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Douglas Caddy

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  1. I had a volunary working relationship while still in high school in New Orleans with Kent and Phoebe Courtney. This was from 1954-56, until I left for college. I did not maintain contact after that date and am aware of any activities in which they engaged subsequently. I helped with the preparation of their publication, Free Men Speak and, later, The Independent American. The publication reprinted editorials from conservative newspapers, such as the Manchester (N.H.) Union-Leader and the N.Y. Daily News. There was little original editorial comment by the Courtneys in their publication during this period. I did not know that Gay Bannister was recommended to the La. or Miss. Sovereignty Commissions. I have never heard the name of Frank McGehee before. The John Birch Society had essentially through its activities tarnished its public image so that no thinking young conservative would have seen much benefit with associating with the group. I do not think that YAF in any way was used a vehicle to recruit members for the Society. Senator Strom Thurmond was a strong YAF supporter and spoke at YAF-sponsored events. I have no knowledge about his views of the John Birch Society.
  2. I do not consider William F. Buckley to be either a racist or opportunist. He is an extremely cerebral man, obviously gifted with a high I.Q. But even one so intelligent as he can make a grievous decision with disastrous results. Only within the last week has Buckley publicly acknowledged that Bush’s invasion of Iraq was a mistake and that now is the time to admit defeat and remove our troops. Millions of persons around the globe far less gifted intelligently than Buckley marched against the Iraq War in the months preceding the invasion. They foresaw disaster. Why didn’t Buckley? He is a captive to his significant role in history in jump-starting conservatism by writing “God and Man at Yale” in 1953 and initiating National Review magazine in 1955. In 1950, in “The Liberal Imagination,” Lionel Trilling declared that “the plain fact” was that there were no conservative ideas being seriously considered in public discourse. Buckley changed that. The real question today is: Now that Buckley has admitted that the Iraq War is a disaster, will he have the courage to go further and acknowledge that the conservative ideology has become morally bankrupt, and that its leaders, who control all three branches of the U.S. government, by their actions pose a threat to the viability of Western Civilization?
  3. The John Birch Society and Young Americans for Freedom were both conservative organizations and probably shared similar views on a number of public issues in the 1960's. The Birch Society mainly stressed anti-communism, while YAF had a broader view of public policy. YAF certainly did not embrace the view of Robert Welch, the Society’s founder, who proclaimed that “Eisenhower is a communist.” YAF’s public image was more moderate in its approach to public discourse. As a result, YAF attracted the support of leading conservative figures, while the Society did not. YAF’s membership was comprised of young persons, while the Society attracted adults. YAF sponsored it first conservative rally in March 1961, six months after its founding, which merited a front page article in The New York Times. The rally was held at the Manhattan Center on 34th street in New York City and over 3000 persons were turned away because the Center was already full with an even larger number. As the Times reported, those on the outside were assuaged by Senator Goldwater, who went outside the meeting hall and talked to them just before the rally began. The Times previously had recognized that something interesting was afoot when it carried an article about the activities of Youth For Goldwater at the Republican Convention in Chicago in August 1960. The Times’ reporter interviewed me and conveyed the significance of what was taking place then, while nevertheless characterizing me as a “young fogey.” In 1962 YAF held a second conservative rally at Madison Square Garden, which was packed with almost 20,000 attendees. On the other hand, the John Birch Society, due to its extremist image, was never able to mount a public meeting that attracted more than a few hundred people on any one occasion. For those who wish to learn more about the early years of YAF, the link below will bring up a YAF web page titled “Rebels with a Cause - Part I, The YAF Story 1960-1967" by Lee and Anne Edwards, both of whom were involved in the origins of YAF. http://www.yaf.com/rebels1.shtml
  4. Re: Tim Gratz threat: this article includes information about the NY civil suit filed recently in the Holloway case against the Aruba boy and his father. It shows that even if the civil case is decided against the boy and his father, the impact on them would probably be of no effect. Spilbor: The Case of Missing Alabama Teen Natalee Holloway http://writ.news.findlaw.com/commentary/20...27_spilbor.html
  5. I attended Alcee Fortier High School in New Orleans from 1954 until I was graduated in 1956. That same year I departed New Orleans and enrolled in the School of Foreign Service, at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C. In 1954, the Senate took up the matter of the censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy. Kent and Phoebe Courtney organized a public meeting of those who supported McCarthy and opposed his being censured. I attended and within days set up a small table in Jackson Square, in front of St. Louis Cathedral in the French Quarter, to solicit signatures on a petition opposing McCarthy’s censure. McCarthy was catholic, so there was no lack of signatories on the petition from those attending mass in the Cathedral. After the national petition drive, which had been organized by General Albert Wedemeyer, ended with the Senate’s censure of McCarthy, I did voluntary work after high school in helping the Courtney’s launch their publication, Free Men Speak, which later was re-named The Independent American. Later, at a public meeting of the Kohn Crime Commission, a quasi-governmental investigatory body set up to monitor organized crime in New Orleans, Kent Courtney introduced me to Guy Bannister. I departed New Orleans several years before Lee Harvey Oswald arrived and thus never met Oswald. As is known, Oswald was recruited by Bannister for “undercover” work and also was also recruited by Dr. Alton Oschner of the Oschner Cancer Clinic for “specialized” work . There are other topics already in the Forum that cover the period that Oswald worked with Oschner, so I won’t elaborate any further here on this aspect. However, there is a direct link between Dr. Oschner and the election of George Bush as President in 2000. I shall describe this in a forthcoming posting
  6. Civil Rights was not topic on the agenda of Young Americans for Freedom in 1960. My recollection is that it was not a topic on the agenda of Conservatives or Republicans until President Johnson initiated his civil rights legislation from 1964 to 1968. Then the Conservatives and the GOP united to oppose the legislation. Senator Goldwater was outspoken against the proposed legislation. I, myself, was not immune. In 1962 I hosted a reception for Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, the presidential candidate for the Dixiecrat Party in 1948, at the residence I shared with Tong Sun Park in the Georgetown section of Washington. Looking back, I can only say to myself, "Where was my mind?" A number of conservatives came to regret their opposition to civil rights. I remember how James Jackson Kilpatrick, a national conservative columnist and one-time editor of the Richmond (Virginia) News-Leader, wrote in his later years what a mistake steeped in human tragedy it was that he and the conservative movement failed to recognize the legitimacy of civil rights legislation. Louis Auchincloss, the wall street lawyer and author of many novels based on the elite WASP society, also was to write how he suddenly awoke and realized how wrong the conservatives were in some of their policy stands. Later I attempted to make amends. From 1980-81 I served as Director of Elections for the State of Texas in the first administration of GOP Governor William Clements. I used my position to make certain that the votes of African-Americans and Hispanics were correctly counted in the elections conducted in the 254 counties comprising Texas. In 1982, when the extension of the Federal Voting Rights Act was being considered by Congress, I testified before the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee in favor of the legislation. My prepared statement, entered into the printed record, drew upon information that I had learned as Director of Election for Texas.. Lyndon Johnson achieved his goal of becoming President of the United States with blood on his hands. But, give the devil his due, his civil rights and much of his Great Society legislation were monumental steps in making the American dream come true for millions of persons, citizens and non-citizens.
  7. In response to your query about the policy positions of YAF in 1960: YAF in its first year, when I was its National Director, merely coalesced around the general principles enunciated in the Sharon Statement, which was adopted at its founding meeting in Sharon, Connecticut at the Buckley family estate. During this period I was interviewed by The New Leader Magazine, which placed my picture on its cover. I was asked by its reporter at the time what YAF's policies were and replied, "Our policy is to have no policy." Behind this statement was the strategy of making certain that the new organization did not become "radioactive" by being labeled extremist as the result of embracing one particular policy that could be singled out for special criticism by the media. For example, Robert Welch of the John Birch Society about this time proclaimed publicly that "Eisenhower was a communist." This pretty much put an end to the Society's effectiveness because the media thereafter consigned it to the lunatic right. (Shortly after Welch made his statement, YAF chairman, Robert Schuchman, then a student at Yale University Law School, had breakfast with Edward Teller, the father of the H-Bomb. Schuchman made light of Welch's statement about Eisenhower being a communist and was dumbfounded when Teller said he agreed with Welch.) The Sharon Statement, which has been posted in the Forum, provided the perfect umbrella to explain where YAF stood on policy issues in its first year without having to get too specific. Later, YAF began publishing its monthly magazine, The New Guard, whose editor was Lee Edwards, son of famed Chicago Tribune reporter, Williard Edwards. Each issue of The New Guard contained articles that dealt with policy issues of the day.
