John Simkin

Is that a picture of Jack Crichton or Ilya Mamantov. Namebase provides the following references: http://www.namebase.org/xcri/Jack-Alston-Crichton.html Escalante,F. The Secret War. 1995 (42) Fensterwald,B. Coincidence or Conspiracy? 1977 (240-1) Furiati,C. ZR Rifle. 1994 (143) Piper,M.C. Final Judgment. 1993 (183) Russell,D. The Man Who Knew Too Much. 1992 (614-5) Scott,P.D. Deep Politics. 1993 (275-6) Thomas,K. Popular Alienation: A Steamshovel Press Reader. 1995 (21)

I suspect it was George Smathers who moved Stockdale to the right with his dodgy business deals.

There is also an interesting passage on Crichton in Bernard Fensterwald's Assassination of JFK by Coincidence or Conspiracy (pages 240-241). He quotes the Warren Commission (Volume 9 pages 102 and 106) as saying that Crichton volunteered his services to the Dallas Police Department as a translator for Russian-born Marina Oswald shortly after the assassination. In Deep Politics (1993) Peter Dale Scott points out that Crichton was a right-wing Republican, oil operator, member of the Army Intelligence Reserve and head of a "local Army Intelligence Unit". He also points out that Crichton was close to Ilya Mamantov who eventually did translate for Marina Oswald. This point is also made in the 1992 edition of Dick Russell's, The Man Who Knew Too Much. Unfortunately it has been removed from the 2003 edition. In a section called "Origins of the Cover-up" (pages 614-615) there is a description of a group of Dallas men who surrounded Marina Oswald as soon as her husband had been arrested, but before he was killed by Jack Ruby. "These were intelligence operatives seeking out Russian speakers. Ilya Mamantov knew George Bush and spoke Russian. A geologist with Sun Oil, he received a call five hours after the assassination from Jack Crichton, who was at that time the president of Nafco Oil and Gas, Inc. and a former Military Intelligence officer then attached to Army Reserve Intelligence. Crichton was also director of Dorchester Gas Producing Co. with D.H. Byrd, who owned the Texas School Book Depository building and was a close friend of Lyndon Johnson."

Rather an easy pot shot against their north London rivals don't you think? Who would have thought that the foot soldiers for the 4th Reich would be wearing football boots Considering our current English manager is on record as saying he is reluctant to pick players who do not have experience in the Champion League, it is a very important point. I don't understand the second comment. I assume it is another attempt to divert attention from a serious point by introducing some sort of racialist smear against me.

I find it amazing that this important piece of evidence appears to be in limbo. Is it really impossible to find a fingerprint expert willing to look at this evidence?

True but that was in the late 1940s while a member of the Florida State House of Representatives. I doubt if that was a factor in his death in 1963. The KKK were always anti-Catholic. Do you know if Stockdale was a Catholic?

Jack Crichton is an interesting character. He was the commanding officer of the 488th Military Intelligence Detachment. Crichton also went up against John Connolly in the Governor race of 1964. He was very critical of both Connolly and LBJ calling for them to make public the findings in the Billie Sol Estes investigation. George Bush backed up Crichton's calls and both men went on the political attack. Crichton's resume also included that he was Chairman of the Dallas Civil Defense Intelligence Committee. In early 1961, he was behind a program called 'Know Your Enemy' - a phase of defense in the Cold War. This focused on Communists and their perceived purpose to destroy the American way of life. Interesting information James. I think he deserves his own thread. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=6568

