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Emmett Till


John Dolva

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Yes, Tim, I appreciate your input. However this topic is about that period of time in the south when John F. Kennedy was murdered. There are clear connections between the people who murdered black people and those who were in Dallas and New Orleans in 1963.

This series of posts are to remind of the environment and issues that were real then. In the early sixties.

Instinctively in the first few hours before Oswald became the focus, those close to the President thought 'civil rights'. The Cubans, Oswald, the Mob and all the rest came later. There were members in the establishment like Senator Eastland who were active and intimate with killers in the KKK. Theses snipers did kill. The environment was one of violence. Nothing to do with todays Muslims in this thread context. This is about identifying the murderers of Kennedy.

There were good people of all races and religions fighting the good fight.

The terror of the South had clear economic causes.

Bannister was involved in spying on citizens to build up databases to identify and deal with anti-segregationists.

Overall in the context of the times the people involved one way or another cannot forever obfuscate the connection between bigotry and Kennedys death.

There are now coming into being avenues for reopening the Kennedy murder investigations. It would be negligent not to explore them.

Some more considerations re rollback, or the continuing fight for civil rights. Points raised in other threads about white separatism and the Lousisiana voters'

The Louisiana primary system does not have a moderating influence. Louisiana's nonpartisan primary often appears to have had the opposite effect of the goal of electing more moderate winners. In fact, Louisiana is notorious for candidates like David Duke, the former leader of the Ku Klux Klan, winning or coming close to winning high public office. A Republican state legislator, Duke ran a strong second in the 1990 U.S. Senate election and gained a spot in the runoff election in the governor's race in 1991. In that 1991 runoff, he faced Edwin Edwards, a former governor with a history of suspected corruption. Indicating the polarized nature of the choice between Duke and Edwards, a popular bumper sticker in favor of Edwards was: "Vote the Crook: It's Important."

In the 1995 governor's race, sixteen candidates ran in the opening round, including four major candidates who ultimately won at least 18% of the vote. The two most ideologically extreme major candidates were Mike Foster, a conservative Republican who earned Pat Buchanan's endorsement and inherited much of David Duke's constituency, and Cleo Fields. a leading liberal Democrat in the Congressional Black Caucus. They advanced to the runoff election with a combined vote of only 45% of votes casts, with the more centrist vote split among other candidates. Foster ultimately was elected in the runoff election.

A Louisiana-style nonpartisan primary easily can produce these kind of results because in a large field of candidates, the top two vote-getters can have relatively few votes. In a multi-candidate field, this rule tends to favor non-moderate candidates with the strongest core support that can be narrow rather than broad. This lack of moderation is the exact opposite of one of the goals of blanket primary proponents like former California Congressman Tom Campbell.

The Louisiana primary system does not give voters more choice. Louisiana's nonpartisan primary can reduce voters' choices at the ballot box rather than increase them. Most importantly, few races have gone to a second round of voting, meaning that, until the state law was changed in 1998 to hold the primary in November and the general election in December, almost all federal races were decided in October in the opening primary round of election rather than in the general election in November. In fact, most races were won without any competition whatsoever. In Louisiana's congressional elections in 1998, for example, incumbents faced no opponents in five out of seven U.S. House seats and didn't even appear on the ballot . A sixth incumbent easily defeated two candidates from his party in the opening round. The final incumbent faced one challenger, whom he narrowly defeated. A total of 10 candidates ran for seven seats, with only one remotely close race.

In 1996, three out of seven House seats were uncontested, and two more were won by "landslide" victory margins of more than 20%. In 1994, there were no general elections for congressional seats because all of the races were decided in the opening primary round -- in these races six out of seven House races were won by landslides with an average victory margin of 86 percent. In 1992, six out of seven House races were won by landslides with huge victory margins. Louisiana has been using its nonpartisan primary since 1977; in the eleven election years since that time, only a single congressional incumbent has been defeated.