  8. First, in regard to Marvin Liebman: As I had indicated in a prior post, Liebman in his columns in the three or so years prior to his death (circa 1994) that were published in gay newspapers around the country had written about his early days in the Young Communist League. Also, when we had worked together in the 1960's in launching YAF, he had told to me about his prior communist affiliation. So when he declared at our last visit just prior to his death that he had written a column titled "Lenin Was Right" and was prepared on the spot to fax it to the gay newspapers, I was not overly surprised. I do not remember exactly what was contained in the column but do retain the impression from our talk that he had become thoroughly disillusioned with the Republicans and the Conservatives. He believed that all their talk about capitalism and free enterprise merely served as a smokescreen that obscured their real purpose, which is make the rich richer at the expense of those in society who are less fortunate. My only motive in discouraging him in sending out the column was to save him from suffering a backlash, one that could have led to emotional trauma at a time when his death was imminent, from those who admired him for his work in creating the modern conservative movement. I am not certain whether I made a mistake in so advising him. The ultimate decision to send the column was, of course, his to make. Several years ago I related this above story about the column to Richard Viguerie, the fund-raising guru for America's right-wing. He considered Liebman to have been one of his closest friends. Viguerie registered complete shock upon so hearing. It could be that Liebman never told him of his communist past and, of course, not being a reader of the nation's gay newspapers, Viguerie was unaware of Liebman's writings in the twilight of his life. In regard to the split that took place in the initial YAF board of directors: It was concerned with strategy. Why did Goldwater at the 1960 Republican convention advise the Youth for Goldwater activists to make their organization a permanent one? He could just as well have said: stay active in the Young Republican National Federation. His concept, embraced by myself and others involved in the founding of Young Americans for Freedom, was to use the new organization to reach out and convert others to the conservative movement who did not consider themselves Republicans. These included members of the academic community, rank-and-file union members, Southerners, members of the media, and other segments of society. Up until the time when National Review under William Buckley appeared on the scene and a mass conservative movement emerged through YAF, the right-wing in America was an intellectual desert. Again, for more information about the subject, reference should be made to Prof. John Andrew's book, The Other Side of the Sixties, available through amazon.com.
  9. From what you know, why was the Watergte broken into? Steve Thomas I do not know why the burglars broke into the Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate. When Howard Hunt came to my residence about 3:30 A.M. on June 17, 1972, 60 minutes after the burglars were arrested, he remained there for about an hour. During this time the emphasis was on how to get the five arrested individuals out of jail on bail as soon as possible. I immediately telephoned one of the partners of the law firm of which I was an associate attorney and explained what had occurred, as related to me by Hunt who was present. The partner, who knew Hunt and was a former Assistant U.S. Attorney, then arranged for another attorney skilled in criminal law to accompany me in an attempt to post bail quickly for the arrested five, an effort that was doomed to failure from the start. I talked on the telephone with Gordon Liddy from my residence while Hunt was still there. Both Hunt and Liddy, besides retaining me to represent them individually, also retained me to represent the five arrested persons. After this initial meeting, Hunt disappeared. Apparently he had been ordered to leave town. He telephoned me from an unknown location several times but our conversations were short and stilted because by then I had been served with a subpoena to appear "forthwith" before the Watergate grand jury. On one of these occasions, Dorothy Hunt was in my office when Howard called. I did not have a lengthy substantive conversation with Hunt until after he was released from prison, when on one occasion we had dinner at a restaurant in Washington, D.C. Even then our conversation was circumspect, so that today I am still in the dark as to why there was a break-in at the Democratic Party headquarters. About a week after the case broke, Gordon Liddy visited my office one Saturday afternoon. In a boastful manner he declared that Watergate was the biggest criminal case of the 20th century. He was cool as a cucumber and appeared to be thrilled at the prospect of being a key player in the case.
  10. It should also be noted that Bennett's purchase of Mullen was orchestrated by Colson. Colson was Nixon's point man in winning back Howard Hughes, and his money... When Hughes fired Maheu, Nixon was horrified to find out that Maheu had put Larry O'Brien on Hughes' payroll. Nixon was scared that Maheu had told O'Brien about the pay-offs Maheu had given to Rebozo. Nixon had Colson work with Hughes and find Hughes a Washington representative, one that Nixon could trust. It's unclear whether it was Hughes or Colson who came up with the idea of finding a good Mormon to work for Hughes. (Hughes trusted Mormons.) Anyhow, Bennett fit the bill, got the Hughes gig (through Colson) and got Mullen (through Colson). Ironically, Neither Nixon nor Colson had any idea that Mullen was also a CIA front, and that, as a result, Bennett also got a case officer along with his Mullen gig. When Colson and Nixon found out about Bennett's CIA ties, they decided that all of Watergate had been a set-up and that it had been orchestrated by the CIA using Hunt, and Bennett as its principle agents. The irony, of course, was that both these men had achieved their proximity to the White House entirely through Colson's machinations. I've read where Bernard Barker said that Hunt worked for Hughes in the sixties. His official story was that he was with the CIA during this time. Did Hunt ever let on that he'd worked for Hughes prior to his working oin the Hughes account at Mullen? Do you still talk to Hunt? Is he working on any more books about his exploits? This is the first time I have heard that Charles Colson was responsible for Robert Bennett purchasing the Mullen Company from Robert Mullen. The scenario that you outline makes a great deal of sense, although I lack any personal information to support it. As I have indicated in a prior post, Robert Mullen wanted to retire and had approached Howard Hunt and myself about purchasing the Mullen Company. At that time I was an employee of General Food Corporation, a Mullen client, and did not know the Mullen Company was a CIA front. Howard Hunt obviously did know of the CIA connection as he was placed in the Mullen Company by Richard Helms, CIA Director. This took place soon after I commenced working out of the Mullen offices as a General Foods employee. When Robert Mullen suddenly disclosed that he was selling his company to Robert Bennett, both Hunt and I were taken by complete surprise. Hunt, even then, was a close friend of Colson through their Brown University alumni association. It would seem more likely that Colson would have asked Bennett and Hunt to be the co-purchasers of the Mullen Company, but I have no evidence to support this thesis. Whenever I see Robert Bennett on television these days, as the U.S. Senator from Utah, I say to myself that "The Secret State" has it own man looking after its interests directly in the U.S. Congress, a disturbing thought indeed. I am not in communication these days with Hunt. The last communication that I received was a letter from his wife about two years ago informing me of Hunt having undergone a hospital operation and reporting on his health developments. When the Advocate article of August 16, 2005 about my role in Watergate was published, I sent a copy of the magazine to both Hunt and Gordon Liddy but never received a reply back from either. While there is controversy about some of the activities that Hunt engaged in during his professional career, in my opinion his motivation was always to do what he thought was best for his country, which included at times putting his own life on the line.
