John Bevilaqua

Here are the live links to this article and other really great articles by the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade written in Canada... http://coat.ncf.ca/our_magazine/links/53/Plot1.html http://coat.ncf.ca/our_magazine/links/53/53-index.html This entire 54 page article on the Fascist Coup against FDR by the Liberty League is less than $10 including shipping as I recall.... The Liberty Lobby was a major force in the plot to murder JFK. Liberty League.... Liberty Lobby. Same folks different strokes. The Fascist Plot to Seize Washington John Spivak By John Spivak The following article is an edited version of two chapters from John Spivak's autobiography (A Man in His Time, 1967). All of the photos and links on this web site were added to John Spivak's work by Richard Sanders, editor of Press for Conversion!, quarterly magazine of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade (COAT). This site is a web version of "Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism," issue #53 of Press for Conversion! (April 2004). A hard copy of this 54-page magazine can be ordered from COAT. (Click here for details on how to order.) Samuel DicksteinJohn W. MacCormackAround the beginning of July 1933, the first overt move was made in one of the most fantastic plots in American history. A representative of a group of conspirators opened negotiations with a noted military man to head a 500,000-man army, seize the Government of the United States, put an end to American democracy and supplant it with a dictatorship. The McCormack-Dickstein House Committee, investigating un-American activities, turned its attention to the plot, but that probe ended abruptly. Even a generation later, those who are still alive and know all the facts have kept their silence so well that the conspiracy is not even a footnote in American histories. It would be regrettable if historians neglected this episode and future generations never learned of it. When the plot actually began, or whose inspiration it was, is not known, for the Committee avoided probing into these aspects. News of the plot, reported to have backing of "three million dollars on the line and three hundred million...should it be necessary," reached the nation in a time which saw greater changes in political systems than any previous period. Gerald C. ("Jerry") MacGuireThe takeover plot failed because although those involved had astonishing talents for making breathtaking millions of dollars, they lacked an elementary understanding of people and the moral forces that activate them. In a money-standard civilization such as ours, the universal regard for anyone who is rich tends to persuade some millionaires that they are knowledgeable in fields other than the making of money. The conspirators went about the plot as if they were hiring an office manager; all they needed was to send a messenger to the man they had selected. In this case, as recorded in sworn testimony before the Congressional Committee, the messenger was a bond salesman named Gerald C. ("Jerry") MacGuire, who earned about $150 a week. I record his wage not as proof of his competence or lack of it, but because, as brought out in the testimony, when he was ready for the first overt move to get the conspiracy off the ground, his bank account flowered with cash deposits of over $100,000 for "expenses." MacGuire was a short, stocky man tending toward three chins. His bullet-shaped head had a silver plate in it due to a wound received in battle. His close-cropped hair was usually topped by a black derby, the popular headgear of the day. A reporter described his bright blue eyes as glittering with the sharpness of a fox about to spring. Grayson Mallet-Prevost MurphyMacGuire worked for a leading brokerage house headed by Grayson Mallet-Prevost Murphy, a West Point graduate who had seen action in the Spanish-American War and WWI. Murphy had extensive industrial and financial interests as a director of Anaconda, Goodyear Tire, Bethlehem Steel and a number of Morgan-controlled banks. His personal appearance was impressive: tall, heavy-set and giving evidence that in his younger years, he must have been quite handsome. American Legion - logoI heard rumors [of the fascist plot] in Washington more than a month before news of it broke. The talk was that the American Legion would be the nucleus for a fascist army which would seize Washington. Even in a city notorious as a gossip center, this sounded like something out of a Central American "banana republic." According to these early rumours, the Committee knew about the conspiracy and that Major General Smedley Darlington Butler, until his retirement a few years earlier the highest ranking officer in the U.S. Marines, had been chosen to head the putsch. For the first time a name was mentioned, and it was a famous name....Major General Smedley Darlington Butler Bill DoyleButler was first approached by two former state commanders of the American Legion. One [bill Doyle] dropped out of the picture after the initial meeting. "The other said his name was Jerry MacGuire," the General told the Committee: "MacGuire said he had been State Commander, the year before,... in Connecticut." These men, Butler later told me, eventually described "what was tantamount to a plot to seize the Government, by force if necessary." The General placed little stock in what his visitors said until they showed that they meant business by displaying a bank book listing cash deposits of over $100,000 for "expenses." Butler: They took out a bank book and showed me deposits of $42,000 on one occasion and $64,000 on another. I said ... There is something in this, Jerry MacGuire, besides what you have told me.... He said, "Well, I am a business man ... [and] if you want to take my advice, you would be a business man, too." Butler testified that the first suggestion made to him was to lead a movement to unseat the ruling group of the American Legion by taking 200-300 Legionnaires to its annual convention in Chicago; the second was to deliver a prepared speech to that convention, urging passage of a resolution favoring the gold standard. Here is the story in the General's own words: "Butler: I said, 'Listen. These friends of mine, even if they wanted to go [to the Legion convention] could not afford to go. It would cost them $100-$150 dollars to go there and stay for 5 days and come back.' They said, 'Well, we will pay that.' I said, 'How can you pay it? You are disabled soldiers. How do you get the money to do that?' 'Oh, we have friends. We will get the money.' I began to smell a rat... [and] said, 'I do not believe you have got this money.' It was then or the next time, ...they hauled out a bank deposit book.. The next time I saw [MacGuire] was about the first of September, in a hotel in Newark. I went over to the [Legion's 29th Division] convention. Sunday morning he walked into my room and asked if I was getting ready to take these men to Chicago.... I said, 'You people are bluffing. You have not got the money' ...he took out a big wallet...and a great, big mass of thousand dollar bills and threw them on the bed. I said, 'What's all this?' He said, 'This is for you, for expenses. You will need some money to pay them.' 