Douglas Caddy

October 25, 2014 Book Discussion on The Nixon Defense and The Nixon Tapes John Dean, author of The Nixon Defense: What He Knew and When He Knew It, and Douglas Brinkley and Luke Nichter, co-authors of The Nixon Tapes: 1971-1972, talked about their books. They spoke in the C-SPAN 2/BookTV tent at the 2014 Texas Book Festival. The festival was held from October 25-26 at the State Capitol and surrounding grounds in Austin. http://www.c-span.org/video/?322205-2/book-discussion-nixon-defense-nixon-tapes

Paul: The short answer to your question is the John Birch Society played no role my social world in my environment in the period 1961-63. To extend my remarks, I would add that from June to Dec. 1961 I was on active duty in the U.S. Army under a program then available that permitted six months of active duty and seven and a half years of reserve duty. At the end of eight years I received my Honorable Discharge. From January to June, before I went into the Army, I was part of William F. Buckley's inner circle. Buckley had publicly broken with Robert Welch, head of the Birch Society. There really was no reason for me to have any contact with Welch or the Society although Scott Stanley, editor of American Opinion, was on the board of directors of Young Americans for Freedom. Scott was a congenial person and had a great personality. He hardly ever mentioned the Society in my conversations with him. After I got out of the Army, I entered New York University Law School at night and worked during the day in the NYC office of Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, on the staff of Lt-Gov. Malcolm Wilson, who was as conservative and Rockefeller was liberal. Wilson had served for years in the state legislature and was Rockefeller's key man in getting his state legislation enacted. During this period I doubt that I heard anyone talk about the John Birch Society. It was not considered to be a significant factor in politics in those days. Robert Schuchman, a student at Yale U. Law School and Chairman of Young Americans for Freedom, had occasion in early 1961 to have breakfast with Edward Teller. Afterwards he told me that Teller remarked during their meal that he agreed with Welch that Eisenhower was a communist agent. None of us, including Schuchman, knew what to make of that. It seemed so off the wall but Teller was a very complex individual, to say the least.

From the article: Quigley's own book, the 1990 "What Does Joan Say?: My Seven Years As White House Astrologer to Nancy and Ronald Reagan," countered that characterization. "I was responsible for timing all press conferences," she said, "most speeches, the State of the Union addresses, the takeoffs and landings of Air Force One. I picked the time of Ronald Reagan's debate with Carter and the two debates with Walter Mondale; all extended trips abroad as well as the shorter trips and one-day excursions." http://www.latimes.com/local/obituaries/la-me-joan-quigley-20141024-story.html -------------------------------------------------------------- Note: This is not relevant directly to the JFK assassination but is being posted to show how another president of the U.S. engaged in decision making in contrast to how JFK did.

September 26, 2014 Kennedy Assassination and the CIA Retired U.S. Army Intelligence Office and author John Newman discusses declassified documents and CIA codenames. This program has not yet aired Airing Sunday, Oct 26 6:30pm EDT on C-SPAN 3 http://www.c-span.org/video/?321703-3/kennedy-assassination-cia

The Forgotten Coup by JOHN PILGER www.counterpunch.org October 23, 2014 http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/10/23/the-forgotten-coup-2/

Joseph McBride writes on Facebook today: No mention of his role in the financing of the infamous black-bordered anti-Kennedy ad in the Dallas Morning News on Nov. 22, 1963 in his obits either in the New York Times -- or the Dallas Morning News. Nelson Bunker Hunt, 88, Oil Tycoon With a Texas-Size Presence, Dies http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/22/business/nelson-bunker-hunt-texas-tycoon-dies-at-88.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Homepage&version=HpSumSmallMediaHigh&module=second-column-region&region=top-news&WT.nav=top-news

JFK Assassination: Nothing but the Truth Published on Oct 6, 2014 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nLZuPB3uSVw

http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/watergate-editor-ben-bradlee-dies-93/

Princeton Study: U.S. No Longer An Actual Democracy http://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/princeton-experts-say-us-no-longer-democracy

Boston Globe: Vote all you want. The secret government won’t change. http://www.bostonglobe.com/ideas/2014/10/18/vote-all-you-want-the-secret-government-won-change/jVSkXrENQlu8vNcBfMn9sL/story.html?event=event25

https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=17tIST8HWRM

Jackie Kennedy believed Lyndon Johnson killed JFK By Richard Cameron, Communities Digital News October 17, 2014 http://www.commdiginews.com/news-2/jacqueline-kennedys-jfk-assassination-theory-28064/#SGbYdKCtVMBcDz8r.99 This article has flaws but is nevertheless being posted here because it is being circulated on Facebook.