  11. I noticed that I failed to answer a question that you recently posed about whether I have been in communication with Billie Sol Estes since 1984. The answer is negative. After he failed to meet with the FBI agents sent to Abilene to interview him in Sept. 1984, our communications ceased. I did keep in contact for a brief time with Pam Estes, his daughter, who completed an unrelated research paper for which she was paid through a Moody Foundation grant. I might add other clarifications here also. I have seen Forum posts linking me to Operation Gemstone, which was part of Watergate. I was in no way connected with Gemstone and only learned about it from reading the press. About three months before the Watergate case broke in June 1972, one of the partners of the law firm at which I was employed assigned me to do volunteer legal work for John Dean, Counsel to the President. Up until the case broke I did legal work on campaign financing issues on a part-time basis out of the White House under Dean's direction and one of his close associates. I also prepared a legal paper on campaign financing for Gordon Liddy, who was Counsel for the Committee to Re-Elect the President. To the best of my recollection, I was never questioned about this legal work for Dean or Liddy either when I was before the Watergate grand jury or by the Watergate Special Prosecutor. Apparently, these authorities were aware of the work and had checked it out and found it not relevant. I was never interviewed by the Senate Watergate Committee, although I sent its chairman, Senator Sam Ervin a copy of my first book "The Hundred Million Dollar Payoff", which carried an introduction dealing with Watergate, and received a nice letter from the Senator in response. Also, in regard to Marvin Liebman: After Liebman and William Rusher, two adults, engineered the takeover of Young Americans for Freedom by making it an auxiliary of the Young Republican National Federation in 1961, I ceased contact with Liebman. He claimed that I had brought about a split in the YAF board of directors over the issue when in fact the takeover of the organization took place when I was on 6-months active duty in the U.S. Army. I did oppose the takeover but being in the service at Fort Jackson, South Carolina, severely limited my ability to influence the outcome. However, Liebman asked me to visit him just prior to his death, which took place about six years ago (I cannot remember the precise year.) At our visit we made amends for any ill feelings that stemmed from the YAF controversy that occurred over 30 years previously. Only then did Liebman tell me that he was dying of cancer. He showed me a column he had written that he proposed to send to the various gay newspapers around the country that regularly carried his writings. The title of the column was "Lenin was Right." Liebman maintained, correctly, in the column that the Republicans and the conservatives were reverting to their old roots that espoused advocating only the cause of the elite and wealthy. (Liebman, in prior columns in the gay newspapers, had written about his days in the youth arm of the Communist Party in the 1930's.) I advised him that sending out a column with the inflammatory title of "Lenin was right" in light of his failing health would only serve to alienate many of those in the modern conservative movement who admired what he had done in launching it. He reluctantly agreed. As we parted, he said, "See you on the other side." When he died soon thereafter, no memorial service was held, which was in accordance with his expressed wishes.
  12. The shooting took place on a ranch in south Texas. No news was leaked out about it for 18 hours and then only to a local newspaper. The news was leaked by a lobbyist who has represented a company that is the second largest contractor in Iraq, having U.S. contracts worth $5.2 billion. The sheriff of the county in which the shooting took place waited 14 hours to investigate. The sheriff's investigation did not include interviewing the shooting victim. The victim is the owner of the building in Austin that housed the Bush gubernatorial campaign headquarters and the private office of Karl Rove. The office of the Vice President did not release a statement until two days after the shooting. The White House press secretary, one of Barr McClellan's sons, purposely misled the press about the event and declared it was time "to move on." The hospital administrator where the victim is being treated said that he did not know what all the fuss was about. Everyone involved in keeping mum about the exact details of the shooting. The victim is 78 years old and may die from the pellets permanently lodged in his body. In short, it's Texas corruption and politics all over again. (If the victim dies, there will be an attempted cover-up at the local level that will ultimately fail because news travels too fast these days via the Internet in contrast to the 1960's.)
  13. (4) In 1960, while a student in the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University in 1960, I helped form Youth for Goldwater for Vice President. Nixon was assured the GOP's presidential nomination, so the strategy was to build up Goldwater's statute through advocating his nomination for the second position. Goldwater was a big success at the 1960 GOP convention in Chicago, which transformed him into a national political figure. In a meeting during the convention held at the Pick Congress Hotel, Goldwater told the Youth for Goldwater activists there that they should not let their movement end with the convention, that they should form a permanent organization. William F. Buckley, along with Marvin Liebman and myself, were present at this meeting and Buckley volunteered his family estate, Great Elm, in Sharon, Connecticut to host the founding of the permanent national youth organization. This took place subsequently in September 1960 and chose the name of Young Americans for Freedom. The story of the founding of YAF is best told in Prof. John Andrew's book, "The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of the Conservative Politics" and in M. Stanton Evans' book, "Revolt on the Campus." At the founding meeting, I was elected as National Director of YAF. About a year after it was formed, I entered the U.S. Army, where I served 6 months active duty and 7 ½ years reserve duty. While I was on active duty, Marvin Liebman and William Rusher, publisher of Buckley's National Review, organized a coup that brought new leadership into the organization. In effect, YAF then became an auxiliary of the Young Republican National Federation, and, in my opinion, lost is effectiveness in affecting intellectual thought. After my release from the U.S. Army, I soon ceased to be active in YAF not only because I disagreed with its overt partisan political approach but also because I had entered New York University Law School. As a result I am not in a position to comment on the policy positions it later took on the main issues of the day. Prof. Andrew's book probably is the best source of information on this. (5) To the best of my knowledge, the original YAF board of directors had only one member of the John Birch Society on it. This was Scott Stanley, editor of American Opinion, the Birch national magazine. Stanley was among those directors, including myself, who vigorously opposed the Liebman-Rusher strategy of converting YAF into an auxiliary of the Young Republican National Federation. YAF at no time was ever the arm of the John Birch Society, although Scott Stanley's presence on its board of directors permitted the Society's views to be espoused at the directors' meetings. (6) Ray Cline, E. Howard Hunt, and John Singlaub were not involved in any way in establishing YAF. The main persons so involved were William F. Buckley, Marvin Liebman, Charles Edison and myself. I was never paid compensation for the volunteer work that I did for YAF. My full time job, until I entered the Army, was Executive Director of the Committee for Public Affairs, McGraw-Edison Company. Charles Edison, son of Thomas Edison, former governor of New Jersey and former Secretary of the Navy under Roosevelt, was chairman of McGraw-Edison Company and provided the financial "seed" money that launched YAF. I worked on a daily basis with Gov. Edison, who resided in the Towers of the Waldorf-Astoria on the same floor with General Douglas MacArthur and Herbert Hoover. Marvin Liebman, who had his own public relations company, was Edison's right-arm in the latter's attempts to influence public affairs. Gov. Edison and I shared the same political philosophy that the American Eagle needs two wings, right and left, to fly straight and that the Eagle faces danger in surviving if either of these wings becomes overwhelmingly too strong, as is the case today with the GOP sociopaths and opportunists in control of U.S. government.
  14. (1) Billie Sol never indicated to me that he was in any way involved in the Henry Marshall murder. However, he also never fully discussed this case with me. As far as I know, he only disclosed it in detail when he appeared before the Robertson County, Texas, grand jury in 1984. Billie Sol is an active member of the Church of Christ denomination. If the Moody Foundation grant had been approved to fund the telling of his story, it was to have been through a grant from the Foundation to Abilene Christian University, an educational institute located in Billie Sol's hometown that had previously received Moody Foundation grants. Billie Sol on more than one occasion said to me that the primary reason he want to tell publicly what he knew about his relationship with LBJ was to set the record straight to atone for serious sins he had committed. (2) Billie Sol never provided any documentation to me concerning the deaths of Henry Marshall, George Krutilek, Harold Orr, Ike Rogers, Coleman Wade, Josefa Johnson, John Kinser and John F. Kennedy. He was to disclose fully what he knew about these murders to the FBI agents that were sent from Washington, D.C. to interview him in September 1984, but he abruptly backed out at the last moment from so doing. (3) I do not have any information about the death of Ike Rogers and his secretary.
  15. Howard Hunt was placed in the Mullen Company in 1970 by the then Director of the CIA. When Robert Mullen decided to retire, he initially approached Hunt and myself to purchase the company from him. There were several discussions among the parties, which abruptly ended when Mullen announced that he was selling the company solely to Robert Bennett, whose father was a U.S. Senator from Utah. I departed General Foods at that time to begin employment with a law firm in Washington, D.C. The Mullen Company collapsed in the wake of the Watergate scandal when its cover was blown as a CIA front. Robert Bennett then went to work for a Howard Hughes entity and later succeeded his father as U.S. Senator, where he serves today, doing the bidding of the Mormon Church and the CIA. In 1971 Charles Colson, a fellow alumnus of Brown University, approached Hunt about working part-time for the White House while still being employed by the Mullen Company. Soon thereafter Hunt met Gordon Liddy and the two began coordinating activities. In answer to your query about how Hunt ended up with an office in the White House, the answer then is solely through the sponsorship of Charles Colson.
