. http://www.granma.cu/ingles/cuba-i/16abril-fidel-Phu-Trong.html C U B A Havana. April 16, 2012 FIDEL MEETS WITH NGUYEN PHU TRONG Renovation has not been an easy task • According to Nguyen Phu Trong, Secretary General of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee, in an interview with Granma. Lázaro Barredo Medina & Claudia Fonseca Sosa Just prior to his interview with Granma, on the afternoon of April 11, Nguyen Phu Trong, Secretary General of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee, had the opportunity to meet with Fidel and our conversation began with his impressions of the encounter. I just returned from Fidel’s house and we had a conversation that lasted almost two hours. If we had had more time, we would have continued talking. Today I saw a very healthy Fidel, as compared to our first meeting in 2010. The meeting was very cordial and interesting, without any kind of protocol, like two brothers living in the same house. Fidel held my hands for several minutes and said he was very happy [to see me.] We Vietnamese have a lot of respect for Fidel and his people. Once the conversation began, we became aware of the many things we have to reflect upon. Fidel spoke not only of political issues, but about science and technology as well. Fidel recalled his 1973 trip to Vietnam. He referred to my comments at the event held yesterday at Hai Phong wharf [in Havana] and of the strong friendship Cuba and Vietnam share. When I arrived, there was a copy of the lecture I gave, at the Party’s Ñico López Advanced Studies School, on the table. He asked about the number of copies made and the number of cadres at the event. He considered my speech insightful and accurate and wanted to clarify a few of the [Cuban] guidelines that are similar to policies Vietnam has been implementing. He wanted to know my opinion. He said that currently there are many people who only want to listen and not reflect. He also said that he had been following my visit through the media and asked how I had been feeling. He wanted to hear about aspects of my visit to the province of Pinar del Río and inquired, in some detail, about agricultural development in Vietnam. He was interested in our plans to visit different countries in Latin America and, to my surprise, knew that April 14 was my birthday and asked where I would be at that time. The entire time, Fidel showed that his mind was very clear, undertaking studies with a very logical, scientific approach. We are convinced that leaders need to have these qualities, to be concrete. STRATEGIES FOR SOCIALIST RENOVATION The Vietnamese leader offered a brief explanation of the principal steps Vietnam has taken in its policy of Renovation. When, in 1986, Vietnam began to implement the policy of Renovation – known in Vietnamese as Doi Moi – many thought that the country intended to abandon socialism. Since then, 26 years have transpired and history has shown the contrary, because through our experience, combined with Marxist-Leninist theoretical and scientific arguments, and the thought of Ho Chi Minh, we reached the conclusion that only through socialism can we maintain our national independence, prosperity and the happiness of our people. With the leadership of the Communist Party, the Vietnamese people have been able to adapt relevant economic transformations to the historical context and the concrete needs of the country, without sacrificing political stability. We have achieved impressive socio-economic gains and are constantly drawing closer to our ideal of "building a ten times more beautiful Vietnam." But in order to fulfill Ho Chi Minh’s dream we have had to deal with diverse obstacles and advance without making hasty decisions. Our Party is conscious that the transition to socialism is a prolonged, difficult and complicated process. The Doi Moi process has not been easy. Beginning in the 1980’s, through the present, we have come a long way. From 1981 until 1985, we went through what could be called pre-Renovation, during which we carried out different experiments, balancing theory with practice. We drew conclusions. It was not until 1986 that the policy of Renovation was formulated. Between 1980 and ‘81 we began to grant lands to rural workers, but it was not until the 6th Congress of our Party in 1986 that the Political Bureau drafted Resolution no. 10 which defined the work to be done one step at a time. From then on, agricultural development began to accelerate and, allow me to tell you, as an example, reaching production of 47 million tons of rice a year took a great deal of effort and continues to require effort year after year. Up until 1989, we were importing rice to meet the needs of the population. That year, we were not only able to meet our own internal needs, but were able to export our first million tons of rice, as well. In the industrial sector, something similar happened. Between 1981 and 1982, we began to eliminate the bureaucratic system, but the policies to be followed were not approved until 1986. It wasn’t until 1991 that talk began of a multi-faceted economy, of a market economy with a socialist orientation. During this period we were also facing a 20-year U.S. blockade and talk of integration into the world economy was not possible. And all of this in addition to other problems such as lasting damage caused by the wars. I will only mention one