Peter Dale Scott talks to Lew Rockwell about the secret government. http://www.lewrockwell.com/podcast/deep-state/

http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/157255

Answers sought on CIA role in ‘78 JFK probe Investigators say files could prove interference By Bryan Bender Boston| Globe Staff October 15, 2014 http://www.bostonglobe.com/news/nation/2014/10/15/decades-later-seeking-shed-light-cia-conduct-congressional-inquiry-jfk-assassination/dUf8qawsBQWfM2kxm7w7DM/story.html?s_campaign=email_BG_TodaysHeadline WASHINGTON — It was nearly four decades ago that Eddie Lopez was hired by a congressional committee to reinvestigate the 1963 murder of President John F. Kennedy, a role that had him digging through top secret documents at the CIA. In the end, the House Select Committee on Assassinations reported in 1978 that it believed the assassination was probably the result of a conspiracy, although it couldn’t prove that, and its conclusions are disputed by many researchers. But now Lopez is seeking answers to a lingering question: Could still-classified records reveal, as he and some of his fellow investigators have long alleged, that the CIA interfered with the congressional investigation and placed the committee staff under surveillance? While Lopez’s latest effort to uncover new information may seem quixotic, given the seemingly endless spate of JFK conspiracy theories, it has taken on new meaning in the wake of revelations that the CIA earlier this year spied on the Senate Intelligence Committee in an unrelated case. CIA employees hacked into the computers of Senate staffers reviewing the agency’s counterterrorism tactics. When the allegations were corroborated, the CIA apologized and vowed to take disciplinary actions. While this year’s controversy has no direct relation to the Kennedy inquiry, it has raised new questions about how far the CIA has undermined congressional oversight, including the investigation into Kennedy’s murder in Dallas. “It was time to fight one last time to ascertain what happened to JFK and to our investigation into his assassination,” Lopez, who is now the chief counsel for a school district in Rochester, N.Y., said in an interview. He is joined in the effort by two other former investigators, researcher Dan Hardway and G. Robert Blakey, the panel’s staff director. Lopez, 58, charges that the CIA actively stymied the probe and monitored the committee staff members as they pursued leads about the events leading up to the assassination. Lopez and his two colleagues are asking the CIA to release “operational files you have regarding operations aimed at, targeting, related to, or referring to” the House panel they worked for, along with records about the “surveillance of any and all members of the staff.” Their attorney, James Lesar of the Assassination Archives and Research Center, in Silver Spring, Md., asserts they have a right to any CIA files about themselves under provisions of the CIA Information Act of 1984 and the Privacy Act of 1974, which could “shed light on the confused investigatory aftermath of the assassination.” Blakey, who is now a professor at the University of Notre Dame, said he is anxious to know what the CIA was up to. “I was at Danny’s home and it looked like there were surveillance vans,” he recalled. “I would like to know what they had.” The CIA declined to comment directly on the case, but said in a statement it intends “to treat these inquiries as we would any others, in full accordance with the respective laws and regulations.” Some observers said the CIA has a long history of blocking congressional oversight of its activities. “I think there is a pattern,” said John Prados, a senior fellow at the National Security Archive at George Washington University and author of “The Family Jewels: The CIA, Secrecy, and Presidential Power.” He cited two congressional investigations in the mid-1970s of the agency’s assassination plots against foreign leaders and the arms-for-hostages operation known as the Iran-Contra Affair in the 1980s. In those cases, Prados and other historians allege, the CIA withheld information, spread false stories, or did not make available all witnesses. Lopez, Blakey, and Hardway contend they were rebuffed during their investigation when they asked about a CIA-backed group of Cuban exiles who had been seeking to overthrow Castro that had widely publicized ties to alleged assassin Lee Harvey Oswald. They were informed that such a case officer did not exist for the so-called Revolutionary Student Directorate -- also known by its Spanish-language acronym DRE . Their suspicions grew when they learned from a lawsuit in the late 1990s that one of the agency’s chief liaisons to the assassination panel, the late George Joannides, was operating “under cover” and it was Joannides, a career intelligence operative, who helped manage the Cuban group before the assassination. ”He, the [DRE] case agent, denied that there was a case agent and they could not find the DRE file,” Blakey said of Joannides in an interview. “He was an inhibitor, not a facilitator, which is what he was supposed to be.” Jefferson Morley, a former Washington Post reporter whose lawsuit against the CIA shook loose some of the revelations about Joannides’ true identity and covert background, maintains that a host of files about the mysterious officer remain secret. “Was there a mission to deceive [the panel]?” asks Morley, who runs the independent research organization JFKfacts.org. The former House investigators believe so but now want the CIA to fully come clean. Said Hardway: “I hope to learn some more parts to the puzzle that the agency has kept hidden.” Bryan Bender can be reached at bryan.bender@globe.com. Follow him on Twitter @GlobeBender