'How much money have you got there?' He said, '$18,000.' Robert Sterling ClarkI said, 'Don't you try to give me any thousand dollar bills. Remember, I was a cop once. Every one of the numbers on these bills has been taken. I know...what you are trying to do....If I try to cash one of those thousand dollar bills, you will have me by the neck.... I know one thing. Somebody is using you. You are a wounded man.... You have got a silver plate in your head.... You were wounded. You are being used...and I want to know the fellows who are using you. I am not going to talk to you any more. You are only an agent. I want some of the principals.' He said, 'Well, I will send one...to see you.' I said 'Who?' He said, 'I will send Mr. [Robert Sterling] Clark.... He is a banker.'.... A few days later, Clark called Butler and asked if he could visit. They lunched at the General's home on Sunday. Butler continues: Clark said, 'You got the [gold standard] speech?' I said, 'Yes.. They wrote a hell of a good speech, too.' He said, 'Did those fellows say they wrote that speech?' I said, 'Yes, they did. They told me that was their business, writing speeches.' He laughed and said, 'That speech cost a lot of money.'.. He thought it was a big joke that these fellows were claiming authorship.. Clark said, 'I have $30 million. I do not want to lose it. I am willing to spend half of the $30 million to save the other half. If you go out and make this speech in Chicago, I am certain that they will adopt the resolution and that will be one step toward the return to gold, to have the soldiers stand up for it. We can get the soldiers to go out in great bodies to stand up for it.' [Clark then offered Butler a bribe, saying: "Why do you want to be stubborn? Why do you want to be different from other people? We can take care of you. You have a mortgage on this house.... That can all be taken care of. It is perfectly legal, perfectly proper." When Butler declined the offer, Clark used the General's phone to call MacGuire at Palmer House, an exclusive Chicago hotel. In Butler's presence, Clark told MacGuire: 'General Butler is not coming to the convention.... You have got $45,000. You can send those telegrams. You will have to do it that way.... I am going to Canada to rest..... You have got enough money to go through with it.' Butler later told the Committee that: "The convention came off and the gold standard was endorsed.... I read about it with a great deal of interest. There...some talk about a flood of telegrams that came in and influenced them... I was so much amused, because it all happened right in my room." MacGuire continued to arrange sporadic meetings with Butler, doggedly trying to enlist his support. After Butler's return from a cross-country speaking tour, Butler got another call from MacGuire who insisted on an immediate meeting to discuss "something of the utmost importance." Butler agreed to meet at a fancy hotel in Philadelphia. It was August 22, 1934, three days after the plebescite that confirmed Hitler as Nazi fuhrer.] Croix de Feu attempts coup in FranceMacGuire said, 'I went abroad [Dec. 1, 1933-Aug. 1934] to study the part that the veteran plays in the various setups of the governments...abroad. I went to Italy for 2 or 3 months and studied the position that veterans occupy in the fascist setup of government, and I discovered that they are the background of Mussolini. They keep them on the payrolls in various ways and keep them contented and happy. They are his real backbone, the force on which he may depend, in case of trouble, to sustain him. But that setup would not suit us. The soldiers of America would not like that. I then went to Germany to see what Hitler was doing, and his whole strength lies in organizations of soldiers, too. But that would not do.... Then I went to France, and I found just exactly the organization we are going to have. It is an organization of super-soldiers.' [Later testimony revealed this to be the Croix de feu which assisted a failed coup attempt in France on Feb 6, 1934.] He told me they had about 500,000 [members] and that each one was a leader of 10 others, so that it gave them 5,000,000 votes. And he said, 'Now, this is our idea here in America - to get up an organization of this kind...to support the President.' I said, 'The President has got the whole American people. Why does he want them?' He said, 'Don't you understand the setup has got to be changed a bit? Now, we have got him. We have got the President.' I said, 'This great group of soldiers, is to sort of frighten him?' 'No, no, no; not to frighten him. This is to sustain him when others assault him.... Did it ever occur to you that the President is overwork-ed? We might have an Assistant President...to take the blame; and if things do not work out, he can drop him.' He [said] that it did not take any Constitutional change to authorize another Cabinet official... to take over the details of the office - take them off the President's shoulders. He mentioned the position would be a secretary of general affairs - a sort of super-secretary.... or a secretary of general welfare, I cannot recall which.... They talked about the kind of relief that ought to be given the President. [MacGuire] said: 'You know the American people will swallow that. We have got the newspapers. We will start a campaign that the President's health is failing. Everybody can tell that by looking at him, and the dumb American people will fall for it in a second.'.. There was something said in one of the conversations...that the President's health was bad, that he might resign, and [Vice President John N.] Garner did not want it anyhow, and then this super-secretary would take the place of the Secretary of State...in the order of succession [and] would become the President. That was the idea. I said, 'Is there anything stirring about it yet?' 'Yes,' he said; 'you watch; in 2 or 3 weeks you will see it come out in the papers. There will be big fellows in it. This is to be the background of it. These are to be the villagers in the opera. The papers will come out with it.' He did not give me the name of it, but he said it would all be made public; a society to maintain the Constitution, and so forth." American Liberty League J.P. Morgan Jr.Irenee DuPontAmerican Liberty League - logoThe formation of the American Liberty League, "to combat radicalism" and "defend and uphold the Constitution," was announced shortly afterward. Heading and directing this organization were men from the du Pont and J.P. Morgan companies. It is common for public officials to develop close friendships with certain newsmen who become their confidants.... Butler had learned to trust Paul Comly French, a reporter for the Philadelphia Record and the New York Post. Butler...told French about the propositions...by MacGuire and asked him to check on the bond salesman and find out "what the hell it's all about." When Butler finished testifying to the Committee..., French was sworn in. He told of calling on MacGuire on Sept. 13, 1934, in his office on 52 Broadway. The entire floor was occupied by Grayson M.-P. Murphy & Co. Before the bond salesman would talk with French, he phoned Butler to be sure the General had sent him. French told the Committee: I have here direct quotes from him. As soon as I left his office I got to a typewriter and made a memorandum of everything he told me. 