example. Millions of people, still today, are suffering incurable illnesses; hundreds of thousands of children are born with abnormalities, as a consequence of Agent Orange, a dioxin the U.S. troops sprayed during the war. According to experts, it will take Vietnam 100 years to completely rid itself of the bombs and mines still buried in our soil. As I said during my talk at the Ñico López, in the province Quang Tri alone, which Fidel visited in 1973, thousands and thousands of live bombs and mines remain buried in 45% of the arable land. These are just a few examples of the arduous task we faced in the renovation effort. Most difficult, however, is changing the general and individual mentality in Vietnam. Many people thought that the changes would lead us away from socialism. They even spoke of deviations, others are more conservative. Vietnam has not only made significant economic gains during the last 25 years, but has also solved some social problems in a much better fashion than capitalist countries at a similar level of development. And as evidence of this is the fact that, in our country, the poverty rate, which was 75% in 1986, was reduced to 9.6% in 2010. The renovation has led to very positive changes and considerably improved the lives of our people. This was recognized by the United Nations which has reported that Vietnam is one of the first countries to meet many of the Millennium Objectives. And during my visit these last few days in Cuba, as I’ve conversed with your leaders, it appears to me that you are in the same phase. The change of mentality must take place at all levels, from the highest level to the grassroots. The Renovation’s consolidation is an issue we addressed in our recent 11th Party Congress and, as for long term objectives and tasks, it should be emphasized that our goal is for Vietnam to become fundamentally an industrialized country by 2020. Our development strategy, from 2011 to date, is based on three basic principles: invest in infrastructure, develop human resources and reform institutions. Of course, we face challenges in the area of the economy and international integration and in the area of social programs where we face some limitations and doing it all, as I said during my lecture at the Party School here, we are conscious that corruption, bureaucratism and degeneration are potential dangers to a party in power, especially under market economy conditions. The Communist Part of Vietnam demands of itself constant self-renovation, self-criticism and is waging a vigorous struggle against opportunism, individualism and the degeneration of its ranks and throughout the political system. BILATERAL RELATIONS During your stay in Cuba, the excellent relations between Cuba and Vietnam, a symbol of the era, were noted. What are the ties between the two countries specifically and what cooperative projects are projected as a result of the visit? Both parties are products of revolutionary processes and of the fusion of distinct political organizations; this is something Cuba and Vietnam share. Both countries have a one party system. Cuba, as well as Vietnam, is developing via the socialist route. We are following the legacy of our predecessors in combination with Marxism-Leninism. We are two strong peoples, very brave and courageous in struggle. Our parties established, very early on, ties of friendship, solidarity and cooperation. We are following the same logic, defending our respective revolutions. Thus our relationship is very close. From very early on, we’ve exchanged work and leadership experiences, and we have collaborated in different international forums and bodies, promoting causes we share. In 2011, both parties held congresses and, once ours was concluded, we sent an emissary here to inform you of the outcome. Raúl has also offered to send us someone to do the same. At this time, Vietnam has the Renovation policy and Cuba is applying its strategy of updating its economic model. Both of us are following the socialist path. There are many similarities, although each country has its own conditions and historical particularities. There is nothing standing in the way of further development of the relationship between the two parties. During our visit, we have agreed to expand the exchange of delegations, as well as bilateral meetings and exchanges of experience. We are going to organize seminars, workshops between the two countries and the two parties. We want to continue building this friendship, this respectful mutual understanding, to strengthen this relationship of sisterhood, taking important steps along the road both countries have taken in the struggle for national independence and socialism. (Fotos: ESTUDIOS REVOLUCIÓN) PRINT THIS ARTICLE
  21. ? http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=5740&view=findpost&p=50030