Lawyer's Bid for JFK Records Still on Hold By WILLIAM DOTINGA October 9, 2014 www.courthousenew.com http://www.courthousenews.com/2014/10/09/72309.htm SAN FRANCISCO (CN) - An attorney's bid for CIA records on the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy remains stalled, after a federal judge said Thursday that she can't tell whether the government looked hard enough for the records. Anthony Bothwell - representing himself - sued the CIA in November 2013 for denying his records request under the Freedom of Information Act relating to five people who he claims may have been involved in the Kennedy assassinations in 1963 and 1968. Bothwell describes himself as a San Francisco attorney who graduated from the John F. Kennedy University School of Law near Oakland, and later taught courses there. His initial FOIA request sought all records related to three people allegedly connected to JFK's assassination: Johnny Roselli, Jean Souetre and David Morales, As to RFK's assassination, Bothwell sought records Thane Eugene Cesar and Enrique Hernandez. The CIA denied Bothwell's request as to the JFK connections, saying that if any documents existed they would be exempt from release as "intelligence sources and methods information." For the two individuals allegedly connected to the Bobby Kennedy assassination, the agency said those records were "operational files" also exempted under FOIA. After Bothwell tailored his complaint to add the CIA as a defendant and dropped director John Brennan, the agency moved to dismiss the case saying it had done all it could for Bothwell. Specifically, the government claimed it had conducted a reasonable search for the records in question and stood behind its "neither confirm nor deny the existence or nonexistence of records" response for the Souetre records, known as a Glomar response. But U.S. Magistrate Judge Jacqueline Corley said Thursday that the CIA's description of its final search for records lacked enough detail for Bothwell to challenge the search's adequacy - or for her to rule in the CIA's favor. "While the declaration by CIA litigation chief Martha Lutz provides sufficient detail regarding CIA FOIA procedures and the rationale behind searching the National Clandestine Service and Directorate of Support, the description of the CIA's final search lacks the detail 'necessary to afford Bothwell an opportunity to challenge the adequacy of the search,'" Corley wrote. "It does not name the databases searched by the NCS and DS, nor does it provide a scheme of the database systems or any details of the final search strategy other than the use of names. This lack of clarity is compounded by some of the inconsistencies and ambiguities that Bothwell identifies in Lutz's description of the search results, as discussed below, and precludes the court from granting summary judgment in the CIA's favor." But Corley accepted the CIA's Glomar response for the Souetre records, buying the agency's story that 50-year-old records of the investigation into a French national's activities might reveal intelligence sources and methods that are exempt from release. "Requiring the CIA to confirm or deny the existence of a classified relationship with a foreign national runs the danger of revealing an intelligence source, method, or target," Corley wrote. "In addition, consistent use of the Glomar response is necessary for the CIA to keep its intelligence-gathering 'mosaic' whole." Corley also declined Bothwell's suggestion that redacting the files would suffice. "Here the classified information is the mere existence or nonexistence of responsive records on Souetre, not the information contained in any potential documents on him," Corley wrote. "Requesting in camera inspection would require the CIA to admit that it has records on Souetre, a fact that this court has already determined is exempt from disclosure. Thus, there is no possibility of redaction in this case." The judge ordered the CIA to explain how its search for records concerning Roselli, Morales, Cesar and Hernandez was adequate by Oct. 31

I have no additional material on Morningstar. Some parts of his radio interview were interesting and other parts run of the mill. He claims to possess the missing frames from the Zapruder film, which he said he was mailing to the program's host, George Noory. The missing frames constitute the only new information he provided in the interview. One part of his interview that I found interesting was his reference to the 5412 Committee. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oversight_of_United_States_covert_operations

Robert Morningstar in his interview said he was mailing the photos of the missing frames to George Noory, the host of coasttocoastam. I assume he is doing this to leave it to the discretion of Noory whether they will be posted publicly because of what he described as their gruesome and sensitive nature.