Jack Crichton is an interesting character. He was the commanding officer of the 488th Military Intelligence Detachment. Crichton also went up against John Connolly in the Governor race of 1964. He was very critical of both Connolly and LBJ calling for them to make public the findings in the Billie Sol Estes investigation. George Bush backed up Crichton's calls and both men went on the political attack. Crichton's resume also included that he was Chairman of the Dallas Civil Defense Intelligence Committee. In early 1961, he was behind a program called 'Know Your Enemy' - a phase of defense in the Cold War. This focused on Communists and their perceived purpose to destroy the American way of life. Thought Jack Alston Crichton deserved his own thread. I have been doing some research on him and discovered he was the owner of the Dorchester Gas Producing Corporation. A fellow director was Clint Murchison. He was also a close associate of D.H. Byrd and Sid Richardson. Other information about him can be found here: The Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza Oral History Collection http://www.jfk.org/Oral_Histories/Oral_His...st.asp?Letter=c Jack Crichton -- Dallas Civil Defense Intelligence agent in 1963, Mr. Crichton obtained a translator for Marina Oswald after her husband's arrest. Mr. Crichton was also a friend of George DeMohrenschildt, an acquaintance of Lee Harvey Oswald. Recorded on 7/6/2001 Then there is this article in Granma http://www.midiaindependente.org/pt/blue/2...01/342879.shtml The Bush family, the Cuban mafia and the Kennedy assassination BY REINALDO TALADRID and LAZARO BAREDO IN 1959, a young officer and businessman from Texas received directions to cooperate in funding the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to create, but it wasn?t until 1960 that he was assigned a more specific and overt mission: to guarantee the security of the process of recruiting Cubans to form an invasion brigade, a key aspect within the grand CIA operation to destroy the Cuban Revolution. The CIA Texan quickly took a liking to the Cuban assigned to him for his new mission. The system of work, although intense, was simple. Féliz Rodríguez Mendigutía, "El Gato," would propose a candidate to him, who would then be checked out, both in the Agency and among the Miami groups, and finally, the Texan would give the go-ahead. In that period, Félix Rodríguez already knew quite a few Cubans, like Jorge Mas Canosa (subsequently the leader of various counterrevolutionary organizations and then president of the Cuban-American National Foundation) and had confirmed his loyalty to "the cause" and to the Americans. For that reason he was among the first to be proposed. He passed through the process satisfactorily, and in a meeting in the city of Miami, which the Texan liked to make as formal as possible, Jorge Mas Canosa officially became an agent of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Jorge Mas didn?t know how to thank Félix for what he had done for him. From that moment he was constantly grateful to him and, at the same time, obedient to his every petition. But Jorge Mas was far from imagining the significance of this recruitment on the rest of his life. The significance rested on the fact that that Texan officer who undertook his recruitment process, approved it and then notified him at that meeting, was none other than George Herbert Walker Bush, the same man who, later, between 1989 and 1992, was the 41st president of the United States. Various sources coincide on the foregoing. Paul Kangas, a Californian private investigator, published an article containing part of his investigations in The Realist in 1990, in which he affirms that a newly discovered FBI document places Bush as working with the now famous CIA agent Félix Rodríguez on the recruitment of ultra-right wing exiled Cubans for the invasion of Cuba. For his part, in his "Report on a Censored Project," Dr. Carl Jensen of Sonoma State College states: "? there is a record in the files of Rodríguez and others involved in the Bay of Pigs invasion, which expounds the role of Bush: the truth is that Bush was a senior CIA official before working with Félix Rodríguez on the invasion of Cuba." But Kangas is more precise in his quoted article, when he states: "Traveling from Houston to Miami on a weekly basis, Bush, with Félix Rodríguez, spent 1960 and 1961 recruiting Cubans in Miami for the invasion." Other publications that have referred to the theme are The Nation magazine, whose August 13, 1988 edition reveals the finding of "a memorandum in that context addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed November 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA;" or the Common Cause magazine that, on March 4, 1990, affirmed: "The CIA put millionaire and agent George Bush in charge of recruiting exiled Cubans for the CIA?s invading army; Bush was working with another Texan oil magnate, Jack Crichton, who helped him in terms of the invasion." Without knowing it, Jorge Mas had become part of something far more complex than the planned mercenary invasion. The recent recruited CIA agent became one of the participants in what was originally known as Operation 40. Operation 40 was the first plan of covert operations generated by the CIA to destroy the Cuban Revolution and was drawn up in 1959 on the orders of the administration of President Ike Eisenhower. In his book Cuba, la Guerra secreta de la CIA (Cuba, the CIA?s Secret War), Divisional General (ret) Fabián Escalante Font, former head of the Cuban Counterintelligence Services, explained what occurred in the early 1960. "A few days later (end of 1959), Allen Dulles, chief of the CIA, presented to the King (Colonel, chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the CIA) memorandum to the National Security Council, which approved the suggestion of forming a working group within the agency which, in the short term, would provide ?alternative solutions to the Cuban problem.?" The group, Escalante Font relates, was composed of Tracy Barnes as head, and officials Howard Hunt, Frank Bender, Jack Engler and David Atlee Phillips, among others. Those present had one common characteristic: all of them had participated in the fall of the Jacobo Arbenz government in Guatemala. General Escalante recounts in his book that, during the first meeting, Barnes spoke at length on the objectives to be achieved. He explained that Vice President Richard Nixon was the Cuban "case officer" and had met with an important group of businessmen headed by George Bush and Jack Crichton, both Texas oil magnates, to collect the necessary funding for the operation. In a 1986 edition of the Freedom Magazine U.S. journalist L.F. Proury explains that Richard Nixon had long and close links with the Bush family dating back to 1946 when Nixon, responding to a petition by Preston Bush (George?s father) presented himself as a candidate for the U.S. Congress, financed by the old Bush. The group constituted within the CIA, states Escalante in his book, set up various teams in charge of organizing clandestine operations, psychological warfare actions and exerting economic and diplomatic pressure, which would put paid to the island government. This was compounded by the preparation of an elite group of Cuban agents who, after specialized training, would infiltrate Cuba and deal a mortal rearguard blow to the Revolution, which included the assassination of its principal leaders. Jorge Mas Canosa gave his recruiters a very positive impression and was immediately assigned to a special mission. "Now things are going to take off," he said enthusiastically. In the Exito magazine, Mabel Dieppa narrates: "He was sent to a U.S. Marines training camp close to the Mississippi River, where he was trained to participate in the Bay of Pigs invasion." But Jorge Mas, as stated, had been attached to a very special group, still within the preparations for the mercenary invasion. The group was composed of 160 men of total confidence and was headed by the traitor and likewise CIA agent Higinio Díaz Ane (Nino). In the abovementioned book, General Escalante explains: "These men were given the mission to attack the town of Baracoa, in the easternmost part of the island, in order to distract the revolutionary forces when the brigade landed at the Bay of Pigs." Once they had taken Baracoa, they were to head for the Guantánamo Naval Base and, simulating Cuban troops, organize a provocation by attacking the installation, thus facilitating a U.S. military response with a formal reason for intervening in the conflict created by the mercenary invasion. That plan was the secret mechanism that the CIA and the Pentagon had up their sleeve, and nobody, not even President Kennedy, knew of it. On the day of the invasion, the 160 "elite" agency men left in a boat for their destination but, on reaching Baracoa, fear at the movement of Cuban troops in the area won out over the sterling training they had received, and they confined themselves to continue navigating south of the island until they reached the westernmost extreme. From there, they headed for Puerto Rico, arriving there the same day. In Miami, as a joke, this action was christened "Skirting round Cuba." After the Bay of Pigs defeat in April 1961 the CIA recouped its men. It reiterated its confidence in them and assigned them new missions, maintaining the objectives that gave rise to Operation 40. In the weekly Política, the author Natacha Herrera explained: "Along with another 207 agents, Mas went to Fort Benning, Georgia for basic U.S. army training and was selected to take a special intelligence, clandestine communication and propaganda course." In his extensive work published for the Esquire magazine in January 1993, Gaeton Fonzi affirms that in Fort Benning, Mas Canosa?s friends with whom he was most closely linked in complex covert operations were Félix Rodríguez and Luis Posada Carriles," the latter of whom became notorious for the sabotage of a Cubana Airline passenger plane in full flight over Barbados in 1976. "After Fort Benning," says the U.S. investigator, "there was some CIA connection in every move or action in Jorge Mas? career." Precisely because of the outstanding results obtained in Fort Benning, the Agency later assigned Mas Canosa to another delicate mission. On this occasion, he would have to move to an "ultra-secret" base located a little south of Fort Benning, to join what was known as the "New Orleans group." That group, which took its name from the location of the base on the outskirts of the southern U.S. city, was mainly composed of veterans from the Bay of Pigs and Fort Benning, although some agents of confidence like Antonio Veciana, recently arrived from the island and reportedly very close to Jorge Mas in that period, were incorporated. Their preparation was sui generis. The group took a course on the use of means and methods of combat of the Cuban army. The content of the mission was disclosed by General Escalante in his book: "Once again, the plot consisted of a self-provocation against the Yankee base (of Guantánamo), via the infiltration of a commando of 150 men who trained in an ultra-secret CIA base on the outskirts of the