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I'm not sure if this will work --- but since del Valle is such a central character in Caufield's narrative, Kevin Coogan's article is must-reading.

Let me know if this does not work:

file:///C:/Users/ernie577/Downloads/Kevin_Coogan_The_Defenders_of_the_American_Constitution%20(1).pdf

If that PDF link does not work -- just google "kevin coogan and delvalle" and you will see a link to a Word doc which is that article.

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In case, this new book escaped your attention:

Dallas '63: The First Deep State Revolt Against the White House
Open Road Media, Sep 29, 2015 - Political Science - 193 pages
With a foreword by Rex Bradford and a preface by Bill Simpich: From deep within American society emerged the plot that killed a president

Beneath the orderly façade of the American government lies a complex network, only partly structural, linking Wall Street influence, corrupt bureaucracy, and the military-industrial complex. Here lies the true power of the American empire: This behind-the-scenes web is unelected, unaccountable, and immune to popular resistance. Peter Dale Scott calls this entity the deep state, and he has made it his life’s work to write the history of those who manipulate our government from the shadows. Since the aftermath of World War II, the deep state’s power has grown unchecked, and nowhere has it been more apparent than at sun-dappled Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963.

The central mystery of the JFK assassination is not who fired the guns that fateful day, but the untouchable forces behind the shooters. In this landmark volume, Scott traces how culpable elements in the CIA and FBI helped prepare for the assassination, and how such elements continue to influence our politics today.

In his 1993 publication Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, Scott looked closely at the foreground of the assassination: Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby, and their connections to Dallas law enforcement, to the underworlds of Dallas and New Orleans, and to Cuba. This new book, in contrast, looks at the assassination as an event emanating from the American deep state, including actions of the CIA and FBI in Washington and Mexico City, and apparent continuities with later deep events, notably Watergate, the Iran-Contra affair, and 9/11. Dallas ’63 concludes with an overview of the 2 pivotal decades between the death of JFK and the Reagan Revolution, when all 4 presidents following Kennedy were increasingly at odds with deep state ambitions for world hegemony and saw their presidential careers prematurely terminated.
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Proceeding further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 9, Oswald in New Orleans and the Jim Garrison Case, we will not, contrary to expectations, read a simple re-telling of the Jim Garrison case -- either from the pro-Garrison or the anti-Garrison perspective. Instead, Jeff Caufield throws the reader a curve-ball.

For one thing, Caufield cites the little-known Jack Martin Home Movie, which belonged to a young member of the Minutemen in Minnesota, who had served under General Walker at Augsburg, Germany sometime in 1960-1961. This home movie depicts a visit to the home of General Walker, filming the bullet holes in his house after the April 10th shooting, and then a trip to New Orleans to film the scuffle of LHO with Carlos Bringuier near Canal Street on August 9th.

Insofar as Carlos Bringuier called Kent Courtney for advice regarding his arrest for the scuffle, this raised further suspicion for Jeff Caufield, who exclaims:

The filming defies any reasonable explanation other than that Walker knew about Oswald and his planned fight with Bringuier before the rest of the world, contrary to his Commission testimony. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 201)

It seems to me that Jeff Caufield is absolutely correct in his reasoning about the Jack Martin Home Movie, and one wonders how Jim Garrison could have missed the connection between General Walker and Guy Banister in his extensive investigation of the JFK murder 1966-1968. Yet Jeff Caufield considers that there are no less than three versions of Jim Garrison's case:

(1) In the trial of Clay Shaw, which never raised the question of the CIA during the trial, Caufield is astonished that the crucial relationship between Oswald and Guy Banister was not raised during the trial;

(2) In his 1967 Playboy interview, Jim Garrison blamed the CIA, FBI, ONI, SS and NASA for the JFK murder because they wanted to break away from JFK's Cold War policies. (This was obviously impossible to prove because it was so generic.)

(2.1) In his 1979 book, On the Trail of the Assassins (which Oliver Stone used as the basis for his 1991 movie, JFK), Jim Garrison narrowed the field and blamed former CIA agents enraged over the Bay of Pigs. (This he also failed to prove.)