  16. In my opinion there is virtually no chance that any of the murders, including that of Henry Marshall, will ever be investigated further. LBJ, Cliff Carter, Mac Wallace, and Clint Peoples are no longer alive. This does not mean that the historical record should not be set straight (forgive the double negative), which is what you are doing at the present time through the Forum. Robert Caro's final biographical volume on LBJ has yet to be published. I have heard conflicting reports whether it will cover the murders or not. In 1986, I talked to Caro briefly when he gave a speech at the University of Houston about architecture, a subject in which he was absorbed. I asked him afterwards if he was going to include Mac Wallace in his LBJ book. He looked startled and grabbed me by my lapels and asked me for my business card. He obviously was interested in Wallace but I heard nothing further from him.
  17. In my opinion there is virtually no chance that any of the murders, including that of Henry Marshall, will ever be investigated further. LBJ, Cliff Carter, Mac Wallace, and Clint Peoples are no longer alive. This does not mean that the historical record should not be set straight (forgive the double negative), which is what you are doing at the present time through the Forum. Robert Caro's final biographical volume on LBJ has yet to be published. I have heard conflicting reports whether it will cover the murders or not. In 1986, I talked to Caro briefly when he gave a speech at the University of Houston about architecture, a subject in which he was absorbed. I asked him afterwards if he was going to include Mac Wallace in his LBJ book. He looked startled and grabbed me by my lapels and asked me for my business card. He obviously was interested in Wallace but I heard nothing further from him.
  18. I did not represent Bernard Barker, one of the Watergate burglars, prior to the case breaking open on June 17, 1972. However, I did meet him on one occasion several months earlier and so testified before the grand jury in the first weeks of the case. My meeting came about by Howard Hunt inviting me to join him for lunch at the Navy Club in Washington, D.C. When I arrived there, Hunt and Barker were already seated and Hunt made the introductions. I do not recall exactly what we discussed but it most likely was Barker's role under Hunt in the ill-fated invasion of Cuba that took place under President Kennedy, who later came to believe that he had been misled and misadvised by the CIA on the matter. Hunt's recounting of the invasion is told in his book, "Give Us This Day." Even Hunt's most vociferous critics concede that he is an extremely gifted writer and this is reflected in all of his books, including the above-mentioned one. I did talk to Mrs. Barker several times in the days immediately following her husband's arrest, primarily about providing security for bail to get him out of jail. With her permission I publicly alluded to these calls in order to provide an excuse for my showing up at the jail on the day of the arrests without having received a telephone call from any of those arrested. Of course, it is well known now that Hunt and Liddy retained my legal services within hours after the arrests to represent them and those arrested. But I could not then publicly disclose Hunt's and Liddy's names as they had not been arrested. When Hunt came to my residence about an hour after the arrests, having a short time earlier telephoned me from his office in the Executive Office Building that adjoins the White House, I was amazed that he did not fully comprehend the significance of what had occurred at the Watergate complex and its potential grave impact. After hearing what he related, I was dismayed and said to myself, "Well, the Republicans have really done it to themselves this time." I knew that it was unlikely that the five arrested individuals could be quickly set free on bail but attempted nevertheless, with the advice of one of the partners of my law firm who was a former Assistant U.S. Attorney, to do so in the hope of averting a major scandal. My effort was in vain, just as I had feared it would be. The rest, as the saying goes, is history.
  19. You are correct in the general assertion that grand jury testimony is secret. However, there is a recognized exception to this legal rule that permits any witness who has appeared before the grand jury to disclose publicly what transpired during that witness's appearance, including testimony and queries posed by the prosecutor and jury members. This is applicable even if the witness is a defendant, although in most cases a defendant decides not to speak out. I talked to Billie Sol within a few days following his grand jury appearance in March 1984 in Robertson County, Texas. He had received transactional immunity from the prosecutor before testifying. The grand jury appearance had been arranged with Billie Sol's consent by U.S. Marshal Clint Peoples. It was my impression in talking to Billie Sol afterwards that he wanted his testimony before the grand jury to be made public and had so authorized public discussion by the prosecutor, U.S. Marshal Peoples, and his own attorney. There were a number of press reports at the time, so it would be impossible now to state which exact source of information about Billie Sol's testimony was used by the writer of a particular press report. Billie Sol desired to set the record straight publicly about murders commissioned by LBJ and wisely employed the grand jury system to accomplish this end.
  20. You are correct in the general assertion that grand jury testimony is secret. However, there is a recognized exception to this legal rule that permits any witness who has appeared before the grand jury to disclose publicly what transpired during that witness's appearance, including testimony and queries posed by the prosecutor and jury members. This is applicable even if the witness is a defendant, although in most cases a defendant decides not to speak out. I talked to Billie Sol within a few days following his grand jury appearance in March 1984 in Robertson County, Texas. He had received transactional immunity from the prosecutor before testifying. The grand jury appearance had been arranged with Billie Sol's consent by U.S. Marshal Clint Peoples. It was my impression in talking to Billie Sol afterwards that he wanted his testimony before the grand jury to be made public and had so authorized public discussion by the prosecutor, U.S. Marshal Peoples, and his own attorney. There were a number of press reports at the time, so it would be impossible now to state which exact source of information about Billie Sol's testimony was used by the writer of a particular press report. Billie Sol desired to set the record straight publicly about murders commissioned by LBJ and wisely employed the grand jury system to accomplish this end.
  21. In regard to the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 prepared by L. M. Walters for Mark Felt that mentions my name in several places, I would merely point out that my role in Watergate is explained in prior posts in the Forum that draw upon my manuscript published in The Advocate magazine of August 16, 2005. In brief, I was retained as an attorney in the early morning hours of June 17, 1972 by Howard Hunt and Gordon Liddy to represent them in the case and to represent the five persons arrested within the Democratic Party's national headquarters. My manuscript and the article that accompanied it in The Advocate can be read in their entirety using links provided in the Forum or provided by Google after typing in Douglas Caddy. However, it may appropriate for me at this time to provide some additional information, especially since Mr. Newton ties my representation of these individuals to the JFK assassination. (1) At the time the assassination occurred, I was enrolled in New York University Law School. I also was employed in the New York City office of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, located at 22 West 55th St, on the staff of Lt.-Gov. Malcolm Wilson. I received a phone call within minutes of the shooting of President Kennedy from a friend on Wall Street, who had read about it on the AP wires, and immediately informed Lt.-Gov. Wilson and Gov. Rockefeller's staff, none of whom had heard what had happened. (2) The Walters' memorandum to Mark Felt of 5/23/1973, prepared in response to a directive of the prior day from Felt, is interesting in what is left out of the FBI document. This is the fact that it was Mark Felt who was Deep Throat and who was supplying Woodward and Bernstein with the inside information of the FBI's investigation. Felt's role is described in Woodward's book published last year, The Secret Man. Not only is Mark Felt's role as Deep Throat left out of the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 but also omitted is the evidence that Felt was the primary cause of the Watergate coverup. The evidence is as follows: I was retained by Hunt and Liddy on June 17, the day of the burglary. On June 28, 11 days later, while I was in the U.S. Court House working on my clients' case, I was served with a subpoena to appear Forthwith before the federal grand jury. Assistant U.S. Attorney Donald Campbell physically pulled me by my arm into the grand jury room. Over the next three weeks I was to testify five times before the grand jury. I refused to answer a number of questions that I believed violated the attorney-client privilege but did so ultimately after being held in contempt of court by Judge Sirica and the contempt citation being affirmed by the U.S. Court of Appeals. All of these events so early in the case were reported by Woodward and Bernstein in the Washington Post. These events had the effect of convincing my clients that they could not receive a fair trial if I as their attorney were being so badly treated. So they embarked on the coverup. Operating behind the scenes and as an instigator of my being served with a subpoena on June 28, 1972, was Mark Felt. The role of the FBI towards me, under Felt's direction, is described in a two-part article in The Advocate of Feb. 23 and March 9, 1977 titled, Revelations of a Gay Informant: I Spied for the FBI. The article is part-interview with and part-reporting concerning the gay informant, Carl Robert 'Butch' Merritt. Merritt had been employed by the FBI, under Felt's direction, and by the Washington, D.C. police, to infiltrate and spy on the New Left, which was then engaged in vocal dissent against the Vietnam war. (Felt was subsequently indicted and convicted for some of his activities against the New Left. More on this later.) The following is excerpted from the 1977 Advocate article: Two days after the Watergate burglary, Carl Shoffler (one of Merritt's former police contacts) turned up with Sgt. Paul Leeper (these officers had been two of the three to have arrested the burglars) with what Merritt recalls as an offer