southern U.S. city of New Orleans." The mission was cancelled due to the occurrences that gave rise to the Missile Crisis in October 1962, which convinced the organizers of the inevitability of a direct military intervention by the U.S. army without the need of any pretext." After this new failure, Mas Canosa was full of rage and impotence and acknowledged to the U.S. writer Pat Jordan in an interview that, "the two men he most hated were Fidel Castro and John F. Kennedy." In the United States, the media has once again picked up on the relationship of the émigré Cubans who worked for the CIA with the assassination of President Kennedy in Dallas in 1963. During a long conversation with the investigator Gaeton Fonzi in Havana, we discovered a story that, given its content, it is worth reproducing. Fonzi is not just any common or garden investigator. He had devoted much of his life to working for various congressional committees, including those responsible for investigations into the covert activities of the CIA and the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. A few years ago, and after much effort, Fonzi managed to get a private interview with Antonio Veciana, the same old buddy of Jorge Mas in the "New Orleans group," where the two of them became close friends while fulfilling CIA missions. Veciana had been interrogated by the Grand Jury charged with investigating the assassination of President Kennedy, and years later, had had some drug-related problems; but he vehemently affirmed to Fonzi that these difficulties were nothing more than a "trap" set up by somebody. "I have a lot of information, but I am keeping that to myself because it is my life insurance," Veciana told Fonzi." Antonio Veciana Blanch was a public accountant who worked for the Cuban sugar magnate Julio Lobo. He rapidly opposed the Cuban Revolution and, in 1960 was recruited by the CIA in Havana. He received his initial training in an English Language Academy supervised by the U.S. embassy in the Cuban capital. In October 1961, after the failure of a plot he devised to assassination Prime Minister Fidel Castro with a bazooka during an event at the former Presidential Palace, Veciana fled Cuba. In the interview that he gave to Fonzi he related that, once in Miami, he was looked after by a CIA official who used the pseudonym of Maurice Bishop. Among other tasks, this "Bishop" ordered Veciana to promote the creation of the ALPHA 66 organization. "Bishop" had frequent contact with Veciana from 1962-1963 in the city of Dallas. Veciana recalled that, at one of those meetings in a public building, he saw Lee Harvey Oswald. Fonzi noted that various acts of disinformation were organized as part of the operation that cost the life of President Kennedy: one in Dallas, another in Miami and a third in Mexico City. The objective of the disinformation was to manufacture the image of a "revolutionary" Oswald, a "defender of the Cuban Revolution." Hence the ex-marine was filmed in acts of solidarity with Cuba, demonstrating in a very aggressive manner. But the most daring act of disinformation was effected in Mexico City. There, Lee Harvey Oswald turned up at the Cuban embassy to ask for an entry visa to the island. All of that was filmed from a surveillance post that the CIA had opposite the Cuban embassy, so that it would be documented. The strange thing is, as Veciana told Fonzi, in one of his contacts with "Bishop" in early 1963, the latter said that he knew that he (Veciana) had a cousin in Cuban Intelligence, who was located at the Cuban embassy in Mexico. "Bishop" stated that if it suited his cousin to work for them in a very specific action, he would pay him whatever he wanted. Veciana commented to Fonzi that he had never spoken of this cousin to "Bishop" and also, at that time, "Bishop" was assigned to the U.S. embassy in Mexico City and even went directly from the Mexican capital to some contacts in Dallas. In fact Veciana was the cousin of the wife of the then Cuban consul in Mexico City, Guillermo Ruiz, and in the days following the assassination of Kennedy, that woman was the victim of a recruitment attempt in the same city, with the clear proposition that, once in the United States, she would testify as to Oswald?s "complicity" with the Cuban secret services. Questioned by Fonzi as to the existence of renewed contacts with "Bishop" after the Dallas homicide, Veciana answered that there had been, particularly in 1971, when he received an order to leave for Bolivia and work in the U.S. embassy in that country, where he would appear as an official for the Agency for International Development (USAID) and should wait for a visit from a known person. Fonzi checked the USAID archives in Washington and found an application form to enter the USAID in the name of Antonio Veciana, handwritten in letters distinct from those of Veciana and unsigned. The "known person" who contacted him in Bolivia was "Bishop," at that time located in the U.S. embassy in Chile. "Bishop" immediately incorporated him into a team plotting an attempt on the life of President Fidel Castro, who was to visit the South American country. Fonzi told us that he interviewed Antonio Veciana again, but this time accompanied by a specialist with the aim of composing a photofit of "Maurice Bishop" so as to determine his real identity. Veciana gave a detailed description and the photofit was made. Fonzi spent weeks trying to identify the character, and one Sunday, suddenly received a call at home from a Republican senator for Pennsylvania for whom he was working at the time, and whom he had consulted on the identity of the man in the drawing. The senator assured him that the he was absolutely sure that the man using the pseudonym of Maurice Bishop was none other than David Atlee Phillips. He was a veteran CIA officer who was in Havana on a working visit in 1958 as a specialist in psychological warfare, participated in the creation of Operation 40 and later, as part of the same, organized the Radio Swann transmitter. With time, Phillips would become head of the Western Hemisphere Division of the Agency. However, at the end of 1993, in the documentary ¿Caso cerrado? (Case Closed?), the former chief of Cuban Security , Divisional General (ret) Fabián Escalante, revealed a secret report from one of his agents, which spoke of a meeting between Antonio Veciana and David Phillips in a hotel in San Juan, Puerto Rico, in the early 70s. "Veciana told me," said the Cuban agent, "that he was a CIA agent and it was the CIA that assassinated Kennedy and that senior CIA officials including David Phillips, the official attending to him, were behind it all. Veciana never wanted to give me any details of that affirmation, but recently, I have been able to confirm it, because once when I was in a hotel with Veciana, I heard a conversation that he had with his officer, David Phillips, in which Veciana swore that he would never talk about what happened in Dallas in 1963." General Escalante guarantees that the source has direct access to Veciana, and was in his total confidence: "I believe," Escalante affirmed, "that that is very important information because I have to say that, in 1973, when Antonio Veciana was liquidated by the CIA; in other words, when the CIA took him off their books, he received a compensation payment of $300,000." But there is more. According to Cuban State Security investigations disclosed by General Escalante in the abovementioned documentary, various witnesses quoted by the Warren Commission described two Cubans, one of them black, leaving the Daley Plaza Book Deposit in Dallas, a few minutes after the assassination was effected. In parallel, through secret information and public testimony (the statement by Marita Lorenz, ex-CIA agent to a congressional committee), Cuban Security knew that two days before the assassination various Cubans were in Dallas with weapons and telescopic sights, including Eladio del Valle and Herminio Díaz, two paid killers and expert sharpshooters linked to the Mafia and Batista politics. The physical characteristics of Del Valle and Herminio Díaz matched the descriptions that various witnesses gave to the Warren Commission of the two Cubans seen leaving the building seconds after the president had been assassinated. The really curious fact is the final fate of both of them: Eladio del Valle was brutally murdered in Miami when Jim Garrison, the New Orleans district attorney initiated his investigation into the Kennedy assassination; Del Valle was chopped into pieces with a machete. Even more interesting was the end of Herminio Díaz, who died near the Havana coast in 1965, when he collided with a patrol boat while trying to infiltrate the island with the mission of assassinating Osvaldo Dortícos and submachine gunning the Riviera Hotel In order to fulfill the mission on which he was sent, Díaz had to infiltrate the island right in the capital via Monte Barreto in Miramar (where a number of hotels are currently going up) at a time when, because of an incident at the Guantánamo naval base, the Cuban army was on combat alert, and aerial and coastal vigilance was been reinforced to the maximum. In the eyes of experts, and the Cuban Security, the operation was a veritable suicide mission. The financial organizer and planner of such "a strange mission" was none other than Jorge Mas Canosa. But the history of the CIA?s links with its Cuban agents and the Kennedy assassination has not only been explored by Fonzi. Many other authors and investigators, and even the film studios that gave origin to the U.S. movies Executive Action and JFK, have covered the subject. In an article published in The Realist magazine, the investigator Paul Kangas affirms: "Among other members of the CIA recruited by George Bush for the (Bay of Pigs) invasion) were Frank Sturgis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quintero? On the day that JFK was assassinated, Hunt and some of the subsequent Watergate team were photographed in Dallas, as well as a group of Cubans, one of them with an opened umbrella as a signal, alongside the president?s limousine, right where Kennedy was shot? Hunt and Sturgis fired on JFK from a grassy knoll. They were photographed and seen by 15 witnesses." On May 7, 1990, in an interview with the San Francisco Chronicle, Frank Sturgis acknowledged: "?the reason why we robbed in Watergate was because (Richard) Nixon was interested in stopping the news leaks related to the photos of our role in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy." Another of Bush?s recruits for the Bay of Pigs invasion, Rafael Quintero, who was also part of this underworld of organizations and conspiracies against Cuba, stated: "If I was to tell what I know about Dallas and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the greatest scandal that has ever rocked to nation." Up to here are certain details of one of the existing theories on the above-mentioned event but, will the whole truth come out some day? Will Antonio Veciana, former member of the "New Orleans group," decide to reveal his "life insurance" or Rafael Quintero, to tell what he knows and thus, "rock the nation?" ? http://www.midiaindependente.org/pt/blue/2...01/342879.shtml