David Greenglass, Spy Who Helped Seal the Rosenbergs’ Doom, Dies at 92 By ROBERT D. McFADDEN OCT. 14, 2014 The New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/15/us/david-greenglass-spy-who-helped-seal-the-rosenbergs-doom-dies-at-92.html

In the latter half, civilian intelligence analyst and psychotherapist in New York Cityabout a secret space war program, and new evidence in the JFK assassination. According to his sources, we are Below is the summary of a two hour interview of Robert Morningstar on coasttocoastam radio show on October 13, 2014. The summary is brief and does not do justice to what he said in its entirety. http://www.coasttocoastam.com/show/2014/10/13

Since her documents went missing after she and a retired NYPD detective delivered them to the investigative committee in Washington, my suggestion is that you direct your inquiry to whoever took the documents. I tend to believe there was a reason the documents disappeared.

Paul: Here are two relevant passages from Detective Rothstein’s report cited above: “Marita tells the detectives that the boxes contain documentation concerning OP40, the Cuban invasion, Castro, planning for the Kennedy assassination, and other covert operations that she had knowledge of. These documents were going to be delivered to the House Assassination Hearings.” “The boxes of files in Marita’s apartment were hand delivered to the House Assassination Hearings in Washington DC by Marita Lorenz and retired Det. Bobby Polachek, who had been a partner of Det. Rothstein at the 26 Precinct.” Retired Detective Rothstein today lives in Minnesota, where he is town mayor. He had occasion to ask Judge John Tunheim, now a federal judge in Minnesota, about his assessment of Marita’s files after they were delivered. Tunheim, whose biography below describes his role and responsibility, expressed amazement and stated he had never seen Marita’s files, which apparently were rushed out the back door by the CIA a short time after their delivery. The files have not been seen since. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_R._Tunheim