(3) In his DA investigative files, which are not widely available to the public, Jim Garrison makes a totally different case, namely, that the Radical Right wing in New Orleans worked with LHO in conjunction with the KKK, WCC, JBS, NSRP, ANP and Minutemen. Caufield writes:

Garrison, in spite of his publicly pronounced CIA allegations, fittingly and correctly -- at least early on -- referred to the conspirators as "master-racist authors of the assassination." Garrison also stated that the assassins were a group of "Fanatical anti-Communists -- people who could be described as neo-Nazi." (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 201)

This is indeed a side of the Jim Garrison investigation that was new to me, and will likely be new to many readers. Regarding LHO himself, notice what Jim Garrison wrote in his early investigative papers, which seems novel when compared to the Clay Shaw trial. Caufield writes:

Oswald's professed Marxist sympathies were just a cover for his real activities. Oswald would have been more at home with Mein Kampf than Das Kapital. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 199)

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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Proceeding further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 9, Oswald in New Orleans and the Jim Garrison Case, delves into Jim Garrison’s early investigative papers – before Garrison’s famous CIA-did-it theory.

Those papers show Garrison’s investigation into Carlos Quiroga, Gordon Novel, Ed Butler, Kerry Thornley, Thomas Beckham, Edgar Eugene Bradley, Carl McIntire, Billy James Hargis, Stanley Drennan and Clinton Wheat. These are names already familiar to those researching the Radical Right in the murder of JFK. Caufield writes:

…David Ferrie – at the onset of Garrison’s investigation – told him that prominent members of the far right, including H.L. Hunt, General Walker, Billy James Hargis and Carl McIntire were involved in the assassination. Garrison’s purported former CIA employee-suspects, Gordon Novel and Ed Butler, as well as the California suspects, were nothing more than right-wing extremists tied to one or more of the far-right organizations of the John Birch Society, Ku Klux Klan, Minutemen, National States’ Rights Party, and Citizens’ Council. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 241)

Yet if this is so, then why did Jim Garrison fail to pursue this line of prosecution in his investigation of the JFK murder? Jeff Caufield offers the following explanation:

During his investigation, Garrison’s life was threatened, making it unlikely that Garrison could have openly pursued a prosecution of the determined and murderous individuals in the hardcore underground and remain alive…For his faults and deceptions, Garrison can be thanked for his investigation of Guy Banister and the 544 Camp Street story…as well as for leaving his district attorney JFK assassination files to posterity. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 242)

According to Jeff Caufield, Garrison struggled to stay alive as he pursued a superficial CIA plot as a cover which let him continue to investigate the Radical Right. Despite his failings, Jim Garrison still pushed genuine JFK research into further ground. Jeff Caufield concludes:

If Garrison’s evidence against Gale, Bradley and McIntire had been combined with the evidence amassed by Willie Somersett for the FBI, a powerful case against the radical right could have been made. Unfortunately, the FBI concealed Somersett’s information, and Garrison concealed much of the evidence against McIntire, Bradley, Gale, and the other California suspects. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 242)

So, despite the failings of Jim Garrison, this study by Jeff Caufield proposes to return to Garrison’s investigative files to present to the public what Jim Garrison himself concealed in order to save his own life.

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

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Paul, that's very interesting...does the book specify a date or give any sources to verify that Garrison abandoned his initial inquiry out of personal fear...that is very contrary to his image. I'm sure the book must give some hard evidence of that so I'm interested in what it cites...thanks. Also, since you would have to consider Ferrie and Shaw as pretty right wing, is his shift to prosecuting Shaw actually a shift away from the right?

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Paul, that's very interesting...does the book specify a date or give any sources to verify that Garrison abandoned his initial inquiry out of personal fear...that is very contrary to his image. I'm sure the book must give some hard evidence of that so I'm interested in what it cites...thanks.

Also, since you would have to consider Ferrie and Shaw as pretty right wing, is his shift to prosecuting Shaw actually a shift away from the right?

To respond to your first question, Larry; in this chapter, Caufield says he will further explore Garrison's abandonment of his initial investigation in a later chapter. He seems to be taking these propositions slowly and carefully.

As for the case against Clay Shaw, it's interesting to me that Garrison did not charge Clay Shaw with Radical Right wing motives, nor did he (contrary to the JFK movie) charge Clay Shaw with a CIA plot. The case against Shaw was almost entirely based on his homosexuality, on his alleged relationship with Lee Harvey Oswald according to Perry Russo and several witnesses in Clinton, LA.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

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Proceeding further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 10, Joseph A. Milteer and the Hardcore Underground of New Orleans, introduces Judge Leander H. Perez, a segregationist activist politician in Louisiana, as a friend of Joseph Milteer as well as Guy Banister and General Walker.