The Guardian today: http://football.guardian.co.uk/News_Story/0,,1753770,00.html Arsenal's north London rivals Tottenham will be contesting the Premiership title within three years, according to their manager Martin Jol, who joined in criticising the non-British nature of the Highbury team which reached the Champions League semi-finals by claiming that domestic football fans would welcome his side winning the league with a British backbone. "I would like to challenge for the title. It's not easy but I think that in the next three years we could make a good challenge to be champions," Jol said. "You need consistency at the club, with the players as well. Our spine always remains the same with Ledley [King], Paul [Robinson], [Michael] Carrick, Robbie Keane is there for another four years and [Jermain] Defoe. It is probably an advantage over a lot of other clubs having a British base. "Last week there was not one single British player in the Champions League. Did you notice? So if we could do it, I don't think it would only be a big achievement for us but for English football as well. "When I was younger, Spurs was the best club in Britain. There is still the same fan base, the same sell-outs every week and the best away crowd with one or two other clubs, so it remains the same. The only thing was they were waiting for us."

The Guardian today: http://football.guardian.co.uk/News_Story/0,,1753770,00.html Arsenal's north London rivals Tottenham will be contesting the Premiership title within three years, according to their manager Martin Jol, who joined in criticising the non-British nature of the Highbury team which reached the Champions League semi-finals by claiming that domestic football fans would welcome his side winning the league with a British backbone. "I would like to challenge for the title. It's not easy but I think that in the next three years we could make a good challenge to be champions," Jol said. "You need consistency at the club, with the players as well. Our spine always remains the same with Ledley [King], Paul [Robinson], [Michael] Carrick, Robbie Keane is there for another four years and [Jermain] Defoe. It is probably an advantage over a lot of other clubs having a British base. "Last week there was not one single British player in the Champions League. Did you notice? So if we could do it, I don't think it would only be a big achievement for us but for English football as well. "When I was younger, Spurs was the best club in Britain. There is still the same fan base, the same sell-outs every week and the best away crowd with one or two other clubs, so it remains the same. The only thing was they were waiting for us."

?????

I wonder if E. Grant Stockdale was suicided? http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=943 http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKstockdale.htm

On pages 43/44 of Fabian Escalante's CIA Covert Operations 1959-1962: The Cuba Project (2004), he claims that in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an "important group of businessmen headed by George Bush (Snr.) and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation". He is talking about Operation 40, the group that Warren Hinckle and William Turner described in Deadly Secrets, as the “assassins-for-hire” organization.