Perhaps it should be no surprise that throughout the 1990's, Louisiana often ranked last in the nation in voter turnout in U.S. House election. In 1998, only 2 out of 7 races were contested. The turnout in these races was typical of House races, but more problematically, voters in most districts didn't even have their representatives appear on the ballot. This system certainly hasn't given voters better choices, and it certainly hasn't encouraged voter participation.

In addition, Louisiana's election and redistricting methods have produced startling disproportions between the percentage of seats won compared to the percentage of popular votes won. (See the Center's report Dubious Democracy 2000 for information about turnout, competitiveness and seats-to-votes relationship from 1982 to 2000.)

The Louisiana system produces other perverse impacts. For instance, in 1996 the 7th US House district opening primary resulted in two Democrats finishing highest -- with a combined vote of only 48% of votes cast -- and facing off in the general election. No Republican or third party candidates thus appeared in the general election. In 1992, the 4th congressional district primary resulted in two Democrats reaching the runoff election (without Republican or third party candidate appearing on the November ballot), while the 6th congressional district resulted in two Republicans reaching the runoff election (without Democrats or third party candidates on the November ballot).

As a general rule, since only the top two finishers in the opening primary have had any chance to advance to a runoff election, it proved to be very difficult for minor party candidates to appear on Louisiana's November election ballot for federal and state elections. Not surprisingly, there have been no effective minor parties in Louisiana in the years since the present election system was put into place in 1978. There have been only a handful of minor party candidates on the ballot with a party label for any federal office (except President) in that period.

Finally, Louisiana is likely to face new problems with its change in 1998 to have the opening primary round at the time of the November election. This change certainly will ensure higher voter turnout in the opening round -- important, given the fact that most elections have been decided in that round -- but will also result in any runoff elections taking place in December, when turnout is often going to be much lower. For example, in 1992, a U.S. Senate race in Georgia went to a December runoff, and turnout dropped by more than half between November (which took place at the time of the presidential election) and the decisive runoff.

Thus, from the point of view of voters, nonpartisan primaries in Louisiana have severely limited the range of choices available in the general elections. When given a choice, voters typically are limited to two candidates, who frequently are not moderates and sometimes are actually from the same political party..

Edited by John Dolva
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@

July 25, 1941 – Emmett Louis Till is born in Chicago.

May 17, 1954

– In Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court

rules unanimously that school segregation is unconstitutional. The decision

provokes intense hostility among many in the South, creating a poisonous

racial atmosphere.

August 1955

– Emmett Till, 14, travels from Chicago to Money,

Mississippi, to spend the summer with his cousins.

August 24, 1955

– While visiting Bryant's Grocery and Meat Market in

Money, Emmett Till allegedly insults Carolyn Bryant, a white woman.

August 28, 1955

– Till is abducted by two white men and murdered.

August 31, 1955

– Till's mutilated body is found in the Tallahatchie River.

September 19, 1955

– The trial of Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam begins in

Sumner, Mississippi.

September 23, 1955

– Bryant and Milam are acquitted.

December 1955

– African Americans begin a boycott of the segregated

city bus system in Montgomery, Alabama.

May 1956

– A rally is held in New York City's Madison Square Garden by

a newly founded group called In Friendship. The group is founded largely

in response to the Till murder and raises money to support the victims of

racial violence.

August 1957

– Congress passes the Civil Rights Act of 1957, which

includes a provision for federal investigations of civil rights violations, a

provision that many observers credit to the impact of the Emmett Till case.

On the same day, Martin Luther King, Jr., decides on the name of the new

organization he and other ministers had founded – the Southern Christian

Leadership Conference (SCLC).

May 28, 1963

– The NAACP begins to hold sit-ins at Woolworth lunch

counters. That night, a Molotov cocktail is thrown at Medgar Evers's

house.

June 7, 1963

– At an NAACP meeting in Jackson, Mississippi, Evers says,

“I love my children and I love my wife. And I would die, and die gladly, if

that would make a better life for them.”

June 12, 1963

– President John F. Kennedy gives a stirring civil rights

speech on television. As Medgar Evers returns home after hearing it, he is

killed by a rifle shot.