'We need a fascist government in this country...to save the nation from the communists who want to tear it down and wreck all that we have built in America. The only men who have the patriotism to do it are the soldiers and Smedley Butler is the ideal leader. He could organize a million men overnight.' He told me he had been in Italy and Germany during the summer of 1934 and had made an intensive study...of Nazi and fascist movements.... He said he had obtained enough information on fascist and Nazi movements and the part played by the veterans, to properly set up one in this country.. He warmed up considerably... and said, 'We might go along with Roosevelt and then do with him what Mussolini did with the King of Italy' [i.e., stripping him of power and making him a figurehead.] It fits in with what he told the General, that we would have a Secretary of General Affairs, and if Roosevelt played ball, swell; if he did not, they would push him out.. During the conversation.... he brought in the names of former national commanders of the American Legion, to give the impression that, whether justly or unjustly, a group in the American Legion were actively interested in this proposition. French had written an article naming the very prominent Americans revealed in Butler's testimony. When the hearing finished, the sensational story was already on the news-stands. The General's reputation for honesty and patriotism made what he said under oath impossible to ignore. The Secretaries of War and the Navy, U.S. Senators and Representatives urged that the Committee get to the bottom of the conspiracy. McCormack assured newsmen: "We will call all the men mentioned in the story." Co-chairman Dickstein added: "From present indications Butler has the evidence. He's not going to make any serious charges unless he has something to back them up. We'll have men here with bigger names than his." General Hugh Samuel JohnsonGeneral Douglas MacArthurDispatches from Philadelphia reported that Butler, former head of the Marine Corps., had told friends that General [Hugh Samuel] Johnson, the former NRA [National Recovery Administration] administrator, had been chosen for the role of dictator if Butler turned it down; also considered was General Douglas MacArthur. The Committee subpoenaed MacGuire and...his reports from Europe: McCormack: Now, in your report dated May 6, 1934, from Paris...you say that the...Croix de feu "is getting a great number of new recruits, and I recently attended a meeting of this organization and was quite impressed with the type of men belonging. These fellows are interested only in the salvation of France, and I feel sure that the country could not be in better hands because they are not politicians, they are a cross section of the best people of the country from all walks of life, people who gave their 'all' between 1914 and 1918 that France might be saved, and I feel sure if a crucial test ever comes to the Republic that these men will be the bulwark upon which France will be saved".. [The Committee examined reports on fascist veterans groups such as Italy's Black Shirts and Germany's Brown Shirts that MacGuire mailed to his backers. Examining another report sent by the witness, McCormack said:] And in this report you also said: "I was informed that there is a Fascist Party springing up in Holland under the leadership of a man named Mussait who is an engineer ...who has approximately 50,000 followers..., ranging in age from 18 to 25 years.... It is said this man is in close touch with Berlin and is modeling his entire program along the lines followed by Hitler." After French published his story, there was a noticeable sense of public uneasiness when not one of those named was called to testify.... The talk was that those named in Butler's testimony were too powerful, and nothing would be done about the plot... Frank N. BelgranoThe only person known to have been called to testify was California banker Frank N. Belgrano, who was very influential in the American Legion.... Without being asked one question, he was abruptly told to go home.... Congressman McCormack refused to answer questions about him. Co-chairman Dickstein told me that he did not know why Belgrano was sent home.... As speculation grew,...the Committee issued a press release: Hanford MacNider"This Committee has had no evidence that would in the slightest degree warrant calling before it such men as John W. Davis, Gen. Hugh Johnson,...or Hanford MacNider." The Committee will not take cognizance of names brought into the testimony which constitutes mere hearsay." On December 17, McCormack announced that Albert Christmas, Clark's attorney, had returned from Europe and would testify in two or three days. The Committee questioned him in executive session. Though national concern about the plot was keen, the attorney was not questioned publicly until, for all practical purposes, the Committee was dead and could do nothing about what the witness said. Christmas was heard on the last day of the Committee's life and then the questions were limited only to money given to MacGuire by the lawyer and Clark. No questions were asked about conversations or correspondence between an alleged principal in the plot and his attorney. In explaining the large sums of money given to the go-between, there was an item of some $65,000 which MacGuire had testified he had used for traveling and entertaining in Europe. None of the prominent persons named in Butler's testimony were questioned. Had the Committee found that the plot was too hot to handle? Too Hot to Handle Not long after the Committee's explanatory news release, a correspondent told me, "I hear some of Butler's testimony has been deleted." "It's possible. Probably some stuff involving national security." "What's been cut has nothing to do with national security." I had a good deal of confidence in him. It was from him that I had first heard of the plot, and I knew that his list of contacts and news sources was amazingly long. New Masses magazine coverI had met both McCormack and Dickstein. Athough I wrote for a magazine [New Masses] which they touched only with extra-long fire tongs lest they be contaminated, they knew that I was intensely concerned about Nazi activities here. It looked as if the Committee would die in a matter of weeks, and I asked to see the transcript of Butler's testimony for possible leads that I could follow up. Since news stories and the Committee's own press release had named some of the prominent persons Butler mentioned, I persisted in asking why, if there were no secrets involving the national security, I could not see it. Other newsmen joined me in asking for the Butler testimony. Presumably to quiet the growing public concern over why it was not made public, the Committee published a 125-page document containing the testimonies of the General and others. The report was clearly marked "Extracts." On the last page, a note appeared saying that "the committee had ordered stricken... certain immaterial and incompetent evidence, or evidence which was not pertinent to the inquiry." The extracts held me spellbound; this was living history - personalities, colorful characters, secret maneuvers on national and international scales. This was a planned gamble with the most powerful government in the world as the stakes. The reasons given for making public only extracts of the Committee testimony smelled like what my cat does in his pan. The Committee had already published hearsay evidence, and this sudden sensitivity about publishing similar testimony was puzzling. For days I tried to learn what Butler testimony had been cut out. All of my efforts were fruitless. A wall of granite had suddenly appeared, but all that did was whet my appetite to know what was going on. The Committee had announced that it intended to subpoena all of those named by Butler, yet it later issued an announcement that it had no evidence on which to question the prominent persons named. I met for a drink with a correspondent who was very knowledgeable about what was going on in the capital and was as perturbed by a fascist threat as I was. I asked if he had any idea why the Committee had published only extracts. "I was told that a member of the President's Cabinet