On pages 43/44 of Fabian Escalante's CIA Covert Operations 1959-1962: The Cuba Project, he claims that in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an "important group of businessmen headed by George Bush (Snr.) and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for the operation". He is talking about Operation 40, the group that Warren Hinckle and William Turner described in Deadly Secrets, as the “assassins-for-hire” organization. Here is some background information on Operation 40. On 11th December, 1959, Colonel J. C. King, chief of CIA's Western Hemisphere Division, sent a confidential memorandum to Allen W. Dulles, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency. King argued that in Cuba there existed a "far-left dictatorship, which if allowed to remain will encourage similar actions against U.S. holdings in other Latin American countries." As a result of this memorandum Dulles established Operation 40. It obtained this name because originally there were 40 agents involved in the operation. Later this was expanded to 70 agents. The group was presided over by Richard Nixon. Tracy Barnes became operating officer of what was also called the Cuban Task Force. The first meeting chaired by Barnes took place in his office on 18th January, 1960, and was attended by David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Jack Esterline, and Frank Bender. On 4th March, 1960, La Coubre, a ship flying a Belgian flag, exploded in Havana Bay. It was loaded with arms and ammunition that had been sent to help defend Cuba's revolution from its enemies. The explosion killed 75 people and over 200 were injured. Fabian Escalante, an officer of the Department of State Security (G-2), later claimed that this was the first successful act carried out by Operation 40. One member, Frank Sturgis, claimed: "this assassination group (Operation 40) would upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military or the political parties of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and if necessary some of your own members who were suspected of being foreign agents... We were concentrating strictly in Cuba at that particular time." Over the next few years Operation 40 worked closely with several anti-Castro Cuban organizations including Alpha 66. CIA officials and freelance agents such as William Harvey, Porter Goss, Gerry Hemming, E. Howard Hunt, David Morales, Bernard L. Barker, Frank Sturgis, Tosh Plumlee, and William C. Bishop also joined the project. Cuban figures used by the Operation 40 included Antonio Veciana, Luis Posada, Orlando Bosch, Chi Chi Quintero, Roland Masferrer, Eladio del Valle, Guillermo Novo, Carlos Bringuier, Eugenio Martinez, Antonio Cuesta, Hermino Diaz Garcia, Barry Seal, Felix Ismael Rodriguez, Juan Manuel Salvat, Ricardo Morales Navarrete, Isidro Borjas, Virgilio Paz, Jose Dionisio Suarez, Felipe Rivero, Gaspar Jimenez Escobedo, Nazario Sargent, Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz, Jose Basulto, and Paulino Sierra. If Escante is right about this, George Bush could indeed be involved in the assassination of JFK.

I don't think you should. My reading of this is that you both faced the problem of supping with the devil, but not having a long enough spoon! However, what's the alternative? To withdraw and do nothing? I think that the guilt should be put where it belongs - on the politicians and civil servants who screwed up what could have been a good educational system for political ends. The specific sin, in my book, has always been to demand specific outcomes from a process (i.e. the education of children) which can only provide certainty and specificity by subverting its own aims. This reflects the moral dilemma concerning the degree of involvement that an individual commits himself to government reforms of the education system. I remember an INSET session that I ran for the heads of history in Gwent during the period when the government was consulting with teachers about the contents of the History National Curriculum. As it happens, I had provided two earlier sessions for this group of teachers. In 1981 I had run a session on the use of computers in history teaching and in 1984 on the introduction of GCSE. One head of history, who I had a great deal of respect for, made a remark that I found devastating. He said that this so-called consultation phase was a smokescreen. Therefore he suggested that instead of holding a discussion I should just tell him what the government wanted him to do. I thought he was wrong at the time but I have discovered over the years that he was completely right. That I was being used as some sort of salesman. It was a comment that I was often to recall in the future when I was on the receiving end of a “consultation” meeting. By this time I was aware that this so-called consultation was just an effort to persuade teachers that they had “ownership” over this particular reform.

Enyart claimed police confiscated his photographs as evidence – he said there were 3 , 36 exposure rolls – and was interviewed at Ramparts police station. Enyart received about two dozen prints/xeroxes from the police all of which showed either the speech or the ballroom after the assassination, according to Enyart. None of what he considered the important ones were returned to him. Told that the evidence in the case had been sealed for 20 years Enyart waited until the late 1980s then requested the police to return all of his photos. At first the authorities said they did not have the negatives, saying they destroyed them in August 1968. Later they said they had been misfiled and would be returned to him. Enyart hired a lawyer and sued the LAPD seeking $2 million in damages for the loss or destruction of his photographs. Following years of legal battles his case finally came to fruition in 1996 when a jury ruled in his favour. However, the negatives were stolen as a courier delivered them to Enyart. He was awarded damages of $450,600. The verdict was a blow to the LAPD which had come under constant accusations that they had covered up the ‘RFK conspiracy’. However, there was sufficient suspicions about Enyart’s claims. Skip Miller, who argued the case for the DA’s office said that Enyart’s claims that he took important photographs in the hotel pantry at the time RFK was shot, “were just wishful thinking”. Miller said that Enyart took only one roll of film and, more importantly, he was not in the pantry in the first place. To prove his allegations Miller called as a witness one of two Enyart friends who had been with him on the night of the shooting. Brent Gold said Enyart never walked into the pantry following RFK’s speech but instead they were both in the hotel lobby when the shooting occurred. Furthermore, said Miller, Bill Eppridge, a LIFE photographer said Enyart’s claim that he was the person in his photographs was untrue and that the person standing on the steam table was instead Harry Benson. In fact Enyart does not appear in any of Eppridge's photos which are published in his book 'Robert Kennedy - The Last Campaign'. According to the DA’s office Enyart was awarded $625,600 because the jury was allowed to hear witnesses who had misled and inflamed them with allegations of a purported conspiracy. Miller also believed that jury misconduct occurred and that some jurors expressed hatred of the LAPD and a belief in conspiracy theories juring their deliberations. This is a very selective account of the Scott Enyart case. Scott Enyart, a high-school student, was taking photographs of Robert Kennedy as he was walking from the ballroom of the Ambassador Hotel to the Colonial Room where the press conference was due to take place. Enyart was standing slightly behind Kennedy when the shooting began and snapped as fast as he could. As Enyart was leaving the pantry, two LAPD officers accosted him at gunpoint and seized his film. Later, he was told by Detective Dudley Varney that the photographs were needed as evidence in the Sirhan trial. The photographs were not presented as evidence but the court ordered that all evidential materials had to be sealed for twenty years. (It was later discovered that this was a lie). In 1988 (after the 20 years were up) Enyart requested that his photographs should be returned. At first the State Archives claimed they could not find them and that they must have been destroyed by mistake. Enyart filed a lawsuit which finally came to trial in 1996. During the trial the Los Angeles city attorney announced that the photos had been found in its Sacramento office and would be brought to the courthouse by the courier retained by the State Archives. The following day it was announced that the courier’s briefcase, that contained the photographs, had been stolen from the car he rented at the airport. The photographs have never been recovered and the jury subsequently awarded Scott Enyart $450,000 in damages. However, the LAPD appealed against this decision and this money has not been paid. Much to his credit, Scott Enyart, has refused to sign a non-disclosure agreement in order to get his money. If Scott Enyart had not really photographed the assassination, why did the LAPD take his film? Why did they lie to him about being used in court and then being sealed for 20 years? Why did they not give him the photographs back after the 20 years? Why did the LAPD want to know the full details of the car the courier would be using to bring the photographs to the courtroom? Don’t you find it suspicious that the photographs were stolen on the way to the courtroom? Don’t these events suggest to you that the Enyart photographs provided evidence that someone else was also firing bullets at Robert Kennedy?