June 19, 1963

– Shortly after Byron de la Beckwith is arrested, Evers is

buried with full military honors in Arlington National Cemetery. For two

days previously, his body had been carried across the land by a funeral

train.

June 22, 1963

– Kennedy meets at the White House first with Roy Wilkins

of the NAACP and then with Martin Luther King, Jr.

August 28, 1963

– During the civil rights march on Washington, Martin

Luther King, Jr. delivers his “I have a dream” speech.

................Kennedy murdered

February 7, 1964

– The Beckwith trial ends in a mistrial. A second trial

also failed to convict.

July 2, 1964 – The Civil Rights Bill of 1964 is signed by President Lyndon

Johnson, John Kennedy's successor. It abolishes discrimination in public

accommodations and employment.

July 1965

– President Johnson signs the Voting Rights Act, which ensure

voting rights to African Americans, thus fulfilling one of Medgar Evers's

missions.

............

1989 – The Byron de la Beckwith case is reopened.

1991 – July 25, On Emmett Till's 50th birthday, Mayor Richard M. Daley

proclaims “Emmett Till Day” in Chicago. Part of 71st Street is honorarily

named “Emmett Till Road.”

1994 – Beckwith is found guilty and sentenced to life in prison.

.............

Emmett Till*

KANSAS CITY, Mo. - Alvin Sykes came late to the saga of Emmett Till, but the Kansas City human rights activist has as much as anyone to do with the reopening of the investigation into the 1955 murder.

Without Sykes' persistence and network of connections, it's unlikely that the case would have gotten the renewed attention of federal and Mississippi authorities, say those who have worked closely with him during a quarter-century-long quest to resolve unpunished civil rights crimes.

"He is tenacious as a bulldog, and he doesn't know the meaning of 'no,'" said Don Burger, a retired racial conflict mediator for the U.S. Justice Department.

Burger, of Waukee, Iowa, joined with Sykes in founding the Emmett Till Justice Campaign, which successfully lobbied the Justice Department to put the FBI back on the hunt in 2004.

Until a few years ago, however, Sykes knew only the basic details of the black 14-year-old's brutal death, which is credited with helping to catalyze the civil rights movement.

Sykes felt the case first tug at him in 1981, after he had persuaded the Justice Department to investigate and successfully prosecute a hate crime for which the perpetrator had been acquitted in a Missouri state court.

The victim was Steven Harvey, a 27-year-old black jazz saxophonist, who was beaten to death in 1980 with a baseball bat by a white ex-Marine. Harvey's widow, Rhea, told Sykes it was the second hate crime in her family. The first was Emmett Till, to whom Rhea Harvey was distantly related.

Till's name, however, didn't attract Sykes' full attention until December 2002, when an article in a black-oriented Kansas City weekly newspaper detailed the books and films being done about the case. He read about Mamie Till Mobley, Emmett's mother, who had been trying since 1956 to get the case reopened. That was also the year Sykes was born.

"Like it was, wow, this woman has spent the equivalent of my lifetime pursuing this one thing," said Sykes.

Sykes contacted Mobley and talked her into chairing the Emmett Till Justice Campaign. Mobley died two days after giving the effort her blessing.

Sykes has made the cause his passion ever since, with help from Burger and others, such as filmmaker Keith Beauchamp. Beauchamp's documentary, "The Untold Story of Emmett Till," contends that there were other people, some still living, who were involved in Till's murder other than the two white men, Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam, who were acquitted by an all-white Tallahatchie County jury.

As with the Steven Harvey murder, Sykes had to persuade the Justice Department that it had jurisdiction to look into the case, even if they would have to rely on state officials to prosecute it. His research turned up two precedents - a federal investigation during the 1970s into the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy, and the Clinton administration's re-examination in the late 1990s of the 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King.

"If it was good enough for Kennedy, and it was good enough for King, it was good enough for Emmett Till," Sykes said.

Sykes is one of the more unlikely characters in the latest chapter of the Till murder and its aftermath.