asked that certain testimony be deleted," he said. John W. Davis"Any idea of what was cut out?" "Names, mostly. Two were Democratic candidates for President." "The Committee's press release mentioned John W. Davis. Who was the other?" Al Smith"Al Smith." "In a fascist plot? I don't believe it!" Davis had been a candidate in 1924 and was now one of the chief attorneys for J. P. Morgan & Company. It was possible that, without being told everything, he had been drawn into some aspects of the conspiracy, though he had publicly denied writing the speech Butler was asked to deliver at the Legion convention in Chicago. But Alfred E. Smith, "the happy warrior," a man who had risen to political heights from the sidewalks of New York, a very good Governor whose trusted adviser was Jewish, would certainly not be pro-fascist or pro-Nazi! I knew that he was bitter against Roosevelt, but that was for personal reasons. John J. RaskobYet, Al Smith was very close to John J. Raskob and was a co-director with him and Irénée du Pont of the American Liberty League. The idea of Al Smith being mentioned in connection with this plot was incredible, but such things had happened in other countries faced with severe political and economic stress. I resumed my search for what had been deleted, but I still got nowhere. Even usually garrulous politicians walked about with padlocks dangling from their lips. Al Smith and John W. DavisThe McCormack-Dickstein Committee had asked the House to extend its life to January 3, 1937, so that it could continue with its investigations, but the House refused; the Committee died. It even seemed possible that the Committee had been killed because unidentified, influential forces feared that public opinion might compel a deeper investigation into the fascist plot and concluded it would be better to forego even investigations into communist activities than risk that. On January 11, 1935, about a week or so after the Committee died, Congressman Dickstein gave me a letter of introduction to Frank P. Randolph, the Committee's secretary, saying, "Will you please permit him to examine the official exhibits and make photo-static copies of exhibits which were made public." Randolph, harried by the mountain of work required to close the Committee's records, gave me stacks of documents, exhibits and transcripts of testimony. Among them I was amazed to find not only the Butler testimony in executive session which I had tried so hard to get, but also a typed copy of the Committee's report to the House on its investigations. The report to the House was lengthy, but the heart of it was contained in a few paragraphs: In the last few weeks of the committee's life, it received evidence showing that certain persons had made an attempt to establish a fascist organization in this country.. There is no question that these attempts were discussed, planned and might have been placed in execution when and if the financial backers deemed it expedient. This committee received evidence from Maj. Gen. Smedley D. Butler (retired), twice decorated by the Congress of the United States. He testified before the committee as to conversations with one Gerald C. MacGuire in which the latter is alleged to have suggested the formation of a fascist army under the leadership of General Butler. MacGuire denied these allegations under oath, but your committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made to General Butler, with the exception of the direct statement suggesting the creation of the organization. This, however, was corroborated in the correspondence of MacGuire with his principal Robert Sterling Clark, of New York City, while MacGuire was abroad studying the various form of veterans' organizations of Fascist character. I compared the transcript of Butler's testimony in executive session with the one made public and marked "Extracts." The names French mentioned in his news story were not the only ones deleted, and not everything cut from Butler's and French's testimonies was hearsay. I copied the parts... deleted from Butler's description of his talk with Clark. This was direct evidence of a conversation with a named principal in the conspiracy. [Clark] said, "You know the President is weak. He will come right along with us. He was born in this class. He was raised in this class, and he will come back. He will run true to form. In the end he will come around. But we have got to be prepared to sustain him when he does." Butler then Clark offered him a bribe [Clark] said, "Why do you want to be stubborn? Why do you want to be different from other people? We can take care of you. You have got a mortgage on this house.... "That can all be taken care of. It is perfectly legal, perfectly proper." "Yes," I said, "but I do not want to do it, that's all." Finally I said, "....You are trying to bribe me in my own house. You are very polite about it...but it looks kind of funny to me, making that kind of proposition. Deleted from Butler's testimony was the new organization [American Liberty League] set up by Irénée du Pont, known for his financial support of reactionary groups, an organization of which Raskob and Al Smith were directors. The treasurer was Grayson Murphy, for whom MacGuire worked. Also deleted was Butler's testimony that MacGuire had advance knowledge of Alfred Smith's plans to break with President Roosevelt and attack him: Butler: I said, "What is the idea of Al Smith in this?" "Well," he [MacGuire] said, "Al Smith is getting ready to assault the Administration in his magazine. It will appear in a month or so. He is going to take a shot at the money question. He has definitely broken with the President." About a month later he did, and the New Outlook took the shot that he [MacGuire] told me a month before they were going to take. This fellow has been able to tell me a month or six weeks ahead of time everything that happened. Such testimony certainly warranted asking the go-between from whom he got such accurate information about moves that seemed related to a fascist plot. Though McCormack and Dickstein, questioned MacGuire about many things, nothing was asked about how the bond salesman knew of Al Smith's plans. Butler quoted MacGuire: "Morgan interests say you cannot be trusted.. They want either [Douglas] MacArthur or [Hanford] MacNider. You know as well as I do that MacArthur is the son-in-law of [banker Edward] Stotesbury... Morgan's representative in Philadelphia." Instead of asking MacGuire who told him what the Morgan interests were doing in this, the Committee simply deleted this from the published testimony. In Paul Comly French's testimony of his talk with MacGuire, the following was deleted: "French: [MacGuire] said he could go to John W. Davis or [James H.] Perkins of the National City Bank, and any number of persons and get it [money for the organization].. We discussed the question of arms and equipment, and he suggested that they could be obtained from the Remington Arms Co. on credit through the du Ponts. I do not think that at that time he mentioned the connection of du Pont with the American Liberty League, but he skirted all around it.... he suggested that Roosevelt would be in sympathy with us and proposed the idea that Butler would be named as head of CCC [Civilian Conservation Corps] camps by the President. The CCC was a government work project giving employment to young men of military age. Another fascist army using CCC men was allegedly proposed by a Wall Street operator who said he controlled $700 million which he could make available; this second plot - if it was a separate one - did not attract as much attention as the