  22. http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/apr/16/argentina-plan-nationalise-spanish-oil Argentina sent shock waves through the oil industry by announcing plans to nationalise local oil assets controlled by a Spanish company, in a controversial move that threatens to sour the already troubled relationship between the two countries.The move to seize 51% of Repsol's YPF business in Argentina sent the company's shares spinning down 18% on Wall Street and will worry other big foreign investors such as BP. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Argentina's president, introduced the new measure to Congress in a bid to recover sovereignty over its national hydrocarbon resources. Kirchner accused Repsol of failing to produce enough oil through YPF to meet Argentina's energy requirements. Repsol's alleged failure threatened to "practically turn us into an unviable country," Kirchner said. Economic and political interest in the country's hydrocarbons has rocketed since the end of last year when YPF announced it had discovered a shale oil site that could potentially yield 1bn barrels. Politicians have accused Repsol of failing to invest enough in future production at a time when the high cost of oil is undermining the country's economy. The nationalisation comes amid escalating threats against operators drilling for oil off the disputed Falkland Islands. Argentina is expected to expropriate about 24% of YPF from Repsol and another 26% from Argentina's Peterson Group at a price yet to be determined by the government. Kirchner said the price would be set by the national appraisal tribunal and insisted the business could continue to be managed "professionally". She said Argentina was one of the few countries that did not control its own oil. YPF is Argentina's biggest oil company and was in the hands of the state until the early 1990s. It was acquired by the Spanish group in 1999 and the boss of Repsol, Antonio Brufau, has been in Argentina since last week trying to head off a takeover. He told Mitre, a local radio station: "You've got to talk, not impose." Speaking in Madrid a few hours before the announcement, the Spanish prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, warned: "Wherever there is a Spanish company, the Spanish government will be there defending its interests as its own." Last week, Spain's foreign minister, José Manuel García-Margallo, threatened to break off economic and fraternal relations with Argentina if Kirchner moved against YPF. Independent petroleum experts were stunned by the development. "They are going to be closing the country as an investment destination," Anish Kapadia, an analyst at the London-based energy investment house Tudor Pickering Holt, told Bloomberg. BP, whose Pan American business in Argentina was a fully-integrated oil business covering exploration, production and petrol marketing, said it was unable to talk about what the nationalisation might mean for its business. "We have not heard anything from the government. It is business as usual for us. I do not want to make a comment on someone else's business," said a company spokesman. BP tried to sell the business in 2010 for $7bn to Bridas Corporation, a deal which fell apart. Kirchner's bill is expected to fly through Congress within the next couple of weeks thanks to the President's legislative majority.
  23. Spanish PM Mariano Rajoy could find himself having to intervene in regions run by his own People's party. Photograph: Europa Press via Getty Images The conservative Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy expects to take direct financial control of at least one of the country's ailing regional governments by May, according to sources in Madrid. With some regional debt already downgraded to junk, senior officials said it would be the regional governments themselves that came to Madrid to beg for help to get through the year. "It wouldn't be surprising if this happened in May," said a high-ranking official. "Some are paying interest rates that are impossible." International lenders are expected to welcome the plans after a series of warnings about the deteriorating state of the Spanish economy. Government borrowing costs jumped above 6% on Monday as foreign investors expressed their growing fears for Rajoy's administration and the prospect of a major default. The rate, or yield, on the country's 10-year government bonds hit 6.1%, the highest since December. Spain's Ibex 35-share index fell to 7245, down from February's 2012-high of 8902. Lyn Graham-Taylor, a Rabobank strategist, said: "We're back in full crisis mode. It is looking more and more likely that Spain is going to have some form of a bailout." Across Europe, markets recovered some of the losses from sharp falls last week. The FTSE 100 was up 37 points at 5689 after a drop to 5579 on Wednesday. Worries about Spanish bank loans to the beleaguered construction sector, bankrupt property developers and €50bn (£41.2bn) of outstanding debts in Portugal have unnerved investors. Markets are almost shut to some of Spain's 17 regions, so their best hope of financing deficit spending and rolling over debt is Rajoy's administration, which has passed tough new laws giving it the right to intervene in the regional governments. Government sources said the new law meant the regions, which control 37% of Spain's public spending, could be forced to impose greater austerity to meet the deficit targets they missed so spectacularly in 2011. The regions, which run health, education and other essential services, were largely responsible for Spain's failure to bring its deficit under control last year, leaving investors and other eurozone countries worried that they had become untameable. Rajoy may find himself in the politically embarrassing position of having to intervene in regions run by his own conservative People's party. The eastern Valencia region has had its debt