Sykes was taken at the age of 8 days from his 14-year-old biological mother and placed with a 48-year-old unmarried domestic worker. At 12, he got his first taste of the civil rights movement, snitching on vandals who were setting fires around his Kansas City neighborhood in the aftermath of the King assassination. Fearing in part for his safety, his adoptive mother shipped Sykes off to Boys Town, a home for troubled and neglected children in Nebraska.

At 16, back in Kansas City, Sykes dropped out of school and starting teaching and training himself on the intricacies of the law. Raised Catholic, he became a Buddhist at 18.

He developed a passion for helping crime victims, having himself experienced that sense of helplessness at a young age. When he was 11, Sykes said, he was sexually assaulted twice by a man and woman who lived across the street. They were never charged.

"I did not know there were people you could go to for help," Sykes said.

His grasp of the nuances of civil rights laws is unparalleled, according to Burger, the retired Justice Department mediator.

"He can stand on his own with the most gifted lawyers from Yale and Harvard," Burger said.

Sykes does his work without a vehicle (a visual impairment in one eye keeps him from driving) or much income.

Technically, as president of the Emmett Till Justice Campaign, he is supposed to receive a salary of $27,500 a year, but the organization hasn't had the money to pay it.

Sykes believes his biggest contribution to the Till investigation was getting federal and state prosecutors to talk. A pivotal meeting occurred in Oxford in February 2004, where Joyce Chiles, the district attorney for Leflore, Sunflower and Washington counties, agreed to request the Justice Department's help in the investigation. That allowed the FBI not only to get involved but to add the possibility of prosecution to its digging.

"Joyce Chiles made this a real investigation with real consequences," Sykes said.

Sykes' powers of persuasion extends beyond the Till case.

He planted the seed in the mind of Sen. Jim Talent, R-Mo., to create an office within the Department of Justice to investigate and prosecute unsolved murders from the civil rights era.

That legislation has 22 bipartisan co-sponsors, including both of Mississippi's Republican senators, Thad Cochran and Trent Lott. Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., is one of the lead sponsors in a companion measure that is expected to be introduced in the House next month.

Sykes also came up with the legislation's nickname - the "Till bill."

Sykes said he has no preconceived notions about whether anyone still living collaborated in the murder of Till.

"You will never get from me names of people who were allegedly involved. We want a complete and fair investigation," he said.

He said the evidence could just as likely exonerate aged suspects as it could show reason to prosecute.

"There may be people out there who have been falsely accused."

To those in Mississippi who question the wisdom of resurrecting the racially sensitive case, Sykes cites the example of the June conviction by a Neshoba County jury of Edgar Ray Killen for his involvement in the 1964 slaying of three civil rights workers. That successful state prosecution of the former Klansman has removed, according to Sykes, the stigma that had clung for 41 years to Philadelphia, Miss., site of the infamous crime.

"Already around the world, Philadelphia means something different than it did a month ago," Sykes said during a July interview. "You see it as a beacon of hope for truth and justice."

He said the only way that Mississippi can move out of the long shadow of Emmett Till's death is by bringing to light the full truth of what happened 50 years ago.

"There are more people in Mississippi in the end who will feel better about this coming to a conclusion one way or another rather than to just hang there and fester."

* http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=...04621&rfi=6

# http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Civil_Rights_Movement

@ https://www.choicesvideo.net/guidebooks/WAV/Heroes1.pdf

POLITICAL ASSASSINATION

@ : "Jim Crow” laws created a legally inferior status in the South for African Americans, who were denied equal justice and social services. In addition, African Americans suffered sporadic and vicious outbreaks of “lynch law” — people would seize suspected criminals (many of them innocent) and murder them, often after terrible tortures. Sometimes the “crime” for which a black person was murdered hardly qualified for that term. Such was the case of Emmett Till. Because he had allegedly insulted a white woman on a summer day in 1955, two white men assumed they had license to kill him. If they thought they would get away with it, they were correct, because they were never convicted. But if they thought Emmett Till would be forgotten, they couldn't have been more wrong.