Willie Somersett reported to the FBI that Leander Perez was one of the financiers of the JFK murder.

Another friend of Perez was the Georgia segregationist Roy V. Harris, who was also a friend of Joseph Milteer. Roy Harris was one of the founders of the White Citizens Councils, and he obtained Senator Eastland to speak at one of his Council meetings. Harris had two nicknames: “Georgia’s Kingmaker,” on the one hand, and “Mr. Segregation” on the other.

It was the agents of Roy Harris who snapped the photo from the Highlander Folk School, a school to which First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt once attended, where Martin Luther King, Jr. had attended a seminar. The agents of Roy Harris published thousands of copies of that photo in 1962 and 1963 with the famous caption: MARTIN LUTHER KING AT COMMUNIST TRAINING SCHOOL.

Jeff Caufield also adds some disturbing items – Jim Garrison once accepted a donation of $2,000 from Leander Perez for his DA campaign in New Orleans (which adjusted for inflation amounts to $20,000 today). Several attorneys from the far right supported Jim Garrison’s campaign, all good friends of Guy Banister, including Cy Courtney, brother of Kent Courtney. Further, days before his 1962 election, Jim Garrison attended several meetings of the NOLA Citizens’ Council, which was an openly segregationist organization that denounced JFK.

The chairman of the NOLA Citizens’ Council was Emmett Lee Irwin, who also moved in Guy Banister’s circle, had a correspondence with Leander Perez and Joseph Milteer, complaining that “Communism is the driving force behind the integration movement,” and that the NAACP was part of the “Communist conspiracy.” Irwin, Harris and Perez posed together in May 1960 for a snapshot for the New Orleans Times-Picayune, speaking out against the NAACP.

Many readers know that attorney G. Wray Gill represented Carlos Marcello in his court case against RFK in 1963. Joseph Milteer carried the business card of G.W. Gill, in his wallet. G. Wray Gill engaged both Guy Banister and David Ferrie on the caseload for Carlos Marcello, but he also worked for David Ferrie in 1961, representing Ferrie against Eastern Airlines. Caufield writes:

Thomas Beckham, the former teenage singer who ran errands for Guy Banister, voluntarily – without subpoena or legal counsel – testified before the HSCA on May 24, 1978. Among other things, he told the committee that he had attended a meeting in the Algiers section of New Orleans with Sergio Arcacha Smith and…Carlos Marcello. Also in attendance were Lucius Rabel, David Ferrie, and G. Wray Gill. Beckham testified that they talked about how President Kennedy ought to be killed because of the Bay of Pigs fiasco. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 265)

Caufield names several other rightists in New Orleans who interacted with Joseph Milteer. The one that may stand out is Hubert Badeaux, a former agent-in-charge of New Orleans Police Division of Intelligence. Its purpose was to investigate “subversion” and “Communist affairs” in New Orleans. Badeaux worked directly under Guy Banister since 1955. Banister was once asked during an investigation if he was aware “that numerous complaints about brutality toward Negroes” had been made about Badeaux. Banister denied any wrongdoing. Caufield concludes:

Joseph A. Milteer was associated with many individuals who were associates of Guy Banister in New Orleans. They include: George Soule, Leander Perez, George W. Gill and Ray James Leahart…Willie Somersett learned from Milteer that Leander Perez was a financial backer of the Kennedy assassination…Milteer’s relationship with mutual friends Leander Perez and Roy V. Harris, national leaders in the movement to preserve segregation – as well as with General Walker – attests to Milteer’s high position in the national far right. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 279)

According to Jeff Caufield, Joseph Milteer was an unusually well-connected person in the conspiracy to assassinate JFK involving the Radical Right in the USA that was dedicated to preserving the Southern institution of segregation. This chapter showed the close connections of Joseph Milteer with segregationists in New Orleans. In the next chapter, Caufield will trace Milteer’s segregationist connections in Dallas.

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

<edit typos>

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Proceeding further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 11, Joseph A. Milteer and the Hardcore Underground of Dallas, Texas, introduces Dan Smoot, Robert Allen Surrey, H.L. Hunt, Lamar Hunt, Nelson Hunt, J. Evetts Haley, General Walker and the Dallas Minutemen -- all through the eyes of Joseph Milteer.