one involving General Butler." These illustrative passages, crying for more probing, were deleted by the Committee. [For more examples of what the Committee deleted from it's witnesses testimony, read "Wall Street's Fascist Conspiracy: Testimony that the Dickstein MacCormack Committee Suppressed," by John Spivak in the New Masses, Jan 29, 1935 .] I knew that the Constitution authorized Congress to delete such matters as required secrecy. This was usually interpreted to mean matters of national security. Certainly national security was involved, but this was a plot that the people were not only entitled to know about, but had to know about, for their own protection. I felt a very definite resentment against this Committee, for which I otherwise had strong approval. It had subpoenaed Nazis, fascists and communists, yet did not question those whose names were mentioned in testimony about a treasonable plot against the U.S. The rich and influential seemed to have a unique ability to avoid being called before a committee investigating un-American activities. So far as I could determine, there had not been even one phone call to these personages to ask - just for the record and with the greatest apologies - if they had ever heard of this plot. Instead, it did not even ask MacGuire who told him the things he told the General. It was possible, of course, that the deletions were not due to pressures by any of those named by Butler, but to a policy decision on the highest level. What would be the public gain from delving deeper into a plot which was already exposed and whose principals could be kept under surveillance? Roosevelt had enough headaches in those troubled days without having to confront men of great wealth and power. Was it avoidance of such a confrontation that curtailed the investigation? Was it a desire by the head of the Democratic Party to avoid matters which could split the party down the middle, considering that Davis and Smith, two former party heads, were among those named by Butler? I was both angry and troubled that after a conspiracy of this magnitude had been disclosed by a national hero and verified by a committee of the Congress, nothing was being done. Since MacGuire had denied essential parts of Butler's testimony, which the Committee said it had proved by documents, bank records and letters, I went to the Department of Justice to ask what it planned to do about MacGuire's testimony. I was told that it had no plans to prosecute. I interviewed Congressman McCormack. When I got to the sixth or seventh question, dealing with deletions from Butler's testimony, he said abruptly: "I don't have to give you an interview.... I'll take your questions and answer such of them as I wish." Father Charles E. CoughlinAmong the questions I left with him were: "Did you ever look into the potentially fascist groups like the American Liberty League, Father [Charles Edward] Coughlin's organization, the Crusaders, etc?" To one of my questions, McCormack gave me definite assurances: You were...anxious to find out if the Nazi movement in this country is as active today as when the investigation started. As a result of the investigation, and the disclosures made, this movement has been stopped and is practically broken up. Unhappily, the Congressman was incorrect. It was in this very period that the invasion of the U.S. by Nazi secret agents, along with an intensification of anti-democratic and hate propaganda, was moving towards its peak. I am sure McCormack, Dick-stein and their colleagues believed that disclosures before their Committee had broken up the Nazi propaganda and spy rings. They saw no threat from Nazis, though they did see a dangerous one from U.S. communists. The country was bedevilled by seemingly endless strikes, and these were attributed chiefly to communists - as if communists created conflict between employers and employees. I went to co-chairman Samuel Dickstein, who said the Committee had deleted certain parts of the testimony because they were "hearsay." I asked: "Why wasn't Grayson Murphy called? Your Committee knew that Murphy's men are in the anti-Semitic espionage organization Order of '76?" He replied: "We didn't have the time. We'd have taken care of the Wall Street groups if we had time. I would have [had] no hesitation in going after the Morgans." I assumed General Butler did not know that portions of his testimony had been deleted. If he knew and said so publicly, he would reach a vastly greater audience than I could through the New Masses. I phoned him at his home, said I was from the New Masses and wanted to see him about his testimony before the Committee. "Come on out," he said heartily. He was a slender, almost spare man, with receding hair, lined and sunken cheeks, thick eyebrows and furrowed lines between his keen eyes. His nose was generous, his underlip set in a permanent pout. He looked at me almost with affection as he extended his hand. There are people one meets and may never meet again with whom something clicks at the moment when hands clasp. I felt a strong attachment to him immediately. I heard later of highly complimentary comments he made about me. I felt as if I had known him all my life and apparently he felt the same about me. He said, "I think you're the man I've been hoping to run into to help me do an autobiography. There are things I've seen, things I've learned that should not be left unsaid. War is a racket to protect economic interests, not our country, and our soldiers are sent to die on foreign soil to protect investments by big business." Butler was occupied with the thought that American boys were being killed not to protect their country, but to protect investments. He returned to this theme several times in the hours we talked. His life, his adventures and activities and what he had learned from first-hand experience would have made a fascinating book. I would have liked to do it, but I begged off. Nazi activities in the U.S. were assuming alarming proportions and no publication, other than the New Masses, had shown any interest. The Government seemed to ignore these activities completely. When I said I should concentrate on anti-Nazi activities, he nodded approvingly and offered to help. He too was troubled by the hate propaganda gaining momentum almost daily. The New Haven GreenHe said things about big business and politics, sometimes in earthy, four-letter words, the like of which I had never heard from the most excited agitators crying on street corners, from socialists speaking on the New Haven Green or, later, from communists. He was describing a primitive variation of what we are learning today [1967] about the activities of our CIA. We use military power to enforce our political and economic policies. It is always done, according to official announcements, for high, shining moral objectives. In our schools, our churches and synagogues, as in unctuous pronouncements by heads of state, we are told to live by a set of nobly-expressed morals but are expected to acquiesce when governments openly or surreptitiously violate them. We still tamper with governments that displease us; we still instigate revolutions in countries which will not accept our "guidance;" we still send our men to fight in foreign lands, to kill and be killed, without having declared war. If any average citizen violated the U.S. Constitution as constantly and consistently as those who took solemn oaths before God and their fellow men to uphold, defend and protect it, he would be behind bars in short order. I had heard radicals of every stripe say similar things, but now the man who had commanded our