Medgar Evers, as field secretary for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), was at the forefront of the movement to get blacks to register to vote. This made him a prime target for segregationists. His murder in 1963 was the first racial killing to garner national attention since the killing of Till eight years before. After his death, an interesting shift in vocabulary signaled an important change in perception. His murder was not referred to as a “lynching,” but a “political assassination,” a recognition that violence against blacks had become something that had to be taken much more seriously and that it had deep political implications. Had Emmett Till and Medgar Evers met their deaths 50 years earlier, their names would probably have been forgotten. But times were changing in America, and their murders ignited a spirit of protest that would not die."

:::::::::::::::::::::::::

Comment; Could Sykes be the man to help relaunch an investigation?

"Sykes' powers of persuasion extends beyond the Till case.

He planted the seed in the mind of Sen. Jim Talent, R-Mo., to create an office within the Department of Justice to investigate and prosecute unsolved murders from the civil rights era."

Topical Bump - http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.ph...ost&p=96174

Edited by John Dolva
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http://ohttp://www.sptimes.com/2007/12/09/news_pf/Worldandnation/Bill_is_on_hold_for_l.shtmlnhold_for_l.shtml

Bill is on hold for look at slayings in civil rights era

Associated Press

Published December 9, 2007

WASHINGTON - Legislation to beef up investigations into unsolved murders from the civil rights era looked like it would breeze through Congress.

The House passed it 422-2 last summer. Its Senate sponsors included some of the most senior Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill.

But the bill has stalled since the House vote in June. Its supporters acknowledge that prospects are slim this year with just days left on the legislative calendar. The breakdown offers a case study in how even the most popular legislation can get caught up in Washington gridlock.

"The bill should have passed a long time ago," said Rita Bender, widow of Michael Schwerner, who was killed in Mississippi in 1964 along with fellow civil rights organizers Andrew Goodman and James Chaney. "Every indication is that if it were brought to the floor and voted on there would be enough votes to pass it."

The bill is named after Emmett Till, a black teenager who was murdered in Mississippi in 1955 after being accused of whistling at a white woman. His killers were never convicted.

The legislation would authorize $10-million annually over 10 years for the Justice Department to rejuvenate its prosecutions of pre-1970 civil rights murders. It calls for another $3.5-million annually for Justice to provide grants and other help to local law enforcement agencies.

The man most responsible for obstructing the measure is Sen. Tom Coburn, an Oklahoma Republican. Coburn says he supports the cause but feels the FBI can pursue the cases with existing resources.

A spending hawk, Coburn has put a hold on the legislation and dozens of other bills that would increase the federal budget without offsetting costs elsewhere.

"It's absolutely outrageous that one senator and one senator only appears to be blocking us from passing this piece of legislation," said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.

Of course, Coburn alone can't stop the bill. He can only hold it up by forcing time-consuming debate and registering his opposition.

If the measure is so important, he asks, why not bring it to the floor?

So far, Senate leaders have declined to do that. The process could eat up several days and require a series of votes on procedural motions. It also could open the measure to amendments that could weaken the bill.

Senate Democrats say Coburn is blocking about 90 bills, and working around him on all of them would take months - leaving little room for other work.

Coburn's spokesman, John Hart, acknowledged that Coburn would try to amend the Emmett Till bill by cutting its cost. But if his efforts failed, Hart said, Coburn would simply vote against the bill and let it go.

Hart said no one - including the bill's Senate sponsor, Chris Dodd, a Connecticut Democrat who is running for president - has personally approached Coburn about a compromise for floor debate.

"It doesn't make sense for the majority leader to blame a freshman Republican for scheduling problems," Hart said. "(Coburn's) intent is not to tie up the Senate for days on this."

Cold cases

Prosecutors have successfully reopened several civil rights murders in recent years, but dozens of unsolved cases remain, according to the FBI and the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Ala.

The cases include:

1946: The lynching of two black couples on Moore's Ford Bridge near Monroe, Ga.