Enyart claimed police confiscated his photographs as evidence – he said there were 3 , 36 exposure rolls – and was interviewed at Ramparts police station. Enyart received about two dozen prints/xeroxes from the police all of which showed either the speech or the ballroom after the assassination, according to Enyart. None of what he considered the important ones were returned to him. Told that the evidence in the case had been sealed for 20 years Enyart waited until the late 1980s then requested the police to return all of his photos. At first the authorities said they did not have the negatives, saying they destroyed them in August 1968. Later they said they had been misfiled and would be returned to him. Enyart hired a lawyer and sued the LAPD seeking $2 million in damages for the loss or destruction of his photographs. Following years of legal battles his case finally came to fruition in 1996 when a jury ruled in his favour. However, the negatives were stolen as a courier delivered them to Enyart. He was awarded damages of $450,600. The verdict was a blow to the LAPD which had come under constant accusations that they had covered up the ‘RFK conspiracy’. However, there was sufficient suspicions about Enyart’s claims. Skip Miller, who argued the case for the DA’s office said that Enyart’s claims that he took important photographs in the hotel pantry at the time RFK was shot, “were just wishful thinking”. Miller said that Enyart took only one roll of film and, more importantly, he was not in the pantry in the first place. To prove his allegations Miller called as a witness one of two Enyart friends who had been with him on the night of the shooting. Brent Gold said Enyart never walked into the pantry following RFK’s speech but instead they were both in the hotel lobby when the shooting occurred. Furthermore, said Miller, Bill Eppridge, a LIFE photographer said Enyart’s claim that he was the person in his photographs was untrue and that the person standing on the steam table was instead Harry Benson. In fact Enyart does not appear in any of Eppridge's photos which are published in his book 'Robert Kennedy - The Last Campaign'. According to the DA’s office Enyart was awarded $625,600 because the jury was allowed to hear witnesses who had misled and inflamed them with allegations of a purported conspiracy. Miller also believed that jury misconduct occurred and that some jurors expressed hatred of the LAPD and a belief in conspiracy theories juring their deliberations. This is a very selective account of the Scott Enyart case. Scott Enyart, a high-school student, was taking photographs of Robert Kennedy as he was walking from the ballroom of the Ambassador Hotel to the Colonial Room where the press conference was due to take place. Enyart was standing slightly behind Kennedy when the shooting began and snapped as fast as he could. As Enyart was leaving the pantry, two LAPD officers accosted him at gunpoint and seized his film. Later, he was told by Detective Dudley Varney that the photographs were needed as evidence in the Sirhan trial. The photographs were not presented as evidence but the court ordered that all evidential materials had to be sealed for twenty years. (It was later discovered that this was a lie). In 1988 Enyart requested that his photographs should be returned. At first the State Archives claimed they could not find them and that they must have been destroyed by mistake. Enyart filed a lawsuit which finally came to trial in 1996. During the trial the Los Angeles city attorney announced that the photos had been found in its Sacramento office and would be brought to the courthouse by the courier retained by the State Archives. The following day it was announced that the courier’s briefcase, that contained the photographs, had been stolen from the car he rented at the airport. The photographs have never been recovered and the jury subsequently awarded Scott Enyart $450,000 in damages. However, the LAPD appealed against this decision and this money has not been paid. Much to his credit, Scott Enyart, has refused to sign a non-disclosure agreement in order to get his money. If Scott Enyart had not really photographed the assassination, why did the LAPD take his film? Why did they lie to him about being used in court and then being sealed for 20 years? Why did they not give him the photographs back after the 20 years? Why did the LAPD want to know the full details of the car the courier would be using to bring the photographs to the courtroom? Don’t you find it suspicious that the photographs were stolen on the way to the courtroom? Don’t these events suggest to you that the Enyart photographs provided evidence that someone else was also firing bullets at Robert Kennedy?

William Sloane Coffin was a member of Skull and Bones Society at the same time as George Herbert Walker Bush. The both went to work for the CIA. However, that is where the similarity ended. Bush discovered how he could make his fortune by working closely with the CIA and the MICIC. Coffin was appalled by the corruption he saw in the CIA and became a civil rights and peace activist. He died on Wednesday. You will find a good obituary on Coffin here: http://www.guardian.co.uk/obituaries/story...1753835,00.html

This is very interesting in the light of Blair's woes but also begs questions as to the role, remit and funding of the Specialist Schools Trust. I believe this story goes to the heart of Blair’s corrupt administration. The main intention of Blair’s specialist schools (and the recent city academies) is to bring in money from the private sector to help fund education. On the surface it sounds a great idea. However, as Thatcher discovered, wealthy businessmen are unwilling to give money to help state education unless there is something in it for them. You will get the odd religious nutcase to put money into a city academy as long as they are allowed to teach creationism (as with the Middlesbrough City Academy). However, most will only entertain the idea if they can be given something in return. So far the concern has been the granting of honours. This is clearly part of the deal. Since 1997 city academy sponsors have received five knighthoods (Frank Lowe, David Garrard, Clive Bourne, Martin Arbib and Euan Harper) one CBE (Roger de Haan) and one OBE (Jack Petchey). However, peerages, knighthoods, etc. have never been the main aspect of this corruption scandal. Rich businessmen don’t mind the odd title but what they are really interested in is government contracts. It is this aspect of city academy funding that journalists should be really investigating.