of ˜the biggest, most important assignment" he'd ever had. The officers, Merritt said, asked if he knew one of the Watergate attorneys. ˜They said he was gay." Merritt did not. They asked if I could get to know him. I asked them why. We'd like you to get as close as possible, they said, to find out all you can about his private life, even what he eats. Merritt says he explained that even if the attorney was gay, it wouldn't be likely that he could arrange to meet him. They said I would be paid quite well, that they weren't talking about dimes and quarters, that they were talking about ˜really big money". Merritt says that he refused the offer, but that police kept returning to him with the same request, as late as December 1972, months after the city's police claimed to have ended their Watergate investigation. Police, Merritt says, also tried to recruit him to inform on the gay community. He says he refused these offers as well. The police and the FBI, Merritt charges, began to harass him soon after he was dropped by the bureau. ˜They threatened my life, broke into my apartment at least three times, they tried to plant drugs on me, they tapped my phone," Merritt charges. Jim Hougan, in his 1984 book Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA, wrote about Merritt's allegations: "If we are to believe the disaffected informant, [police officer] Shoffler told him to establish a homosexual relationship with Douglas Caddy, stating falsely that Caddy was gay and a supporter of Communist causes." As I have written in a prior post in the Forum, it was Edward Miller, a former Assistant FBI Director, who arranged for me in 1984 to visit with Assistant Attorney General Stephen Trott in the U.S. Department of Justice about Billie Sol Estes' desire to come clean with what he knew about LBJ and the Kennedy assassination. At the time Miller was employed under a 1984 Moody Foundation grant to formulate strategy to combat Terrorism, being so engaged many years before it became the worldwide threat. Previously, Miller had been convicted along with Mark Felt for "black bag" activities that they had carried out against the New Left in the late 1960's and early 1970's. Their trial and convictions were protested at the time by rank-and-file FBI agents across the country. Not long after his first election as President, Ronald Reagan set aside the convictions of Miller and Felt and granted them Presidential pardons. Reagan, who personally was sympathetic to the plight of Miller and Felt, did so upon the recommendation of Assistant Attorney General Trott. In 1984, Miller told me that Mark Felt desired to meet me. At the time I only knew of Felt's role with Miller in the "black bag" case and subsequent Presidential pardons. I was unaware of Felt's role in Watergate. When Miller did introduce me to Felt at a meeting that took place in Washington, I found the occasion disconcerting because it became obvious from Felt's attitude towards me that he knew something that I did not. This was cleared up with the revelation last year that Felt was Deep Throat all during the time that he had directed the FBI's investigation into Watergate. This is why I maintain Mark Felt, in addition to being Deep Throat, also engaged in outrageous official FBI activities that spurred Hunt and Liddy to embark upon the Watergate coverup, the subsequent exposure of which brought lasting fame and fortune to Felt and to Woodward and Bernstein.
  22. In regard to the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 prepared by L. M. Walters for Mark Felt that mentions my name in several places, I would merely point out that my role in Watergate is explained in prior posts in the Forum that draw upon my manuscript published in The Advocate magazine of August 16, 2005. In brief, I was retained as an attorney in the early morning hours of June 17, 1972 by Howard Hunt and Gordon Liddy to represent them in the case and to represent the five persons arrested within the Democratic Party's national headquarters. My manuscript and the article that accompanied it in The Advocate can be read in their entirety using links provided in the Forum or provided by Google after typing in Douglas Caddy. However, it may appropriate for me at this time to provide some additional information, especially since Mr. Newton ties my representation of these individuals to the JFK assassination. (1) At the time the assassination occurred, I was enrolled in New York University Law School. I also was employed in the New York City office of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, located at 22 West 55th St, on the staff of Lt.-Gov. Malcolm Wilson. I received a phone call within minutes of the shooting of President Kennedy from a friend on Wall Street, who had read about it on the AP wires, and immediately informed Lt.-Gov. Wilson and Gov. Rockefeller's staff, none of whom had heard what had happened. (2) The Walters' memorandum to Mark Felt of 5/23/1973, prepared in response to a directive of the prior day from Felt, is interesting in what is left out of the FBI document. This is the fact that it was Mark Felt who was Deep Throat and who was supplying Woodward and Bernstein with the inside information of the FBI's investigation. Felt's role is described in Woodward's book published last year, The Secret Man. Not only is Mark Felt's role as Deep Throat left out of the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 but also omitted is the evidence that Felt was the primary cause of the Watergate coverup. The evidence is as follows: I was retained by Hunt and Liddy on June 17, the day of the burglary. On June 28, 11 days later, while I was in the U.S. Court House working on my clients' case, I was served with a subpoena to appear Forthwith before the federal grand jury. Assistant U.S. Attorney Donald Campbell physically pulled me by my arm into the grand jury room. Over the next three weeks I was to testify five times before the grand jury. I refused to answer a number of questions that I believed violated the attorney-client privilege but did so ultimately after being held in contempt of court by Judge Sirica and the contempt citation being affirmed by the U.S. Court of Appeals. All of these events so early in the case were reported by Woodward and Bernstein in the Washington Post. These events had the effect of convincing my clients that they could not receive a fair trial if I as their attorney were being so badly treated. So they embarked on the coverup. Operating behind the scenes and as an instigator of my being served with a subpoena on June 28, 1972, was Mark Felt. The role of the FBI towards me, under Felt's direction, is described in a two-part article in The Advocate of Feb. 23 and March 9, 1977 titled, Revelations of a Gay Informant: I Spied for the FBI. The article is part-interview with and part-reporting concerning the gay informant, Carl Robert 'Butch' Merritt. Merritt had been employed by the FBI, under Felt's direction, and by the Washington, D.C. police, to infiltrate and spy on the New Left, which was then engaged in vocal dissent against the Vietnam war. (Felt was subsequently indicted and convicted for some of his activities against the New Left. More on this later.) The following is excerpted from the 1977 Advocate article: Two days after the Watergate burglary, Carl Shoffler (one of Merritt's former police contacts) turned up with Sgt. Paul Leeper (these officers had been two of the three to have arrested the burglars) with what Merritt recalls as an offer of ˜the biggest, most important assignment" he'd ever had. The officers, Merritt said, asked if he knew one of the Watergate attorneys. ˜They said he was gay." Merritt did not. They asked if I could get to know him. I asked them why. We'd like you to get as close as possible, they said, to find out all you can about his private life, even what he eats. Merritt says he explained that even if the attorney was gay, it wouldn't be likely that he could arrange to meet him. They said I would be paid quite well, that they weren't talking about dimes and quarters, that they were talking about ˜really big money". Merritt says that he refused the offer, but that police kept returning to him with the same request, as late as December 1972, months after the city's police claimed to have ended their Watergate investigation. Police, Merritt says, also tried to recruit him to inform on the gay community. He says he refused these offers as well. The police and the FBI, Merritt charges, began to harass him soon after he was dropped by the bureau. ˜They threatened my life, broke into my apartment at least three times, they tried to plant drugs on me, they tapped my phone," Merritt charges. Jim Hougan, in his 1984 book Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA, wrote about Merritt's allegations: "If we are to believe the disaffected informant, [police officer] Shoffler told him to establish a homosexual relationship with Douglas Caddy, stating falsely that Caddy was gay and a supporter of Communist causes." As I have written in a prior post in the Forum, it was Edward Miller, a former Assistant FBI Director, who arranged for me in 1984 to visit with Assistant Attorney General Stephen Trott in the U.S. Department of Justice about Billie Sol Estes' desire to come clean with what he knew about LBJ and the Kennedy assassination. At the time Miller was employed under a 1984 Moody Foundation grant to formulate strategy to combat Terrorism, being so engaged many years before it became the worldwide threat. Previously, Miller had been convicted along with Mark Felt for "black bag" activities that they had carried out against the New Left in the late 1960's and early 1970's. Their trial and convictions were protested at the time by rank-and-file FBI agents across the country. Not long after his first election as President, Ronald Reagan set aside the convictions of Miller and Felt and granted them Presidential pardons. Reagan, who personally was sympathetic to the plight of Miller and Felt, did so upon the recommendation of Assistant Attorney General Trott. In 1984, Miller told me that Mark Felt desired to meet me. At the time I only knew of Felt's role with Miller in the "black bag" case and subsequent Presidential pardons. I was unaware of Felt's role in Watergate. When Miller did introduce me to Felt at a meeting that took place in Washington, I found the occasion disconcerting because it became obvious from Felt's attitude towards me that he knew something that I did not. This was cleared up with the revelation last year that Felt was Deep Throat all during the time that he had directed the FBI's investigation into Watergate. This is why I maintain Mark Felt, in addition to being Deep Throat, also engaged in outrageous official FBI activities that spurred Hunt and Liddy to embark upon the Watergate coverup, the subsequent exposure of which brought lasting fame and fortune to Felt and to Woodward and Bernstein.