Dan Smoot was a former FBI agent who investigated Communists in the late 1940's. In 1951 he quit the FBI to join H.L. Hunt’s radio program, Facts Forum, before spinning off his own magazine, The Dan Smoot Report in 1955. The June 3, 1963 edition of The Dan Smoot Report stated, “President Kennedy by Executive Orders which bypass Congress, has already created a body of ‘laws’ to transform our Republic into a dictatorship.”

According to Dan Smoot, JFK violated the US Constitution, the authority of Congress, States Rights, and the rights of General Walker to conduct a “peaceful” protest at Ole Miss in 1962 against US Supreme Court integration policies there. Dan Smoot called General Walker’s layer, Clyde Watts, “a good friend of mine.”

According to Joseph Oster, Dan Smoot was also good friends with Guy Banister. Joseph Milteer visited Smoot in Dallas in June 1963, to name him the Vice Presidential candidate for the Constitution Party, which ran on the segregation platform.

Another contact of Joseph Milteer in Dallas was Robert Allen Surrey, who was also the head of the Dallas ANP. The WC was unaware of Surrey’s Nazi ties when they interviewed him in 1964. Had they known, opines Jeff Caufield, the WC might have taken a bigger interest in LHO’s entry in his notebook of the name of ANP member Dan Burros.

After visiting Robert Allen Surrey in June of 1964, Joseph Milteer then visited General Walker, where they spoke openly and frankly about racist and segregationist goals. I regard this discovery by Jeff Caufield to be one of the most incisive of his new book so far. Caufield writes:

Milteer also mentioned to Porth in the June 6, 1964 letter that after leaving Robert Surrey’s residence, he called on General Walker. He wrote, “I left Mr. Surrey and went to call on Gen. Edwin A. Walker and we talked for about an hour. I left more literature with him and we exchanged different ideas of interest. One outstanding point brought out by Gen. Walker was a way and means to ruin and even destroy cars that niggers own. That is, ruin and destroy the motors so as to stop the niggers from riding. Just put a little destructive element in the crankcase when oil is added or changed that will cause the motor to ‘freeze-up’ and be of no more use…” Milteer closed the letter saying, “this is our year to win and win we will with the help of a good and kind LORD and SAVIOR JESUS CHRIST.” (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 285)

There we see that Joseph Milteer, like General Walker, conceived that the US segregationist movement was based on the Southern idea of Christianity. Just as for centuries Southern preachers had cited Genesis 9:25 as a justification for Southern Slavery, so even in 1963 Southern segregationist clergy preached that Jesus Christ had ordained racial segregation.

Dixie dies hard.

This was where the segregationist Reverend Billy James Hargis played the greater role. Along with Reverend Carl McIntire, Hargis founded the ACC (American Council of Churches) to oppose the NCC (National Council of Churches) which represented mainstream religions such as the Methodist, Baptist, Lutheran, Catholic and Episcopal Churches, all of which had supported the Brown decision. The ACC was openly against admitting Black Americans into Church as a first step towards total segregation. At the urging of Billy James Hargis, General Walker submitted his resignation to his home Episcopal Church, so that he could join the ACC under Hargis.

(To be continued.)

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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Proceeding further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 11, Joseph A. Milteer and the Hardcore Underground of Dallas, Texas, Dr. Caufield further traces Milteer’s relationships with the Hunt family in Dallas.

Joseph Milteer was proud of his personal relationship with H.L. Hunt in Dallas, a fervent supporter of Joseph McCarthy back in the 1950’s, and of General Walker’s campaign for Texas Governor in 1962. Jeff Caufield writes:

Paul Rothermel, a Hunt employee, advised the FBI in 1977: “by 1963 the Hunt family considered Kennedy a tool of the Communists, so when President Kennedy was assassinated the news was not unwelcome. He further stated: “the Hunt family was very concerned that they would be blamed for the assassination in some manner.” (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 288)

According to Raymond Broshears, Lamar Hunt, son of H.L. Hunt, was in the forefront of obtaining the release of General Walker from the Springfield Missouri insane asylum in early October 1962. But it was Nelson Hunt that stood out the most among the Hunt family of rightist radicals. Jeff Caufield writes:

Nelson Bunker Hunt was the Hunt who was the most inclined to political extremism and violence. Paul Rothermel told the FBI that Nelson Bunker advocated violence and illegal measures to deal with the Communist threat and certain liberal world leaders. When Nelson Bunker confided his dark ideas to him, Rothermel told him he refused to get involved in any illegal schemes, and which Nelson Bunker no longer trusted him. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 292)

Nelson Hunt also worked closely with a man named J. Evetts Haley, a rich Texas rancher and a good pal of Joseph Milteer, Dan Smoot, General Walker and Robert Allen Surrey, as well as with Leander Perez and General Pedro del Valle. Haley dedicated his life “to preserve the Southern way of life.” Haley had run for Texas Governor on the segregation platform in 1956. Haley guaranteed the lease for General Walker for his home on Turtle Creek on January 9, 1962, partly because he wanted General Walker to follow in his footsteps. Caufield writes:

Haley was associated with most, in not nearly all, of the far-right groups and individual not noted important in this work, including the prominent leaders of the Citizens’ Council, the John Birch Society, Congress of Freedom and Constitution Party. He was closely aligned with most of the notable associates of Joseph Milteer, the former military men and associates of General Pedro del Valle…. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 298)

Haley also accompanied General Walker to the Ole Miss racial riots of 30 September 1962, and also accompanied Walker while he organized the humiliation of Adlai Stevenson in Dallas. Dr. Caufield explores how General Walker and his crew met at Dallas Memorial Auditorium on 23 October 1963, to booby-trap the auditorium for Stevenson’s speech there on the following night, 24 October 1963.

The humiliation was elaborate – far more than the spitting and placard hitting on Adlai’s person that was nationally reported. Yet the White House and the Warren Commission had no reports that Walker had organized the attack on Adlai Stevenson. This suggests that General Walker had a large and loyal body of supporters in Dallas among the DPD, City Hall and Dallas newspapers.

Nelson Bunker Hunt had many other connections on the Radical Right as well, including an underground national society known as the AVG (American Volunteer Group). Jeff Caufield also explores this society.

(To be continued.)

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

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I am about 400 pages into this massive book. One minor quibble. He writes that the Milteer-Touchstone correspondence, including the "top gun" memo, is first revealed in his book, when actually i had posted it here and in my blog ten years ago. http://coverthistory.blogspot.com/search?q=touchstone I had come across it following up a lead from Joan Mellon's book, and attained it from the Louisiana library at Shreveport.

Also, from what i have read so far, he disposes of David Atlee Phillips in a paragraph, and suggests that Veciana mistook de Morenschildt for Phillips, which is ludicrous.

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So that would mean that from way back to Cuba in 59 all the way through his AID job in Chile, Veciana mistook Phillips for de Morenschieldt ...including all the advice he was getting

from Phillips in forming Alpha 66 and the media Phillips managed to bring in for that announcement....seriously...

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I am about 400 pages into this massive book. One minor quibble. He writes that the Milteer-Touchstone correspondence, including the "top gun" memo, is first revealed in his book, when actually i had posted it here and in my blog ten years ago. http://coverthistory.blogspot.com/search?q=touchstone I had come across it following up a lead from Joan Mellon's book, and attained it from the Louisiana library at Shreveport.

Also, from what i have read so far, he disposes of David Atlee Phillips in a paragraph, and suggests that Veciana mistook de Morenschildt for Phillips, which is ludicrous.

Thanks, Gary, for this insight and correction. I'm confident that this new, 900 page book by Jeff Caufield -- which is the first of its kind to delve into this level of detail into the life of Edwin Walker -- will have a few mistakes.

The most important mistake so far, IMHO, is that you were the one who first cited -- and even quoted -- from the Touchstone-Milteer correspondence ten years ago. So, naturally Caufield's book cannot be the first revelation.

I feel confident that Caufield is keeping a list of errata for a future edition. Also, I liked your article very much. You're on our wavelength.

As for the Veciana issue, I agree with you that Antonio Veciana is a reliable witness. IMHO, David Atlee Phillips (Maurice Bishop) was part of Guy Banister's sheep-dipping of LHO in New Orleans and Mexico City and Dallas, because Phillips basically admits this in his manuscript, THE AMLASH LEGACY (1988).

The reason I hold back from including Phillips as one of the CIA rogues in the JFK murder plot, however, is that in the same manuscript Phillips says that his purpose in grooming LHO as a Fake FPCC Communist was to sneak LHO into Cuba to join a team there to kill Fidel Castro. That is plausible to me.