1946: The murder of Maceo Snipes, a black World War II veteran who was shot in the back by four white men in front of his family's home in Georgia, a day after he voted for the first time.

1964: The death of Hubert Orsby, whose body was found in the Big Black River near Pickens, Miss. He wore a shirt printed with "CORE," the acronym for the Congress of Racial Equality.

1965: The shooting death of O'Neal Moore, one of two black sheriff's deputies hired in Washington Parish in southern Louisiana.

p://www.sptimes.com/2007/12/09/news_pf/Worldandnation/Bill_is_on_hold_for_l.shtml

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http://ohttp://www.sptimes.com/2007/12/09/news_pf/Worldandnation/Bill_is_on_hold_for_l.shtmlnhold_for_l.shtml

Bill is on hold for look at slayings in civil rights era

Associated Press

Published December 9, 2007

WASHINGTON - Legislation to beef up investigations into unsolved murders from the civil rights era looked like it would breeze through Congress.

The House passed it 422-2 last summer. Its Senate sponsors included some of the most senior Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill.

But the bill has stalled since the House vote in June. Its supporters acknowledge that prospects are slim this year with just days left on the legislative calendar. The breakdown offers a case study in how even the most popular legislation can get caught up in Washington gridlock.

"The bill should have passed a long time ago," said Rita Bender, widow of Michael Schwerner, who was killed in Mississippi in 1964 along with fellow civil rights organizers Andrew Goodman and James Chaney. "Every indication is that if it were brought to the floor and voted on there would be enough votes to pass it."

The bill is named after Emmett Till, a black teenager who was murdered in Mississippi in 1955 after being accused of whistling at a white woman. His killers were never convicted.

The legislation would authorize $10-million annually over 10 years for the Justice Department to rejuvenate its prosecutions of pre-1970 civil rights murders. It calls for another $3.5-million annually for Justice to provide grants and other help to local law enforcement agencies.

The man most responsible for obstructing the measure is Sen. Tom Coburn, an Oklahoma Republican. Coburn says he supports the cause but feels the FBI can pursue the cases with existing resources.

A spending hawk, Coburn has put a hold on the legislation and dozens of other bills that would increase the federal budget without offsetting costs elsewhere.

"It's absolutely outrageous that one senator and one senator only appears to be blocking us from passing this piece of legislation," said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.

Of course, Coburn alone can't stop the bill. He can only hold it up by forcing time-consuming debate and registering his opposition.

If the measure is so important, he asks, why not bring it to the floor?

So far, Senate leaders have declined to do that. The process could eat up several days and require a series of votes on procedural motions. It also could open the measure to amendments that could weaken the bill.

Senate Democrats say Coburn is blocking about 90 bills, and working around him on all of them would take months - leaving little room for other work.

Coburn's spokesman, John Hart, acknowledged that Coburn would try to amend the Emmett Till bill by cutting its cost. But if his efforts failed, Hart said, Coburn would simply vote against the bill and let it go.

Hart said no one - including the bill's Senate sponsor, Chris Dodd, a Connecticut Democrat who is running for president - has personally approached Coburn about a compromise for floor debate.

"It doesn't make sense for the majority leader to blame a freshman Republican for scheduling problems," Hart said. "(Coburn's) intent is not to tie up the Senate for days on this."

Cold cases

Prosecutors have successfully reopened several civil rights murders in recent years, but dozens of unsolved cases remain, according to the FBI and the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Ala.

The cases include:

1946: The lynching of two black couples on Moore's Ford Bridge near Monroe, Ga.

1946: The murder of Maceo Snipes, a black World War II veteran who was shot in the back by four white men in front of his family's home in Georgia, a day after he voted for the first time.

1964: The death of Hubert Orsby, whose body was found in the Big Black River near Pickens, Miss. He wore a shirt printed with "CORE," the acronym for the Congress of Racial Equality.