occupying and shooting forces in foreign countries was saying them, adding matter-of-factly such comments as: "We supervised elections in Haiti, and wherever we supervised them our candidate always won." When speakers on the Green denounced our military invasions and "dollar diplomacy," I was always conscious that they were political radicals, theoreticians who had read histories, economic philosophies and mountains of statistics, and concluded that "war is a racket" and took to their stands to tell all passersby. But this thin man was not a bookish theoretician; Butler had directed our Marines to land on foreign soil to protect American investments, and he was saying things stronger than I had ever heard on the Green. I explained again that I was from the New Masses. "It's supposed to be a communist magazine," I said. "So who the hell cares?" he said. "There wouldn't be a United States if it wasn't for a bunch of radicals." An impish look came over his face. "I once heard of a radical named George Washington. As a matter of fact from what I read he was an extremist - a goddamn revolutionist!" I gave him copies of what had been deleted from his testimony. I explained that although the Committee reported to Congress that it had verified the plot, it did nothing about MacGuire's denials under oath. When I finished, he said: "I'll be god-damned! You can be sure I'll say something about this!" I made public [in New Masses, Jan. 29, 1935] the parts that the Committee had edited out of his testimony. On Feb. 17, Butler got on national radio and denounced the Committee. When the Committee's report appeared, Roger Baldwin, who did not look with friendly eyes on communists, issued a statement as director of the American Civil Liberties Union: The Congressional Committee investigating un-American activities has reported that the Fascist plot to seize the government...was proved; yet not a single participant will be prosecuted under the perfectly plain language of the federal conspiracy act making this a high crime. Imagine the action if such a plot were discovered among Communists! Which is, of course, only to emphasize the nature of our government as representative of the interests of the controllers of property. Violence, even to the seizure of government, is excusable on the part of those whose lofty motive is to preserve the profit system. The Committee's report gave 6 pages to the threat by Nazi agents in this country, 11 pages to the threat by communists and one page to the plot to seize the government and destroy America's democratic system. Press for Conversion! #54Source: Excerpts from John Spivak's autobiography, A Man in His Time, 1967, pp. 294-331. All of the photos and links on this web site were added by Richard Sanders, editor of Press for Conversion!, quarterly magazine of the Coalition to Oppose the Arms Trade (COAT). Most of the above links to the descriptions of key fascists, corporations and groups connected to the plot were written for Press for Conversion! (#53) by editor Richard Sanders. Most of the references are listed at the end of each item. Other references were also used in the creation of these items. Click here for additional sources. This site is a web version of "Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism," issue #53 of Press for Conversion! (April 2004). Order a copy! Click here (or on the image of the magazine cover at right) for details on how to order a hard copy of this 54-page issue focusing on the fascist coup plot to oust President F.D. Roosevelt.

It just recently occurred to me why Richard Condon in The Manchurian Candidate, referenced "The Kallikaks" written by Henry Herbert Goddard who was an early "expert" on the criminal mind, juvenile delinquency, abnormal psychology, personality disorders, the alleged inheritability of feeblemindedness, intelligence testing, scientific racism, and the movement to keep immigrants out of the United States which led to The Immigration Act of 1924. All of these subjects were very near and dear to Wickliffe Draper, the world's number one Eugenicist, who also added "involuntary sterilization" to his list of favorite subjects. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_H._Goddard Books by Henry H. Goddard: The Kallikak Family: A Study in the Heredity of Feeble-Mindedness (1912) Standard method for giving the Binet test (1913) Feeble-Mindedness: Its Causes and Consequences (1914) School Training of Defective Children (1914) The Criminal Imbecile: An Analysis of Three Remarkable Murder Cases (1915) Psychology of the Normal and Subnormal (1919) Human Efficiency and Levels of Intelligence (1920) Juvenile Delinquency (1921) Two Souls in One Body? (1927) School Training of Gifted Children (1928) How to Rear Children in the Atomic Age (1948) Vineland From 1906 to 1918 Goddard was the Director of Research at the Vineland Training School for Feeble-Minded Girls and Boys in Vineland, New Jersey, which was the first known laboratory established to study mental retardation. While there, he is quoted as stating that "democracy means that the people rule by selecting the wisest, most intelligent and most human to tell them what to do to be happy."[citation needed] At the May 18, 1910 annual meeting of the American Association for the Study of the Feeble-Minded, Goddard proposed definitions for a system for classifying individuals with mental retardation based on intelligence quotient (IQ). Goddard used the terms moron for those with an IQ of 51-70, imbecile for those with an IQ of 26-50, and idiot for those with an IQ of 0-25 for categories of increasing impairment. This nomenclature was the standard of the field for decades. A moron, by his definition, was any person with mental age between eight and twelve. Morons, according to Goddard, were unfit for society and should be removed from society either through institutionalization, sterilization, or both. What Goddard failed to see was that his bias against morons would greatly influence his data later. Goddard's best-known work, The Kallikak Family, was published in 1912. He had studied the background of several local groups of people which were somewhat distantly related, and concluded that they were all descended from a single Revolutionary War soldier. Martin Kallikak first married a Quaker woman. All of the children that came from this relationship were "wholesome" and had no signs of retardation. Later it was discovered that Kallikak had an affair with a "nameless feeble-minded woman[2] The result of this union led to generations of criminals. Goddard called this generation "a race of defective degenerates". While the book rapidly became a success and was considered to be made into a Broadway play, his research methods were soon called into question; within ten years he came to agree with the critics, and no longer promoted the conclusions he had reached. Goddard was a strong advocate of eugenics. Although he believed that "feeble-minded" people bearing children was inadvisable, he hesitated to promote compulsory sterilization – even though he was convinced that it would solve the problem of mental retardation – because he did not think such a plan could gain widespread acceptance. Instead he suggested that colonies should be set up where the feeble-minded could be segregated. Goddard established an intelligence testing program on Ellis Island in 1913. When he published the results in 1917, Goddard stated that his results only applied to immigrants traveling steerage and did not apply to people traveling in first or second class.