downgraded to junk status and central Castile-La Mancha must find a way to cut its deficit from 7.3% of regional GDP to the government's 1.5% target this year. Other potential targets include the country's largest region, southern Andalucía, where the caretaker socialist administration was accused by officials in Madrid of hiding debt. Local officials have vigorously denied the claim and invited EU inspectors to scrutinise the accounts. A new Andalusian government, led by the socialists and backed by the communist-led United Left party, is expected to be formed soon following last month's regional elections. Government sources said any attempt at rebellion by Andalucía against the strict 1.5% deficit target would be met with intervention. Sources said the government was willing to share the political unpopularity of higher regional taxes or cuts in health and education. Over the next fortnight the government will pass measures allowing the regions to adjust their spending, mainly with cuts, on health and education by some €10bn a year. Regional government budgets must be approved by next month. Fellow eurozone countries have told Spain, which is now seen as the greatest threat to the common currency, to slash its deficit from 8.5% to 5.3% this year in what will be one of Europe's most stringent austerity programmes. Rajoy's government has announced €27bn of cuts in central government spending, but the biggest worry remains the regions – which, despite urging by the former socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero – failed to cut their deficit at all last year. To make Matters worse, Spain's finance minister, Luis de Guindos, admitted on Monday that the country, whose economy is projected to shrink by 1.7% this year, had entered recession in the first quarter. De Guindos said a stability programme agreed with Brussels would force Spain to cut its structural deficit to 3.5% of GDP this year. The structural deficit is the shortfall in a country's finances that is not explained by cyclical factors such as booms and downturns. He said that the structural deficit ballooned from a projected 4.7% to 7% last year. "In structural terms, we are going to compensate for the adjustment that should have been made last year, and the one we are committed to for this year," De Guindos said.
  24. December 28th, 2011 Call in U.S. to Eliminate Subversive Programs against Cuba Washington's failed programs for subversion in Cuba have a problematic heritage, including embezzlement, mismanagement and systemic politicization, so they should be removed, said Fulton Armstrong, an adviser to the Foreign Relations Committee United States Senate. The assertion is contained in an article written by him, entitled ‘It's time to clean up programs that promote a regime change in Cuba’, published by The Miami Herald and referred to today by the digital site www.cubadebate.cu. For his criticisms of the projects of the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), Armstrong draws on his experience of three years as principal investigator for the Committee on Foreign Relations on the political operations of these two entities for the island and Latin America. The writer, who worked on the issue of Cuba in the National Security Council under Clinton’s administrations (1993-1997 and 1997-2001), holds that the blockbusters of the program, at a cost of millions of dollars, were exaggerated and even fabricated, such as the creation of a network of independent libraries. He explained that the mandate of the Monitoring Committee was to try to ensure that funds-about $ 20 million a year, but up to 45 million in 2009 - were used effectively and in accordance with U.S. law. The work of the Commission was obstructed by the State Department and its subordinate agency, USAID, who refused to give information about the programs, which are signs of a covert intelligence operation from its secrecy, use of encryption technologies and concealment the role of government, says the article. In his argument, Armstrong refers to Phillip Alan Gross, a USAID contractor, who was arrested in December 2009 in Havana and sentenced in March 2011 to 15 years in prison for subversive covert operations on the island. When an operation of such Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) goes wrong and a clandestine officer is jailed, Washington uses a strategy to negotiate his release, but as a USAID covert contractor is detained, their political rhetoric is pressed, more money is given to the promised program, and they refuse to comment, he says. We did not know who Gross was (born in Maryland, USA), and in fact, after his arrest on the island, the State Department denied it furiously, and even some of our diplomats in Havana thought he worked for the CIA, the advisor exposed. Gross, convicted of the crime of Acts against the Independence and Territorial Integrity of the State, was sentenced to 15 years in prison last March, after it was demonstrated that he illegally introduced into Cuba, info-communications media to create internal networks of a work program aimed at destabilizing and subverting the constitutional order. In fulfilling his 585,000 dollars contract, Gross made five visits to Cuba, said Armstrong, who points out that the contractor said that U.S. officials had misled him. (AIN)
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