IMHO, Phillips thought that this was what Guy Banister was trying to do, so Phillips supported Guy Banister. In my current theory (subject to change), Guy Banister used Phillips to convince LHO that the sheep-dip was legitimate, and was probably promising LHO a job in the CIA if he was successful in his "mission."

So, it may be long odds, but I still hold David Atlee Phillips innocent of the JFK murder plot.

Perhaps Jeff Caufield quickly dismissed Phillips because Phillips is largely irrelevant to a Walker-did-it theory, and is crucial only to the questionable CIA-did-it theory.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

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Proceeding still further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 11, Joseph A. Milteer and the Hardcore Underground of Dallas, Texas, Caufield further investigates Nelson Bunker Hunt’s violent underground society, the American Volunteer Group. Caufield writes:

As it spread, the AVG took in a number of Dallas followers of General Edwin Walker and secured a financial angel in the scion of a wealthy oil family. William Turner told the author that he learned from Minutemen founder Robert DePugh that the “financial angel” of the AVG was Nelson Bunker Hunt.”
(Caufield,
General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy
, 2015, p. 299)

Regarding the business of the AVG, Jeff Caufield writes:

Providing more evidence of Nelson Bunker’s violent inclinations, Hunt employee John Curington told author Dick Russell that Nelson Bunker had a list of undesirable leaders that he felt should be killed, including liberal Senators J. William Fulbright and Jacob Javits of New York
. (Caufield,
General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy
, 2015, p. 299)

Jeff Caufield found a rare newsletter of the AVG among the personal papers of Kent Courtney. On the cover was a photo of General Pedro del Valle, the retired US General who became a vocal advocate of racial segregation – and a pal of Joseph Milteer. There were several other US Generals and officers involved in this underground society. Caufield writes:

All of the retired military men listed in the AVG newsletter had extensive ties to the radical right. Brigadier General Richard Moran, retired, was from Kerrville, Texas, and had all the credentials of a high-ranking member of the radical right. FBI documents indicate he was “a close associate of General Edwin A. Walker” and “He conducted JBS meetings in the area
.” (Caufield,
General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy
, 2015, p. 300)

Other retired US Generals and former military officials involved in the AVG were General Robert Scott Jr., General William C. Lemly, General Richard B. Moran, Colonel John Howe, Harvey W. Matthews and Admiral John Crommelin – who was a personal associate of Joseph Milteer in the Congress of Freedom. Evidently the original AVG was composed of retired officers and heroes from World War 2, and over the years (perhaps because of the unpopularity of the Brown Decision) the AVG shifted further to the right, until JBS writers like Revilo P. Oliver became leaders in the AVG, and they began to move in circles frequented by Joseph Milteer, and was eventually financed by Nelson B. Hunt.

Caufield next notes that H.L. Hunt was the main financier of General Walker’s bid for Texas Governor. Caufield writes:

On January 8, 1962, Hunt sent a letter to J. Evetts Haley and told him that he was wildly enthusiastic about the prospects of General Walker rising to the highest levels of power. Hunt told Haley about his strategy to get General Walker elected as the Republican governor of Texas. He felt Walker would then go to the 1964 Republican National Convention and easily win over liberal Nelson Rockefeller, whom Gallup Poll results at the time showed was favored over Barry Goldwater as the Republican nominee for president in 1964
. (Caufield,
General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy
, 2015, p. 301)

The story of Walker’s campaign for Texas Governor, however, will take a different turn.

(to be continued)

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

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I am about 400 pages into this massive book. One minor quibble. He writes that the Milteer-Touchstone correspondence, including the "top gun" memo, is first revealed in his book, when actually i had posted it here and in my blog ten years ago. http://coverthistory.blogspot.com/search?q=touchstone I had come across it following up a lead from Joan Mellon's book, and attained it from the Louisiana library at Shreveport.

Also, from what i have read so far, he disposes of David Atlee Phillips in a paragraph, and suggests that Veciana mistook de Morenschildt for Phillips, which is ludicrous.

Actually, Gary, there are several instances in Caufield's book where he claims he is "revealing" information for "the first time" -- but that is not accurate.

In addition, one of the major weaknesses in Caufield's book pertains to his bibliographic citations (in footnotes). Unfortunately (and surprisingly), Caufield uses a non-orthodox and very poor footnoting method.