1965: The shooting death of O'Neal Moore, one of two black sheriff's deputies hired in Washington Parish in southern Louisiana.

p://www.sptimes.com/2007/12/09/news_pf/Worldandnation/Bill_is_on_hold_for_l.shtml

Thank you, William, Unfortunate yet interesting.

Some q's / thoughts come to mind.

~ how did this "bean counter" vote re. the trillion dollar war efforts?

~ coming from Oklahoma:

> Gen. Walkers Lawyer, Gen. Watts lived there. The investigators sent by him to investigate on Walkers behalf the alleged Walker shooting, came from there.

> Harry D. Holmes came from there. Went to Kansas, Kansas City MO. (a Harry D Holmes a few years age difference, in Kansas, first decade 1900, as a boy shot a younger boy from the rear in the head with a shotgun. Verdict accident, no witnesses.

Possible connections to President Truman (KKK member) famly through marriage, Harry's origins shrouded in non-investigation. Left Oklahoma during the 'exodus' and later went to the heart of the Confederacy, Texas, Dallas, in 1948.

~ Zangetti, talking of Kennedy murder, found shot dead in Oklahoma Lake.

~ Various investigations emanating from Oklahoma City re bullets.

~ Other matters?

All up : Does this "bean counters' " political sponsors have interests in not having Civil Rights hate crimes (ie JFK, MLK, RFK assassinations and other killings) investigated?

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FBI TURNS 100 Years but still has unsolved cases:

http://cosmos.bcst.yahoo.com

Not including the political assassinations of the 60s, they list

#1 - Osama Bin Layden

#2 - Anthrax killer(s)

#3 - Hoffa

#4 - D.B. Cooper

#5 - Whitey Bolger

#6 - Civil Rights murders of the 50s and 60s of which the FBI

has identified over 100 that fit his category, yet Congress, held up by

one Senator, has failed to pass the Emmett Till Bill, which would set

up a separate office at the Dept of Justice and establish a multi-agency

Task Force to investigate and prosecute the outstanding civil rights murders.

BK

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The Emmett Till Bill should pass the in the next Congress, establishing funding for a multi-agency Task Force dedicated to investigating and prosecuting the cold case civil rights murders of the fifties and sixties.

The efforts of the one Senator who held up the bill in the last congress (Sen. Tom Coburn, R. Oka), can now be over rided by the majority party in both houses.

BK

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The Emmett Till Bill should pass the in the next Congress, establishing funding for a multi-agency Task Force dedicated to investigating and prosecuting the cold case civil rights murders of the fifties and sixties.

The efforts of the one Senator who held up the bill in the last congress (Sen. Tom Coburn, R. Oka), can now be over rided by the majority party in both houses.

BK

http://coburn.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?...6d&Issue_id=

xxx

http://coburn.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?...39&Issue_id=

Dr. Coburn Credits Emmett Till Justice Campaign with Passage of Civil Rights Legislation

Pledges to force debate and spending cuts on even more bills next Congress

September 24, 2008

(WASHINGTON, D.C.) – U.S. Senator Tom Coburn, M.D. (R-OK) today helped pass the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act after Senate leaders signaled their intent to kill a compromise proposal supported by the Emmett Till Justice Campaign.

“Alvin Sykes, the head of the Emmett Till Justice Campaign, has worked tirelessly to pass this civil rights legislation ever since he promised Emmett Till’s dying mother that he would help bring justice to the perpetrators of these evil crimes. Mr. Sykes stood strong on his values and principles and was determined to finish his job as he waded through the swamp of Washington’s politics. His heart, integrity and determination are unmatched. I congratulate him on a job well done and on promises kept. Politicians in Washington can learn a lot from his example,” Dr. Coburn said.

“Still, I’m disappointed by the majority’s cynical manipulation of this issue and willingness to exploit for partisan gain the efforts of those who worked for many decades to prosecute these crimes. Cutting lesser priorities within the bloated federal budget could have paid for this legislation, but congressional leaders refused to eliminate pet projects back home or demand the Department of Justice direct funds to pay for solving these civil rights violations. Over the past three years, I have identified numerous examples of wasteful spending within the Department of Justice that could be eliminated to pay for the Emmett Till bill and was time and again rejected because Washington politicians insisted that they do not and should not have to pay for any new spending that Congress authorizes,” Dr. Coburn said.