As John says, it's a novel. It's probably not a 'Great Work of Art' but it's good story and well told. What historians of the future will have to explain is not how divergent Brown's book is from 'reality' but how it sold so many copies in the first years of the 21st century. Even then I don't suppose many historians will examine this as an issue. As the article above notes, people are willing to believe a lot of 'bad things' about the Catholic Church (based on evidence about its present and past) and therefore anybook (and if one wishes to refer to 'factual' books, then probably best to go for "The Holy Blood and the Holy Grail") that criticises it as a set of conspiracies is going to find a ready audience. In this respect the Da Vinci Code 'moment' is similar to the JFK debate. Where I think Lynn Garrett is wrong is the suggestion that Kennedy’s Roman Catholic beliefs had anything to do with the assassination. It is true that Kennedy moved to the left in 1963: plans to end the oil depletion allowance, investigations into government corruption (TFX and Bobby Baker scandals), began secret negotiations with Fidel Castro, the refusal to start a war in Vietnam, an unwillingness to support anti-democratic military dictators in the America, etc. However, I think this was more due to his experience of government rather than a reflection of his religious beliefs. It is true that there is a large interest in political conspiracies. I like nothing better than reading a book or watching a film that involves a political conspiracy. Probably my favourite conspiracy film is Ken Loach’s Hidden Agenda: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0099768/ My interest in political conspiracies is based on my own political ideology and is part of a much wider conspiracy that dates back to emergence of democracy in the world (it has been necessary for the power elite to conspire against the masses in order to maintain their privileges). For example, see my thread on Tony Blair: http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=6382 I am surprised that the left shows little interest in conspiracies. I believe they are victims of the successful smear campaigns mounted against conspiracy theorists. They are presented as a group of weirdoes and most respectable historians are unwilling to spend their time investigating these theories. In my view most on the left are suffering from “false consciousness” when it comes to conspiracy theory.

An interesting story. My experiences have not been as public as yours but there have been times when I have taken a position that has opened me up to attack by union members. For example, I played a role in the shape of GCSE history and National Curriculum history. As a result I had to meet groups of teachers to defend these developments. The people who attacked these changes often did so in “union” based terms. “This is going to mean a lot more work” sort of argument. This was true and I attempted to defend these changes with the claim that the changes would improve the quality of education of their students. I believed it at the time, but later developments, mainly caused by interference by governments, undermined my claims. I must say that I feel a sense of guilt about this. I know that people like me caused a great deal of stress for teachers. Looking at the state of education at the present time, I am not convinced it was worth it.

John Dolva has provided a good list of “Boneheads” here: http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=4534 I suggest that you also take a look at the following for connections between the Bush family and the JFK assassination. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=1139 http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=964 http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=4711 http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=1745 http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=825 I intend to look more closely at this in my thread on the Military Industrial Congressional Intelligence Complex. For example, Samuel P. Bush, George Bush's great grandfather, was the key figure in the MICIC in the US during the First World War. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=6116

I have no interest in reading "The Da Vinci Code". As a historian is seems to be completely unhistorical. However, Lynn Garrett, argues that Brown’s novel feeds into “a willingness on peoples’ part to believe the worst about Christianity" and sees it as the religious equivalent of the many theories about President Kennedy’s assassination. To me, the JFK assassination and the Da Vinci Code are not connected. One is based on careful reading of the evidence whereas the other is pure fantasy. Anyway, here is the article that suggests there is a connection between the book and the assassination. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12255363/ As Dan Brown writes in “The Da Vinci Code,” “Everyone loves a conspiracy.” So here they are — the supposed secrets nobody wants you to know, least of all the Christian church. Jesus never died on the cross. No, he retired to Egypt. Or was it France? He sired a royal bloodline with wife Mary Magdalene. Can this all be true? No, say virtually all serious historians who deal with the first century. But that doesn’t matter in the world of publishing. The staggering success of “The Da Vinci Code” — 40 million hardcover copies in print worldwide plus another 6 million in paperback — has given a boost to books marketed as both nonfiction and fiction that play on the idea that great mysteries envelop the “greatest story ever told.” To people like Lynn Garrett, religion editor of Publishers Weekly for the past decade, the explanation is simple: “Conspiracy theories have tremendous appeal for Americans.” In particular, Brown’s novel feeds into “a willingness on peoples’ part to believe the worst about Christianity generally and the Roman Catholic Church in particular.” She sees it as the religious equivalent of the many theories about President Kennedy’s assassination. Riding in the wake of “Da Vinci” has meant success for books about the Knights Templar, ancient goddess worship, Holy Grail hunts, Vatican intrigue, religious texts that early Christians spurned and the never-ending speculations about the “real” Jesus. The titles on various best-seller lists lately include “Labyrinth,” “The Last Templar,” “The Templar Legacy,” “The Third Secret” and Brown’s earlier novel, “Angels & Demons.” Michael Baigent last week lost a British lawsuit claiming Brown unfairly lifted themes from his co-authored “Holy Blood, Holy Grail.” But Baigent can be consoled by brisk sales for his latest conspiracy tome, “The Jesus Papers: Exposing the Greatest Cover-Up in History.” Brown’s novel has scholarly characters who purport to present historical facts while Baigent’s writings are marketed as nonfiction. But the two rivals agree about religion. Both write that evil churchmen plotted to conceal the truth about Jesus and distort the origins of Christianity, especially the secret that Jesus married Mary Magdalene and was patriarch to a royal bloodline. Baigent’s added twist in his new book has Jesus faking his death on the cross with the collusion of Pontius Pilate, after which he becomes a guru living with the Mrs. in Egypt. Garrett says “Da Vinci” and company have hit a perfect moment in popular culture, given the actual Catholic cover-ups regarding sexual abuse by priests and the nation’s edginess over “the whole specter of terrorism.” Another factor helpful to Brown: “A lot of people don’t know church history so are more open to whatever is put out there.” Writer Dan Burstein thinks Brown also benefits from current affairs: The Iraq war has made some people more suspicious about official versions of events. “Conspiracy fits right into that,” he said. He also thinks the novel’s depiction of the role of women in religion appeals to female book buyers and that the novel comes at “a time of search for new religious answers” as opposed to old ones. Maybe it’s not just modern Americans. Writing in the Boston Globe, author James Parker called Brown’s novel “a classic con” and traced conspiracy theories back to 18th-century Europe, where people combined “displaced religiosity” with “ancient longings” — a common phenomenon today. Burstein is completing a documentary based on the 2006 edition of his fan anthology, “Secrets of the Code.” That book is among some 30 flooding the market that treat themes in “The Da Vinci Code” itself, another extraordinary phenomenon. Most are attacks on the novel from mainstream Catholics and Protestants. Because so many people believe Brown’s various accusations against the church are “true, or largely true,” Burstein says, religious people have been forced to respond. “They see themselves, rightly, as involved in a propaganda war.” Brown has long declined interviews. Baigent denied in a telephone interview that he’s a conspiracy theorist. “I’m in the business of raising questions. I’m not in the business of providing answers. The moment you provide answers, you have a new power structure, so for me it’s a journey of exploration,” he said. An ex-Catholic, he’s suspicious of all belief systems and organized religions. “It’s necessary that we question them constantly.” Baigent acknowledged that convincing evidence for his revisionist scenarios about Jesus has yet to appear. He followed leads to several alleged documents that fizzled out. “I would like to think in due course a lot of this material will be proven,” he said, “but it’s just a hope of mine.”