This probably will not bother readers who have no interest in fact-checking his narrative by performing their own independent research but Caufield's methodology will greatly diminish the reliability or credibility of what he is presenting --- especially if his book is ever reviewed by a serious historian or political scientist in an academic journal.

I briefly mentioned this before -- but here are some of the bibliographic anomalies and deficiencies:

1. FBI AND SECRET SERVICE FILES

(1.1) Caufield does not clearly identify the file numbers he is using. In many cases, he does not state whether or not the file is a HQ file or a field office file. [Example: in many instances, Caufield cites nothing more than "FBI FOIA Edwin A. Walker" OR "FBI FOIA Joseph A. Milteer" OR "FBI FOIA Pedro del Valle" -- as if those references are self-explanatory.]

(1.2) In many instances, Caufield does not identity the specific serial number being cited as substantiation for his assertions. That means a serious researcher could not tell the FBI (or NARA or another agency) to process the specific serials which a researcher wants to see. Instead, a researcher would have to purchase the entire file (which could be thousands of pages) and then slog his/her way through every document to find the serials Caufield is referring to.

(1.3) In other instances, Caufield cites an FBI file number and the relevant file section number (such as Lee Harvey Oswald file number 105-82555, section 179) -- but no serial number nor any identifying to/from and subject info -- so, again, a researcher would be required to obtain the entire section (usually about 200-250 pages) just to find one specific serial of interest.

(1.4) I certainly am not as familiar with Secret Service file protocols as I am with FBI protocols but Caufield seems to cite anomalous Secret Service file numbers. For example: Caufield's footnote #2110 is: "Secret Service file number 00-2-34-030." I think what he is referring to is Secret Service file number: CO-2-34,030

One way to avoid confusion when citing government files and documents is to provide more complete bibliographic info such as:

"2/28/64 memo from James J. Rowley, Chief, U.S. Secret Service to J. Lee Rankin re: 'Secret Service Reports'; file CO-2-34,030"

2. NEWSPAPER and NEWSLETTER ARTICLES

(2.1) In almost every case, Caufield cites only a newspaper name and date - but he does not specify a page number nor does he identify the article title or author.

Some newspapers and libraries will provide a copy of one clearly identified article (i.e. date and page or date and article title/author) at either no cost or very nominal cost. BUT if research is required, then they will often charge research fees OR they will tell the requester to contact somebody who does such research. That means a serious researcher could have to pay $10-$20 hour just for research -- instead of obtaining one photocopy at no charge or perhaps $1 or $2.

(2.2) With respect to newsletter articles: a serious researcher would first need to find a library or other source which has the particular issue that Caufield cites.

Normally, scholars/researchers indicate the location where the newsletter was found. Thus, for example, instead of citing only "Christian Crusade" of May 1963 -- the proper identification would include something such as a library where Caufield found that issue OR perhaps a collection of personal papers where that issue was found OR maybe even an internet webpage containing the issue.

I know this may seem nit-picking to some people -- but serious students, researchers, and academics realize how important proper bibliographic footnoting is with respect to substantiating whatever is being claimed. See the book "The Awful Grace of God" by Larry Hancock and Stu Wexler as a more typical example of how bibliographic notes should be presented.

3. BOOKS

(3.1) In his chapter about Jack Ruby, two of Caufield's footnotes (2585 and 2586) refer to two books -- but neither footnote provides a page number of the books where the information referenced appears.

4. PERSONAL PAPERS

Information provided by Caufield does not always make it possible for a researcher to follow-up on the source being cited. At first, I thought I understood his bibliographic citations, but when I did a little more checking, I was totally confused.

For example: see footnotes #718 and #721.

#718 = refers readers to an Edwin Walker speech in the Pedro del Valle papers at University of Oregon. However, no box or folder number is identified where that speech may be found.

#721 = refers readers to the del Valle papers with the following notation 157/18.

Initially, I thought that meant box #157, folder #18 -- but when I searched for the del Valle papers in the University library catalog (link below), the "details" section on del Valle's papers states that there are only 6 containers of del Valle papers -- so I have no clue what 157/18 refers to.

http://library.uoregon.edu/

SUMMARY

Regrettably, the value of Dr. Caufield's book is going to be questioned (and diminished) because of inadequate bibliographic footnoting practices.