  23. In regard to the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 prepared by L. M. Walters for Mark Felt that mentions my name in several places, I would merely point out that my role in Watergate is explained in prior posts in the Forum that draw upon my manuscript published in The Advocate magazine of August 16, 2005. In brief, I was retained as an attorney in the early morning hours of June 17, 1972 by Howard Hunt and Gordon Liddy to represent them in the case and to represent the five persons arrested within the Democratic Party's national headquarters. My manuscript and the article that accompanied it in The Advocate can be read in their entirety using links provided in the Forum or provided by Google after typing in Douglas Caddy. However, it may appropriate for me at this time to provide some additional information, especially since Mr. Newton ties my representation of these individuals to the JFK assassination. (1) At the time the assassination occurred, I was enrolled in New York University Law School. I also was employed in the New York City office of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, located at 22 West 55th St, on the staff of Lt.-Gov. Malcolm Wilson. I received a phone call within minutes of the shooting of President Kennedy from a friend on Wall Street, who had read about it on the AP wires, and immediately informed Lt.-Gov. Wilson and Gov. Rockefeller's staff, none of whom had heard what had happened. (2) The Walters' memorandum to Mark Felt of 5/23/1973, prepared in response to a directive of the prior day from Felt, is interesting in what is left out of the FBI document. This is the fact that it was Mark Felt who was Deep Throat and who was supplying Woodward and Bernstein with the inside information of the FBI's investigation. Felt's role is described in Woodward's book published last year, The Secret Man. Not only is Mark Felt's role as Deep Throat left out of the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 but also omitted is the evidence that Felt was the primary cause of the Watergate coverup. The evidence is as follows: I was retained by Hunt and Liddy on June 17, the day of the burglary. On June 28, 11 days later, while I was in the U.S. Court House working on my clients' case, I was served with a subpoena to appear Forthwith before the federal grand jury. Assistant U.S. Attorney Donald Campbell physically pulled me by my arm into the grand jury room. Over the next three weeks I was to testify five times before the grand jury. I refused to answer a number of questions that I believed violated the attorney-client privilege but did so ultimately after being held in contempt of court by Judge Sirica and the contempt citation being affirmed by the U.S. Court of Appeals. All of these events so early in the case were reported by Woodward and Bernstein in the Washington Post. These events had the effect of convincing my clients that they could not receive a fair trial if I as their attorney were being so badly treated. So they embarked on the coverup. Operating behind the scenes and as an instigator of my being served with a subpoena on June 28, 1972, was Mark Felt. The role of the FBI towards me, under Felt's direction, is described in a two-part article in The Advocate of Feb. 23 and March 9, 1977 titled, Revelations of a Gay Informant: I Spied for the FBI. The article is part-interview with and part-reporting concerning the gay informant, Carl Robert 'Butch' Merritt. Merritt had been employed by the FBI, under Felt's direction, and by the Washington, D.C. police, to infiltrate and spy on the New Left, which was then engaged in vocal dissent against the Vietnam war. (Felt was subsequently indicted and convicted for some of his activities against the New Left. More on this later.) The following is excerpted from the 1977 Advocate article: Two days after the Watergate burglary, Carl Shoffler (one of Merritt's former police contacts) turned up with Sgt. Paul Leeper (these officers had been two of the three to have arrested the burglars) with what Merritt recalls as an offer of ˜the biggest, most important assignment" he'd ever had. The officers, Merritt said, asked if he knew one of the Watergate attorneys. ˜They said he was gay." Merritt did not. They asked if I could get to know him. I asked them why. We'd like you to get as close as possible, they said, to find out all you can about his private life, even what he eats. Merritt says he explained that even if the attorney was gay, it wouldn't be likely that he could arrange to meet him. They said I would be paid quite well, that they weren't talking about dimes and quarters, that they were talking about ˜really big money". Merritt says that he refused the offer, but that police kept returning to him with the same request, as late as December 1972, months after the city's police claimed to have ended their Watergate investigation. Police, Merritt says, also tried to recruit him to inform on the gay community. He says he refused these offers as well. The police and the FBI, Merritt charges, began to harass him soon after he was dropped by the bureau. ˜They threatened my life, broke into my apartment at least three times, they tried to plant drugs on me, they tapped my phone," Merritt charges. Jim Hougan, in his 1984 book Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA, wrote about Merritt's allegations: "If we are to believe the disaffected informant, [police officer] Shoffler told him to establish a homosexual relationship with Douglas Caddy, stating falsely that Caddy was gay and a supporter of Communist causes." As I have written in a prior post in the Forum, it was Edward Miller, a former Assistant FBI Director, who arranged for me in 1984 to visit with Assistant Attorney General Stephen Trott in the U.S. Department of Justice about Billie Sol Estes' desire to come clean with what he knew about LBJ and the Kennedy assassination. At the time Miller was employed under a 1984 Moody Foundation grant to formulate strategy to combat Terrorism, being so engaged many years before it became the worldwide threat. Previously, Miller had been convicted along with Mark Felt for "black bag" activities that they had carried out against the New Left in the late 1960's and early 1970's. Their trial and convictions were protested at the time by rank-and-file FBI agents across the country. Not long after his first election as President, Ronald Reagan set aside the convictions of Miller and Felt and granted them Presidential pardons. Reagan, who personally was sympathetic to the plight of Miller and Felt, did so upon the recommendation of Assistant Attorney General Trott. In 1984, Miller told me that Mark Felt desired to meet me. At the time I only knew of Felt's role with Miller in the "black bag" case and subsequent Presidential pardons. I was unaware of Felt's role in Watergate. When Miller did introduce me to Felt at a meeting that took place in Washington, I found the occasion disconcerting because it became obvious from Felt's attitude towards me that he knew something that I did not. This was cleared up with the revelation last year that Felt was Deep Throat all during the time that he had directed the FBI's investigation into Watergate. This is why I maintain Mark Felt, in addition to being Deep Throat, also engaged in outrageous official FBI activities that spurred Hunt and Liddy to embark upon the Watergate coverup, the subsequent exposure of which brought lasting fame and fortune to Felt and to Woodward and Bernstein.