“Taxpayers deserve to know that the Department of Justice ended the last two fiscal years with $1.6 billion in unspent money that will not be returned to the taxpayers. Yet, instead of allowing the DOJ to direct a tiny fraction of that sum to prosecuting unsolved civil rights crimes, Senate leaders have instead insisted that taxpayers provide DOJ with another $63 million more for this purpose,” Dr. Coburn said.

“For the victims of these decades-old crimes, justice delayed is justice denied. Yet, it is also unjust that Congress’ borrow and spend approach to passing legislation will burden future generations with the cost of today’s well-intentioned, but fiscally irresponsible, efforts to seek justice in these cases. Future generations of Americans who will inherit a $9 trillion national debt will, unfortunately, pay to make amends for Congress’ decision to live beyond its means,” Dr. Coburn said.

“The events of the last few weeks in the financial sector have highlighted the dangers of borrowing without regard to consequences. Unfortunately, Congress is continuing its business-as-usual spending practices. When the Senate reconvenes next year I look forward to forcing debate on even more bills that increase spending but are not paid for with spending cuts. I make no apologies for using every procedural tool at my disposal to try to force this body to live within its means. In the 110th Congress, nearly 900 bills have passed in secret with no debate, no amendments and no recorded vote through the ‘hotline’ process. I eventually allowed nearly 95 percent of those bills to pass. Next year, in light of our financial crisis and the majority’s refusal to pay for new programs with spending offsets, far fewer of those bills will become law,” Dr. Coburn said.

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http://globalgrind.com/content/198326/Emmett-Till-Bill-Passed-Into-Law

Emmett Till Bill passed into law.

www.thesaudavoice.com With the historical nature of this year's presidential election, I am shocked (and disappointed) that one equally historic news item went unmentioned by the local and national media - with the exception of a few black media outlets. On October 7th, President Bush signed into law the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act.

http://emmett-till-news.newslib.com/

http://powerisknowledge.newsvine.mobi/_news/2008/11/09/2091161-president-bush-signs-emmett-till-bill-into-law

President Bush Signs Emmett Till Bill Into Law

2091177.jpg By Margena A. Christian

Jet Magazine, Nov. 10, 2008, p. 16

President Bush quietly signed into law the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act, which will give the Justice Department more money to investigate unsolved murders from the civil rights era (Jet, Oct. 20-27).

"We are happy that the Till Bill is now the law of the land," said Alvin Sykes, president of the Emmett Till Justice Campaign and architect of the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act. "Now the greatest criminal manhunt in this country's history is underway for these perpetrators who thought they had gotten away with their lynchings a long time ago. If they didn't believe this would ever happen before, they'll believe it now!"

The bill was named for the Chicago teen Emmett Till who was murdered in Mississippi in 1955 for allegedly whistling at a White woman.

http://emmett-till-news.newslib.com/

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Edited by William Kelly
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  • 7 months later...
  • 3 years later...

The FBI might have reluctantly reopened many cold cases from the fifties and sixties, at the insistence of Congress and the Emmett Till Bill, and the Innocence Project may have freed many wrongfully convicted blacks, but there's no real investigation of those responsible for the crimes.

The FBI knows how to conduct such complicated investigations - you marshal all of the forces of the United States government by forming a special Task Force consisting of agents from every agency and department, as well as liaisons with state and local government law enforcement agencies. Investigators and field agents work closely with reseachers that scan news archives and documents and prosecuting attorneys who will take the evidence to a grand jury that is responsible for indicting suspects for trial..

Such an effort however, is beyond the capabilities of the FBI and the US Department of Justice, as this New York Times articles shows. - BK JFKCountercoup2: FBI Send Mrs. Till Condolences Not Justice

South’s Cold Cases, Reopened but Still Unresolved - NYTimes.com

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