JFK, Sturgis, Hunt and The Bay of Pigs Jack Anderson’s interviews

When Detective James Rothstein and Fonzi talked some time after the event below, Fonzi was shocked when he realized that he had been taken in by Sturgis' telephone call and apologized to Rothstein. Fonzi performed heroic service in the cause of justice but even he was not infallible: In the morning of October 31, 1977, Halloween day, Det. Rothstein received a call from Paul Meskil, a reporter for the New York Daily News. Meskil was beside himself. Monica Lorenz, the daughter of Marita Lorenz, had just been arrested in front of her apartment on York Avenue in possession of a loaded gun. She was to be the last line of defense for Marita. Monica was hiding in the bushes in front of the apartment building on Eighty Eighth Street and York Avenue; she was going to ambush Sturgis when he showed up to kill Marita. Meskil knows that the only two Detectives he can trust are Rosenthal and Rothstein; he knows they will not back down or be stopped. The Detectives notified members of the New York Senate Select Committee on Crime, their present assignment, of the call. They jump into action. They first call the arresting officer of Monica and verify that the arrest had been made for possession of a gun. They then set up a meeting with Marita Lorenz and Paul Meskil at a small restaurant on the East Side. They all meet at the restaurant at approximately 1100 am. Marita verifies what Meskil had told the Detectives. She was very up-set, anxious, and scared. She feared for her and her children’s lives. Marita tells the Detectives that she is scheduled to testify at the House Assassination Hearings in Washington, DC, concerning the assassination of John F Kennedy. Meskil tells the Detectives that he is in possession of a tape recording made of a conversation between Marita Lorenz and Frank Sturgis; the tape is hidden at his residence in Nassau County, New York. In the tape Sturgis tells Marita, “You know what the rules are and what happens if you talk.” Meskil tells the Detectives to pick up the tape at his house and that his son would give the Detectives the tapes. Meskil tells the Detectives that he will be leaving for the Far East as soon as our meeting is over. At approximately 100 pm, the Detectives leave the restaurant with Marita and go to her apartment on Eighty Eighth Street and York Avenue. When Detectives Rosenthal, Rothstein, and Marita enter the apartment, the detectives do a quick canvass of the apartment. They see 10 to 15 boxes sitting against the wall in the dining room. The rest of the day and early evening were spent interviewing Marita in preparation for the arrival of Sturgis. Marita tells the detectives that the boxes contain documentation concerning OP40, the Cuban invasion, Castro, planning for the Kennedy assassination, and other covert operations that she had knowledge of. These documents were going to be delivered to the House Assassination Hearings. The Detectives believe they have more than sufficient evidence to arrest Sturgis. On October 31, 1977, at approximately 2130 hours Det. Mathew Rosenthal and Det. Jim Rothstein arrested Frank Sturgis when he came to assassinate Marita Lorenz, a witness to the planning of the Kennedy assassination. When Sturgis rang Marita to gain entry to the building, Rosenthal and Rothstein assumed their position. They crouched low next to the door with their guns drawn and their shields pinned to their suit jackets. When Sturgis entered the premises, Rothstein placed his gun in Sturgis’ mouth and shouted, “Police! You’re under arrest mother xxxxer; don’t move.” Sturgis mumbles, “I hope you’re Detectives.” Rosenthal had his gun put to Sturgis’ chest and identified himself as a Police Officer. The Detectives searched Sturgis. Once the Detectives knew that the scene was under control, Rothstein congratulates Sturgis for assassinating John F Kennedy. Rothstein tells Sturgis that he was present when Kennedy ordered the bombing and support to stop, just as the invasion of the Bay of Pigs began. Sturgis says, “The only way you can know that is if you were on the Essex.” Rothstein replies, “Yes, I was.” Rothstein and Sturgis shook hands; they were both professionals and were doing their job. Detectives Rothstein and Rosenthal questioned Sturgis for approximately two hours at Marita’s apartment before taking him for booking at the local precinct. During this time, Sturgis was very frank with the Detectives. He admitted that he was on the Grassy Knoll at Dealey Plaza in Dallas, Texas, when Kennedy was assassinated and that he was one of the shooters from the Grassy Knoll. The Detectives received valuable information from Sturgis. Sturgis tells the Detectives that OP40’s mandate was “to protect our country at all costs.” When Sturgis was asked why Kennedy was assassinated, he told the Detectives that there were three reasons. Number one was that Kennedy had double-crossed OP40 in the Bay of Pigs Invasion by pulling back the support. Number two was that he (Kennedy) had been told to stay away from the women, especially the Russian woman, Ellen Rometsch, because he would be compromised and jeopardize national security. Number three was that Kennedy was destroying the black community through his liberal social programs. The second part of the questioning was about his involvement in the Watergate Break-in that occurred on June 17, 1972. Sturgis was one of the five burglars arrested by Sgt. Paul Leeper, Det. Carl Shoffler, and Det. John Barrett, of the Washington D.C. Police Department. Sturgis said it was a set-up from the start, there had to have been a rat on the inside who sold them out. Sturgis said the break-in was to get the “book” that had the names of clients who used the prostitution and pedophile ring operating out of the Democratic National Headquarters. This information was to be used to compromise both Republican and Democratic clients who used the ring. The break-in led to the fall of President Richard Nixon on August 8, 1974. President Nixon had nothing to do with the planning of the break-in. In fact he had no prior knowledge that the break-in was going to occur. Later Shoffler would tell Rothstein that he had somebody on the inside and had received information that the break-in was going to happen. Shoffler’s tour had ended one and a half hours before he made the arrest. In 2012, Robert Merritt called retired Det. Rothstein and stated that he was Shoffler’s informant. In a book written by Robert Merritt, Watergate Exposed, he tells the tale of the break-in. When Sturgis was taken to the local precinct the