  24. In regard to the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 prepared by L. M. Walters for Mark Felt that mentions my name in several places, I would merely point out that my role in Watergate is explained in prior posts in the Forum that draw upon my manuscript published in The Advocate magazine of August 16, 2005. In brief, I was retained as an attorney in the early morning hours of June 17, 1972 by Howard Hunt and Gordon Liddy to represent them in the case and to represent the five persons arrested within the Democratic Party's national headquarters. My manuscript and the article that accompanied it in The Advocate can be read in their entirety using links provided in the Forum or provided by Google after typing in Douglas Caddy. However, it may appropriate for me at this time to provide some additional information, especially since Mr. Newton ties my representation of these individuals to the JFK assassination. (1) At the time the assassination occurred, I was enrolled in New York University Law School. I also was employed in the New York City office of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, located at 22 West 55th St, on the staff of Lt.-Gov. Malcolm Wilson. I received a phone call within minutes of the shooting of President Kennedy from a friend on Wall Street, who had read about it on the AP wires, and immediately informed Lt.-Gov. Wilson and Gov. Rockefeller's staff, none of whom had heard what had happened. (2) The Walters' memorandum to Mark Felt of 5/23/1973, prepared in response to a directive of the prior day from Felt, is interesting in what is left out of the FBI document. This is the fact that it was Mark Felt who was Deep Throat and who was supplying Woodward and Bernstein with the inside information of the FBI's investigation. Felt's role is described in Woodward's book published last year, The Secret Man. Not only is Mark Felt's role as Deep Throat left out of the FBI memorandum of 5/23/1973 but also omitted is the evidence that Felt was the primary cause of the Watergate coverup. The evidence is as follows: I was retained by Hunt and Liddy on June 17, the day of the burglary. On June 28, 11 days later, while I was in the U.S. Court House working on my clients' case, I was served with a subpoena to appear Forthwith before the federal grand jury. Assistant U.S. Attorney Donald Campbell physically pulled me by my arm into the grand jury room. Over the next three weeks I was to testify five times before the grand jury. I refused to answer a number of questions that I believed violated the attorney-client privilege but did so ultimately after being held in contempt of court by Judge Sirica and the contempt citation being affirmed by the U.S. Court of Appeals. All of these events so early in the case were reported by Woodward and Bernstein in the Washington Post. These events had the effect of convincing my clients that they could not receive a fair trial if I as their attorney were being so badly treated. So they embarked on the coverup. Operating behind the scenes and as an instigator of my being served with a subpoena on June 28, 1972, was Mark Felt. The role of the FBI towards me, under Felt's direction, is described in a two-part article in The Advocate of Feb. 23 and March 9, 1977 titled, Revelations of a Gay Informant: I Spied for the FBI. The article is part-interview with and part-reporting concerning the gay informant, Carl Robert 'Butch' Merritt. Merritt had been employed by the FBI, under Felt's direction, and by the Washington, D.C. police, to infiltrate and spy on the New Left, which was then engaged in vocal dissent against the Vietnam war. (Felt was subsequently indicted and convicted for some of his activities against the New Left. More on this later.) The following is excerpted from the 1977 Advocate article: Two days after the Watergate burglary, Carl Shoffler (one of Merritt's former police contacts) turned up with Sgt. Paul Leeper (these officers had been two of the three to have arrested the burglars) with what Merritt recalls as an offer of ˜the biggest, most important assignment" he'd ever had. The officers, Merritt said, asked if he knew one of the Watergate attorneys. ˜They said he was gay." Merritt did not. They asked if I could get to know him. I asked them why. We'd like you to get as close as possible, they said, to find out all you can about his private life, even what he eats. Merritt says he explained that even if the attorney was gay, it wouldn't be likely that he could arrange to meet him. They said I would be paid quite well, that they weren't talking about dimes and quarters, that they were talking about ˜really big money". Merritt says that he refused the offer, but that police kept returning to him with the same request, as late as December 1972, months after the city's police claimed to have ended their Watergate investigation. Police, Merritt says, also tried to recruit him to inform on the gay community. He says he refused these offers as well. The police and the FBI, Merritt charges, began to harass him soon after he was dropped by the bureau. ˜They threatened my life, broke into my apartment at least three times, they tried to plant drugs on me, they tapped my phone," Merritt charges. Jim Hougan, in his 1984 book Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA, wrote about Merritt's allegations: "If we are to believe the disaffected informant, [police officer] Shoffler told him to establish a homosexual relationship with Douglas Caddy, stating falsely that Caddy was gay and a supporter of Communist causes." As I have written in a prior post in the Forum, it was Edward Miller, a former Assistant FBI Director, who arranged for me in 1984 to visit with Assistant Attorney General Stephen Trott in the U.S. Department of Justice about Billie Sol Estes' desire to come clean with what he knew about LBJ and the Kennedy assassination. At the time Miller was employed under a 1984 Moody Foundation grant to formulate strategy to combat Terrorism, being so engaged many years before it became the worldwide threat. Previously, Miller had been convicted along with Mark Felt for "black bag" activities that they had carried out against the New Left in the late 1960's and early 1970's. Their trial and convictions were protested at the time by rank-and-file FBI agents across the country. Not long after his first election as President, Ronald Reagan set aside the convictions of Miller and Felt and granted them Presidential pardons. Reagan, who personally was sympathetic to the plight of Miller and Felt, did so upon the recommendation of Assistant Attorney General Trott. In 1984, Miller told me that Mark Felt desired to meet me. At the time I only knew of Felt's role with Miller in the "black bag" case and subsequent Presidential pardons. I was unaware of Felt's role in Watergate. When Miller did introduce me to Felt at a meeting that took place in Washington, I found the occasion disconcerting because it became obvious from Felt's attitude towards me that he knew something that I did not. This was cleared up with the revelation last year that Felt was Deep Throat all during the time that he had directed the FBI's investigation into Watergate. This is why I maintain Mark Felt, in addition to being Deep Throat, also engaged in outrageous official FBI activities that spurred Hunt and Liddy to embark upon the Watergate coverup, the subsequent exposure of which brought lasting fame and fortune to Felt and to Woodward and Bernstein.
  25. The article below, from Saturday's The Standard in Hong Kong, links Ed Fuelner and the Heritage Foundation to the Abramoff Scandal. As you may remember from one of my prior posts, I stated that the sociopaths took over the conservative movement in 1974, when Joseph Coors of Coors Beer Company funded the founding of the Heritage Foundation by Ed Fuelner and the Committee for A Free Congress by Paul Weyrich. So it appears now that the sociopaths and the opportunists have merged into what is becoming one of America's biggest scandals. Saturday, January 28, 2006 The Standard in Hong Kong http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_print.a...902&sid=6399044 The wave of corruption allegations sweeping through Washington's highest echelons has washed into Hong Kong business. Zach Coleman and Chaim Estulin investigate The sign on the door of Suite 401 of the Baskerville House office building in Central has changed. The same folks are believed to be in the office, but a political drama on the other side of the world is disrupting their work. Washington loves a scandal and almost daily revelations about lobbyist Jack Abramoff's influence machine have gripped political mavens worldwide. The troubles of Abramoff, now under indictment, and his close friend, United States Congressman Tom DeLay, who has also been indicted on an unrelated matter and has stepped down as Majority Leader of the US House of Representatives, threaten to swamp the Republican machine in corruption investigations. Less well known is that a substantial tributary of Abramoff's river of influence ran through Hong Kong. Joining the casualty list from the scandal next week will be lobbying firm Alexander Strategy Group, whose only office outside Washington was in Hong Kong. Following Abramoff's guilty plea on charges of conspiracy, mail fraud and tax evasion, Alexander Strategy's activities are now a focus of scrutiny by US government investigators, according to the New York Times. With business as usual impossible, the firm will officially close its doors at the end of the month. Alexander Strategy lies at the center of the web between Abramoff and DeLay. It was founded by former DeLay chief of staff Ed Buckham and employed DeLay's wife and other former aides. The firm worked closely and shared clients with Abramoff. A significant avenue of cooperation ran through Hong Kong, where Abramoff's original firm, Preston Gates & Ellis, established its first overseas presence soon after he joined. At the center of the Hong Kong operation was Belle Haven Consultants, which shared space with Alexander in Central. The ties allowed Alexander to reach beyond