I realize how much work has gone into this book and I very much respect what Caufield has attempted to do. In many respects, future researchers will owe a tremendous debt to Caufield for what he has begun -- particularly if he makes available the transcripts of interviews which he has conducted.

I also realize (as Bill has previously pointed out) the limitations and requirements imposed by book publishing companies.

However, as previously noted, if this book is ever formally reviewed by any prominent historians or academic journals -- they will certainly notice that conscientious researchers are going to have a hard time substantiating many of Caufield's assertions -- simply because few people will have the time or resources to track down all the data referenced by Caufield.

Edited by Ernie Lazar
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Proceeding still further into Jeffrey Caufield's new book, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy: The Extensive New Evidence of a Radical Right Conspiracy, Chapter 11, Joseph A. Milteer and the Hardcore Underground of Dallas, Texas, also considers the mystery of the alleged note by Lee Harvey Oswald written to the mysterious, “Mr. Hunt.”

This famous note has long been the subject of controversy as many claim the note is a forgery. Dr. Caufield accepts it as a legitimate product of LHO’s handwriting, but the question remains open whether LHO was actually writing to the family of H.L. Hunt. Here is what the note says:

"Dear Mr. Hunt, I would like information concerning my position. I am asking only for information. I am asking that we discuss the matter fully before any steps are taken by me or anyone else. Lee Harvey Oswald.” (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 302)

Three different handwriting analysts confirmed the handwriting was LHO's, but conceded that it might possibly be an extremely technical forgery. (Typical LHO misspellings were included in the original, but omitted in the copy above.) Among those who believe the letter is genuine, there is no consensus regarding whether one of the Hunt family was addressed, or whether CIA Agent Howard Hunt was addressed.

No further clues regarding addressee or specific business details were given in the letter, so speculation tends to run free at this point. Caufield will defer his own theory to a later chapter.

At this point Jeff Caufield will return to the investigation of Jim Garrison, and how he originally began his quest on the basis of a Right-wing conspiracy, and later changed to a CIA conspiracy. Caufield writes:

According to Tom Bethell, an investigator for Garrison who kept a diary on the investigation noted on October 3, 1967, “Garrison seems certain that General Walker and H.L. Hunt are involved in the assassination, although I am not clear on what evidence.” …David Ferrie, according to a close friend, told Garrison at the onset of his investigation that H.L. Hunt and Walker were involved in the assassination. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 304)

What still remains to be explored in Dallas is the Minutemen as central players under the command of General Walker. The Dallas Minutemen should have been investigated in 1963-1964, but escaped scrutiny by the FBI and the Warren Commission. Caufield writes:

Joseph A. Milteer and his key associates in Dallas and New Orleans belonged to the Minutemen. Frank Ellsworth of the Dallas Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms noted, in 1964, “An organization known as the Minutemen is the right wing group in Dallas most likely to have been associated with any effort to assassinate the President.” He was also quoted as saying: “The Minutemen in Dallas are closely tied to General Walker and H.L. Hunt.” …Robert Allen Surrey…was also involved in the Minutemen. [Walker's attorney] Robert Morris screened applicants to the Minutemen. (Caufield, General Walker and the Murder of President Kennedy, 2015, p. 307)

Guy Banister of New Orleans was also a member of the Minutemen. Jerry Brooks, a top-ranking member of the Minutemen under Robert DePugh in Missouri, worked out of Banister’s office in New Orleans. Next to the Reily Coffee Company was Adrian Alba’s parking garage, where LHO spent too much free time – Alba was a member of the Minutemen. So clearly, Milteer’s key Dallas associates, the Hunts, Walker and Surrey were members of the Minutemen, as were Guy Banister and several of his associates in New Orleans.

The Dallas Minutemen knew Dallas as their own home turf. This was the means of the JFK assassination. The segregationist political goals of the Radical Right, especially in the Southern USA, provided their motive for the JFK assassination. When JFK chose to travel through Dallas in an open limo, this was their opportunity for the JFK assassination.

From this point forward, Jeff Caufield will begin to build his case against General Walker and the Dallas Minutemen as the key moving force behind the JFK assassination in Dallas, Texas. Caufield has introduced us to the Ground Crew of the JFK assassination. Finally, after 300 pages of terse text, Jeff Caufield will now turn our attention toward General Walker himself.

Regards,
--Paul Trejo

Edited by Paul Trejo
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