Detectives identified themselves and told the desk lieutenant that they were booking Frank Forini (Sturgis’ real name). They took Sturgis to the Detectives room and began processing the arrest. That’s when things got strange. Rosenthal advises Sturgis of his rights. Sturgis asks to make a call, which Rothstein does. He tells Rothstein to call Gaeton Fonzi, the investigator in the House Assassination Hearings. Rothstein is surprised, that a suspect would call the investigator and he is the suspect. When Fonzi answers the phone, Rothstein identifies himself and tells Fonzi that Sturgis is under arrest and wants to talk to him. Fonzi was dumbfounded. (See The Last Investigation, by Gaeton Fonzi, page 103). Shortly after the call was made the desk officer calls the Detectives to inform them that a Frank Nelson (CIA and Organized Crime in Cuba) was at the desk and was looking for Frank Sturgis, and, if in, fact Forini was Sturgis. The answer was yes. Within minutes all hell broke loose. Every big boss in the Police Department was calling to find out what happened. The Detectives finished booking Sturgis and were requested to report to the offices of John Guido and Harold Hess, two of the top bosses involved in this type of case. When the Detectives arrive at Guido and Hess’s office they are asked if they had anything eat. The Detectives said no. Hess sends out one of his staff to get a six pack of beer and sandwiches. He asks the Detectives, “Is it good and clean arrest?” The Detectives say, “Yes, it is and it is solid.” Hess replies, “Good that is all I want to know.” The Detectives advise Guido and Hess of what happened. Rosenthal and Rothstein are asked to arraign Sturgis and go home and get some rest. At the arraignment of Frank Sturgis in Manhattan Criminal ADA Broomer is assigned to the case. The Detectives inform Broomer of the tape corroborating the allegations made by Marita and Meskil. Broomer asks the Detectives where the tape is. They inform Broomer that they will pick up the tape at Meskils residence in Nassau County on their way back to the city from their residences. Early the next morning all hell breaks loose again. Unknown members of the New York City Police Department went to Meskil’s residence to get the tapes. When Meskil’s son answers the door, he sees that it is not Detectives Rosenthal and Rothstein. The son calls the Nassau County Police Department and tells them that somebody was at his door trying to take evidence of the Kennedy assassination. Nassau County Police responded in full force. The New York City Cops were sent packing. Detectives Rosenthal and Rothstein are notified by Guido and Hess of what happened; somebody had sand-bagged them and they should immediately proceed to the Meskil residence and retrieve the tapes. Rosenthal and Rothstein meet with the son at Meskil’s residence and the son was so proud that he had protected the tapes for Rosenthal and Rothstein, as his father had told him to do. The son gives the tapes to the Detectives. The detectives knew what was coming; the cover-up was started. Detectives Rosenthal and Rothstein take the tape to ADA Broomer’s office and the tape is played. Marita and Meskil were right. Sturgis is heard telling Marita, “You know what the rules are and what happens if you talk.” Broomer and the powers to-be decide that is not a threat. The Detectives argue vehemently that it is clearly a threat and you have to be totally stupid if you don’t understand that. The Detectives know the fix was in. The charges against Sturgis were dropped. The boxes of files in Marita’s apartment were hand delivered to the House Assassination Hearings in Washington DC by Marita Lorenz and retired Det. Bobby Polachek, who had been a partner of Det. Rothstein at the 26 Precinct. Subsequently, Rosenthal, Rothstein, and the City of New York were sued by Sturgis for $16 million for making a false arrest. The case was tried by Judge Leonard Sand in the Federal Court in the Southern District of New York. Sturgis was represented by Henry Rothblatt. Rothstein was called as the last witness late in the day. He was sworn in by the judge and the case was adjourned till the next day. As Det. Rothstein was getting ready to leave the court house, he was warned by unnamed sources that his life was in danger and that he should not go home. Det. Rothstein called one of his informants, who lived in the neighborhood near the court house, and asked her for assistance. She was connected to organized crime figures in the same area. Det. Rothstein left through the back door and was safely taken to an apartment by his informant and her friends. The next morning, Det. Rothstein took the stand to testify. Before anything was said, Judge Sand was summoned to his chambers. After an hour or so, Det. Rothstein was called to the Judge’s Chambers. Det. Rothstein was asked what it would take for him not to testify. Everybody in the courtroom, especially the media, knew Det. Rothstein was going to let it all hang out. An agreement was reached that the City Of New York was going to pay $2,500.00 to Sturgis and Det. Rosenthal and Det. Rothstein were to be commended for acting above and beyond the call of duty. Judge Sand advised Det. Rothstein that he would be called in front of the bench and, if Det. Rothstein wanted to make a statement, he could say anything he wanted to say. Det. Rothstein realized it was in his best interest to keep his big mouth shut. As Rothstein turns to leave the courtroom, Sturgis and Rothblatt shake Rothstein’s hand and asked if he would be part of their organization. Rothstein replies, “It is an honor for you to ask, but I cannot do that.” He left the courthouse. THE AFTERMATH: Sometime during the summer of 1983, Retired Detective Rothstein was sitting at the bar in Georgia’s Bar and Restaurant at 722 South Wellwood Avenue, Lindenhurst, New York talking to customers. A well-dressed man, wearing typical “spook” attire, came in and sat next to Rothstein. He introduced himself as a former New York City, police officer who had moved to Florida. During an hour conversation he told Rothstein that when Detectives Rosenthal and Rothstein arrested Frank Sturgis he was sent with a “bag of money” from Florida to get Sturgis out of jail. He did not say where the money came from. He knew all the facts about Sturgis. Rothstein has never seen or heard from him again and never knew why he came in the first place. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=20008&page=2

https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=bmYZ_kWHk3Q John Stockwell speaking in 1989 on the Deep State.