Report on the BBC News website: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/4906504.stm A head teacher who helped find sponsors for the government's flagship city academies programme has been arrested as part of a cash for honours probe. Des Smith sparked a row earlier this year when he suggested donors would be given honours in exchange for funding. He quit his post with the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust, which helps find sponsors, after the story. Mr Smith, 60, was arrested in east London under the 1925 Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act. He is currently in custody at a London police station. The Specialist Schools and Academies Trust helps the government recruit education sponsors. Set up in September 2005, its president is Lord Levy, Tony Blair's chief political fundraiser and close friend. Mr Smith quit his post on the SATT council in January after admitting he had been "naive" when talking to a reporter posing as a potential donor's PR assistant. He reportedly told the Sunday Times that "the prime minister's office would recommend someone like [the donor] for an OBE, a CBE or a knighthood". After his resignation he told the Guardian he had "been shattered by the experience. I was naive, I shouldn't have said what I did. I'm desperately sorry". Downing Street said at the time it was "nonsense to suggest that honours are awarded for giving money to an academy". Mr Smith remains headmaster of the All Saints Catholic School and Technology College, Barking and Dagenham. Local Labour MP Jon Cruddas told the BBC Mr Smith had greatly improved results at the school and should be judged on his "21 years as a significant local public servant". "He is a fantastic head teacher," he added. In a separate development, elections watchdog the Electoral Commission publishes a new draft code of conduct on reporting loans in the wake of discussions with the main political parties. It says the parties agree to report any loan more than £5,000 - or more than £1,000 if the donor has given another amount that needed to be reported in that year. The draft code says "this would apply whether or not the party regards the loan as having been made on commercial terms". The cash-for-honours inquiry was originally launched in response to a complaint by Scottish and Welsh nationalist MPs that Labour had broken the law preventing the sale of honours such as peerages and knighthoods. It has since been widened to cover the activities of other parties. The investigation is being led by Deputy Assistant Commissioner John Yates, who has said he is prepared to widen the investigation to consider more general allegations of corruption. It followed reports that the House of Lords Appointments Commission had blocked the appointment of four of Prime Minister Tony Blair's nominations for peerages - all wealthy businessmen who had made loans to Labour. None was on the list of new working life peers when it was published on Monday. One Tory nominee - who had loaned the party £2m - also missed out on a seat in the upper house. Mr Yates has already told MPs that he is prepared to widen the investigation to consider more general allegations of corruption. The Specialist Schools and Academies Trust describes itself as the "leading national body for secondary education in England, part funded by the DfES (Education Department), delivering the government's Specialist Schools and Academies programme. Anyone found guilty under the 1925 Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act - designed to deal with those who both give and accept honours under inducement - could face imprisonment for up to two years or fined an unlimited amount. The Act was introduced after the scandal of the early 1920s when David Lloyd George was offering peerages and lesser honours at a price.

CNN LARRY KING LIVE Larry King Interviews Dominick Dunne Aired February 4, 2006 - 21:00 ET http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0602/04/lkl.01.html CALLER: Hello, Mr. Dunne, have you ever thought about investigating the mysterious death of Dorothy Kilgallen, and did you know Dorothy? DUNNE: Well, you know, I actually only met her. I can't say I know her, but you know, you're absolutely right. That is a mysterious death. KING: Sure is. DUNNE: Absolutely, and you know, they said... KING: By the way for the audience, she was a major reporter. She was on "What's My Line?" DUNNE: Oh, yes and "The New York Journal America." KING: She was a guest on my radio show here. And she wrote for "The New York Journal." She was a gossip columnist. DUNNE: Gossip columnist, but she was also the daughter of a crime writer. And she was herself a brilliant crime writer. She covered trials. KING: And she cohosted a radio show called, "Dorothy and Dick." DUNNE: "Dorothy and Dick," and she was on "What's My Line?" with Arlene Francis. Do you remember all of that? KING: And her death was mysterious. DUNNE: Yes, and they said it was a suicide of pills, but you know, the pills had not dissolved as they found during the autopsy. And she had just, you know--as a lot of people connected with the Kennedy assassination, who had mysterious deaths over the years. And she had just had the first, and I believe only interview with Jack Ruby, the guy who shot Lee Harvey Oswald. Do you remember that day, Larry, and the thing? KING: Yes. DUNNE: And it was right after that, that she died. I mean, I think she had some material, something, something that they didn't want, somebody didn't want to come out. That's a great question whoever called that in. And, you know, I don't think we'd ever find anything this many years later. But it's a mysterious death. KING: No. We'll take a break and be back with more of Dominick Dunne right after this.