[3] This program has been misreported as rejecting an estimated 80% of immigrants as "feeble-minded", including 83% of Jews, 80% of Hungarians, 79% of Italians, and 87% of the Russians, and resulting in an exponential increase in deportations. However, what actually happened was that Goddard wanted to find out if his classification system for mental defectives was as accurate among immigrants as it was among native-born Americans. He therefore tested a pre-selected group of 35 Jewish, 22 Hungarian, 50 Italian, and 45 Russian immigrants who had been identified as falling between “feebleminded” and “obviously normal” in intelligence. Goddard found that his tests successfully categorized 83% of this pre-selected group of Jews, 80% of the Hungarians, 79% of the Italians, and 80% of the Russians. Goddard never claimed that 80% of all Jewish immigrants, or other immigrant groups, were “feebleminded.” Goddard's Ellis Island work is worthless scientifically. When his results didn't meet his expectations, he simply changed the numbers in his data.[4] The Immigration Act of 1924 was strongly influenced by American eugenics' efforts. It restricted numbers of immigrants from "undesirable" racial groups. Upon signing the bill into law, President Calvin Coolidge commented, "America must remain American." Goddard also publicized purported race-group differences on Army IQ tests (Army Alpha and Beta) during World War I (the results were, even in their day, challenged as scientifically inaccurate, and later resulted in a retraction from the head of the project, Carl Brigham) and claimed that the results showed that Americans were unfit for democracy. He was one of the many scientists (including Francis Galton and Lewis Terman) whose work was used to defend the scientific racism movement in Europe and the United States. After reading Goddard's Wiki page, I wonder if Hank, Greg Parker or anyone else could comment as to how and why Goddard's works and his roles in the study of juvenile delinquency, inheritable imbecility, abnormal psychology and eugenics would eventually be referenced and included in a book about Mind Control and Programmed Assassins. Is there anywhere that Oswald's educational experiences or indoctrination paths may have crossed with some of the proteges of either Goddard, Eysenck, H. Smith Richardson or even Wickliffe Draper?

Welcome to the Spartacus Forum, Hank, I have ordered your book already and look forward to getting it soon. Are you familiar with what Richard Condon included in his book "The Manchurian Candidate" about some of the people and groups you have cited? He references both Harry Ainslinger the narcotics chief and "Lucky Luciano" as the chief New York City harbor guardian in his book. He also refers 6 times to Robert J. Morris who was stationed at the 3rd Naval District in NYC as a Lt. Commander in the Navy during that same time frame. And the person who Condon refers to as "THE Manchurian Candidate" was Anastase A. Vonsiatsky whose headquarters were in Harbin, Manchuoko (Manchuria) during the Japanese occupation. George de Mohrenschildt reported directly to Anastase Vonsiatsky. See "The Russian Fascists" by Prof. John J. Stephan. Ever hear of him before? Do a Google on him if not. Ever come across either Dr. Hans J. Eysenck from Wickliffe Draper's Pioneer Fund and MK/ULTRA operations or Dr. H. Werner Kloepfer from Tulane University in New Orleans? Oswald had his name and phone number in his address book. How about Gerald O'Reilly, Bill Buckley's brother in law who ran the H. Smith Richardson Foundation at one time? And how about H. Smith Richardson himself from Vicks Vapo Rub fame and MK/ULTRA? What do you know about Wickliffe Draper himself and a person named Elmore Greaves from The White Citizens Councils in Mississippi? Why do you think the works of psychologists and Eugenicists like Robert M. Yerkes and Henry H. Goddard were important enough for Richard Condon to cite both of them in the Manchurian Candidate either via their works or in the case of Yerkes with his name hidden as the middle name of Senator John Yerkes Iselin? Both Yerkes and Goddard INVENTED the intelligence tests applied to recent immigrants at Ellis Island and to U.S. Army recruits, by the way during World War I. http://www.answers.com/topic/robert-yerkes A link to the Wiki page of Dr. Herbert H. Goddard will be cited in another upcoming posting. If Richard Condon referenced both of these anti-Immigration specialists, staunch racialists and Eugenicists and the inventors of psychological testing for U.S. Army recruits then you know they had to be important in the field of Mind Control, Programmed Assassins and the study of discovering or predicting potential anti-social behavior among certain U.S. Army recruits or Juvenile Delinquents. And since they were both prominently cited in his book right alongside Wickliffe Draper, who financed the works of both Dr. Hans J. Eysenck, H. Smith Richardson and others including those in The Bell Curve, then you know they have got to be very important in the entire JFK Assassination Conundrum.

I believe that Doug Horne has been working on this massive work for 12-14 years, going back to 1996-1997 or thereabouts. And the really interesting aspect of the "Troika" of wild-eyed conspiracies put together by psy-ops warfare experts involving the so-called "The Lunar Landing Hoax", "The OK Bombing as a Strike from Space" and the "9/11 Attack as a Controlled Demolition by U.S. Government Agents" is the fact that ALL THREE of these hoaxes were perpetrated by none other than those loons from The Liberty Lobby and their Spotlight Newspaper, which is thankfully out of business now. Tim McVeigh got the recipe for the fertilizer bomb right from the pages of the Spotlight or one of their sister publications and he contacted that neo Nazi in Germany, Lauck was it, right before the OK bombing, The Lunar Landing Hoax first appeared in the pages of Spotlight and most of the claptrap about 9/11 being a controlled internal demolition also came from Spotlight and their sister pubs as well. And who funded and sponsored Spotlight for years? Willis Carto got the money for Spotlight and Right Magazine via the funding from Wickliffe Draper and Draper sponsored both Human Events and even The Councillor of the White Citizens Council in Jackson, Mississippi which was started by none other than Elmore Greaves himself who was part of The Pioneer Fund and a leader of the US contingent to WACL Conferences right after Roger Pearson of The Pioneer Fund. So in fact if you read Spotlight and believed their garbage about The "Troika" of wild-eyed pseudo conspiracy events then you probably have been also brainwashed into believing their entire cock and bull story about the JFK Assassination, too. You know, the Commies did it, the Castroites did it, the anti-Castroites did it and ONLY the full-time employees of the CIA were involved. No rogue agents were involved, no fired DCI's were involved, no Angleton styled double agents were involved, no former CIA agents were involved like Ray Cline, etc., etc. No retired Army Intel agents were involved, no disgraced and disarmed Generals like Willoughby or MacArthur were involved, etc., etc. What can one reasonably conclude then? That the JFK perps, like The China Lobby trio of Marvin Liebmann of YAF and Charles Willoughby and Robert J. Morris plus Draper and Company, sponsored all of the publications reporting on the false flag "Troika" operations AND the JFK hit and then blamed it on their opposition using psy-ops and mind control and they have taken in millions and millions of people. I guess you can fool some of the people all of the time, then, despite statements to the contrary.