Capitol Hill to enmesh Asian clients. In the same office was the Heritage Foundation, the US conservative think-tank best known here for naming Hong Kong the freest economy in the world in its annual Index of Economic Freedom. Through the efforts of Alexander Strategy, Abramoff and Heritage, millions of dollars flowed from Asia to Washington. Clients in turn gained access to official Washington, including President George W Bush. Since The Standard first wrote about the subject two years ago, other investigations into the Asian ventures of Alexander Strategy and Heritage Foundation have raised more questions about whether Heritage overstepped the bounds of its nonprofit status in the US and how congressional junkets to the region were accounted for and financed. Today, the Alexander Strategy and Heritage Foundation names are gone from the door of Suite 401. Belle Haven Consultant's name remains in the building and floor lobbies. This little-known firm was formed as a for-profit entity by Edwin Feulner, Heritage's co-founder and president, in 1997 together with Kenneth Sheffer, his chief personal adviser on Asia policy, according to The Washington Post. Feulner's wife, Linda, later took his place as a partner then withdrew in 2001 to serve as a paid senior adviser, the Post reported. She also served as a paid adviser to Alexander Strategy. Alexander Strategy partner Edward Stewart told the Standard in 2004 that Linda Feulner introduced his firm to Belle Haven, which subsequently acted as a subcontractor to Alexander Strategy. Belle Haven, now co-owned by Sheffer and long-time associate Beth Allison Cave, has also been a client of Alexander Strategy's lobbying business. According to US Senate records, Belle Haven has paid Alexander Strategy at least US$620,000 (HK$4.84 million) since September 2001. A review of US Justice Department records by the Washington Post found that the two companies signed a new contract in late 2004 calling for Belle Haven to pay US$840,000 over the subsequent 10 months. For three weeks that year, while Alexander Strategy represented Belle Haven, Standard Chartered Bank financed and directed part of the lobbying activity, according to Senate filings. StanChart has its own long- standing lobbyist in Washington and spokeswoman Gabriel Kwan declined to comment on the episode. It's not clear what Alexander Strategy's shutdown will mean for the Hong Kong base. According to a source, although the firm boasted of dual Washington-Hong Kong offices in a 2002 press release, it largely operated here through Belle Haven, which remains open. Sheffer and Cave operate a second company, Summit International Consultants, from the same premises. Neither Sheffer nor Cave could be reached for comment. Aside from Belle Haven, Alexander Strategy also worked with at least a half a dozen other Asia-related clients but some of the liaisons were brief. Shanghai River Resources, a Hong Kong consulting company run by Apple Daily executive and former Republicans Abroad chairman Mark Simon, hired Alexander Strategy in June 2002 to help promote a US- Taiwan free trade agreement on behalf of Taiwanese business interests but dropped the firm three months later. Simon declined to publicly discuss the fall-out, but the Taiwanese moved their business to a rival lobbying firm two months afterwards. The American Bondholders Foundation, which represents holders of bonds issued by pre-communist China, dropped Alexander Strategy in May 2002 but the filings do not indicate when the relationship started. Another client was never mentioned in Senate filings. In December 1999, Ed Buckham traveled to the Pacific island of Saipan with Michael Scanlon, another former DeLay aide, to lobby members of the local legislature there to support Benigno Fitial, a former executive of an affiliate of Hong Kong- listed Luen Thai Holdings, to be House speaker. The cash-strapped local government had suspended its pricey lobbying contract with Abramoff and Fitial supported its reinstatement. Though he came from the minority party, Fitial won the speaker's post after two legislators switched their votes. The US Congress subsequently approved funding for special projects in the two legislators' districts and the local government reinstated Abramoff's contract. Though Saipan yielded no official client for Alexander Strategy, the owners of Luen Thai and other island garment makers donated about US$500,000 to an organization called the US Family Network, which in turn paid hundreds of thousands of dollars to Alexander Strategy, according to a Post investigation of the group. A similar dynamic may have been at work in Malaysia. In October 2000, Abramoff drew up a proposal on behalf of Preston Gates to assist the Malaysian government to repair an image damaged by political repression, anti- Western and anti-Semitic remarks by then-prime minister Mahathir Mohammed and the jailing of former deputy Anwar Ibrahim. The plans included a public relations campaign, the organization of pro- government interest groups in the US and exchange trips by Malaysian and American officials. Abramoff left Preston Gates soon after writing the memo, which is posted on The New Republic's Web site. By the end of 2001, Belle Haven had hired Alexander Strategy for help "promoting and advocating Malaysia's positive investment climate and business opportunities" in connection with a company called PK Baru Energy. A new group called the US-Malaysia Exchange Association also hired Alexander Strategy for support "enhancing the bilateral relationship between Malaysia and the US." Virtually all of the money Alexander Strategy reported receiving from Belle Haven related to the Malaysian advocacy. Malaysia Exchange directly paid Alexander Strategy less than US$20,000 a year, according to Senate records. Belle Haven also hired three other Washington lobbying firms, including one run by Heritage senior fellow and former US Senator Malcolm Wallop, around the same time to support its Malaysian campaign, paying them a total of US$780,000. The Standard's earlier investigation reported that two of the firms indicated that Belle Haven retained their services on behalf of Malaysia Exchange. The US Lobbying Disclosure Act requires consultants hiring lobbyists to provide the identity of their real client, according to Jan Witold Baran, a Washington lawyer specializing in lobbying law. A report by private investigators found PK Baru to be an inactive company run in part by Megat Junid bin Megat Ayob, a ruling party official and close ally of Mahathir who is also the chairman of Malaysia Exchange. Megat Junid said in a 2004 interview with the Standard that he organized Malaysia Exchange after talks with Ed Feulner, whose deputy, Sheffer, served as a director. Wallop was deputy chair. "We felt strongly when Bush won the presidency it was time to establish closer economic and social connections between the two countries," Megat Junid said. Sheffer told the Post, "These guys wanted to hire some people to figure out how can we start to improve our relationship with the US." The new group generated fast results. In 2001, DeLay and three other congressmen traveled to Malaysia with their spouses on a trip officially sponsored by Heritage. Wallop, who went on the trip, told Time magazine that Belle Haven's financial involvement was more important to the trip than Heritage's. In the following months, more congressmen made their way to Kuala Lumpur and senior Malaysian officials began beating a path to Washington, an interchange that climaxed with Mahathir visiting the White House in May 2002, his first state visit in eight years. "We did a good job to create a good atmosphere between the two leaders," said Megat Junid, who was part of the delegation. During Mahathir's visit, two House members who had recently traveled to his country launched an official Malaysia Trade, Security and Economic Cooperation Caucus. Though in past years Heritage had been publicly critical of Mahathir, Feulner hosted a dinner reception to honor the prime minister. The Post, citing a former Heritage official, said Feulner that year pushed his staff to boost Malaysia's ranking in the Index of Economic Freedom, but the group denied such intervention. Abramoff may have earned a return from coming up with the Malaysia action plan. A US Senate committee last year released an invoice for US$300,000 sent to the Malaysian Embassy in Washington by the American International Center in 2001. Two former Abramoff associates told the Post that the center was "a front created in part to hide Abramoff's representation of Malaysia." The National Journal reported recently that the Malaysian government sent nearly US$1 million to the center in 2001 and 2002 and that the center in turn paid Greenberg Traurig, the firm Abramoff joined in January 2001 after leaving Preston Gates, US$1.5 million. Intriguingly, a firm set up by close Abramoff ally Grover Norquist was retained to lobby on behalf of Anwar, the then-imprisoned former Mahathir aide whose cause celebre was cited in Abramoff's 2000 memo as a key justification for the government to commence its Washington drive. Alexander Strategy's other big Asian client was the Korea-US Exchange Council, augmented by Universal Bearings, a company owned by the Hanwha Group of council chairman Kim Seung-youn. Kim formed the council and hired Alexander Strategy to establish himself "as the leading Korean business statesman in US-Korean relations," according to a strategy document obtained by Time. Feulner was on the council's board and Sheffer served as an adviser. The Exchange Council and Universal Bearings have together paid Alexander Strategy close to US$1 million since 2001. Kim made key headway on his goal, hosting or traveling to Washington to meet DeLay, Vice-President Dick Cheney, House Speaker Dennis Hastert and then- Attorney General John Ashcroft, among others. The junkets have come under scrutiny in part because House rules forbid members from accepting trips paid by the registered agents of foreign interests. The council registered as a foreign agent in 2001.
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