Thanks, Bill, it's most enlightening. I wonder if Horne was thinking of anyone we know when he wrote the paragraphs above. Horne's specialty is JFK, not 911 nor Apollo nor Oklahoma City etcetcetc. On these issues he is as uninformed as the average person. Jack And just what exactly are the "issues" about 9/11, Apollo and Oklahoma City? Do you have any "photos" of these events to be able to prove something sinister about these events as well? You just stated that all you are capable of doing is to examine photos and to reach conclusions from photographic evidence or analysis, right? Could you please post these alleged photos for all of us to see? Do you still think that the flag planted on the moon was "blowing in the wind" or something equivalent to that? Do you believe that there is a photo of the "nanothermite" found in the World Trade Center wreckage or photos of something else that is incriminating? If so, post it or forever hold your piece. And how about Oklahoma City? Do you have a "photo" of someone else speeding off from the bomb in the truck and then "planting" the license plate of Tim McVeigh on the ground? Please post that one as well. You have a Burden of Proof to provide such photographic evidence which you claim you have before you post scurrilous and outrageous items on this or any other forum. You continue to make other serious researchers look bad by the use of your spurious research techniques which lead you to illogical and erroneous conclusions. Thank you.

Thanks, Bill, it's most enlightening. I wonder if Horne was thinking of anyone we know when he wrote the paragraphs above. Horne's specialty is JFK, not 911 nor Apollo nor Oklahoma City etcetcetc. On these issues he is as uninformed as the average person. Jack My list of pet peeves would begin with the identical short list cited by Doug Horne regarding the Lunar Landing "Loonatics", the 9/11 conspiracy buffs who could find "nanothermite" in a bowl of Rice Krispies and swear it was a government conspiracy, the Oklahoma City bombing conspiracy nuts and others of their ilk. Certainly they do more harm than good to our cause, attempting to "prove" that since 9/11, Apollo and OK Murrah were all "massive all-pervasive US government conspiracies" then it adds weight to their theory that JFK was a "massive all-pervasive US government conspiracy", attempting to indict even innocent bystanders like Senator Claiborne Pell whose entire family was very close to the entire Kennedy clan, Frank Wisner who was in a hospital, incapacitated and bedridden during the entire "plot" and the execution and others in that category. And of course, they will argue until they are blue in the face that Wisner could have run the plot via phone just as well. I would also include, in a second category, people whom I will call the "Kitchen Sink" types who also want to draw in as many non-US Gov affiliated participants in the JFK Assn as alleged "US Gov Agents" in an attempt to taint and bolster their attempt to widen the breadth of the plot in order to further indict "our Government" in the events in Dealey Plaza. Without mentioning names, these "Kitchen Sink" types are very quick to characterize people like Guy Banister as an "active ONI agent" or as a "covert CIA agent" when they were never part of either group. Yet they persist despite the evidence presented to them. Or they might insist for 10-20 years consecutively that a pipsqueak like David Ferrie was in Winnipeg, that he was a CIA agent and that therefore this is convincing evidence that dozens of people in the CIA were involved in the JFK plot even though a newspaper article in the Cleveland Plains Dealer finally burst their artifice and their fragile little bubble. Or other "Kitchen Sinkers", one person in particular, might boldly and blatantly state that "Wickliffe Draper" had nothing to do with the JFK Assn despite reams of documents released from the Miss Sov Comm and reams of testimony from Mary Ferrell's "best source", Roy Hargraves who was hired as an expert by Oliver Stone for JFK. This same "Kitchen Sinker" also maintained that just because a beneficiary of funding to take care of food and housing, provided years earlier from an alleged "CIA front foundation" was later vaguely associated with the JFK plot, this is inscrutable evidence of CIA involvement even though a person like Nathaniel Weyl offered testimony to the contrary regarding the attitude of Cuban exiles towards any more joint CIA projects. And this person even interviewed Nathaniel Weyl himself and reached these conclusions despite Weyl's generous candor on the topic of Operation Red Cross. This same person still insists that Operation Red Cross was 100% CIA based, and that the perps eventually moved on to the JFK hit, But when he is confronted with the evidence that Red Cross was an operation done by James Eastland, Wiliam Pawley, Robert Morris and even Nathaniel Weyl himself, for the sole benefit of Barry Goldwater and the Far Right Wing, he is not so willing to tie Operation Red Cross participants into the JFK hit because it would be yet antoher example of his carefully constructed subterfuges being blown out of the water, yet again. The same applies to those who are willing to tie WACL into the JFK hit as long as you bundle the CIA in with WACL. When the CIA links to WACL are destroyed due to the fact that Roger Pearson and Elmore Greaves, former US contingent leaders in WACL, were identified as Pioneer Fund and Wickliffe Draper cronies, then all of a sudden WACL loses importance within their delusional constructs. It is very easy to shrug off or laugh off the rantings of the "loonatics", the "nanothermiters" and the "OK fertilizer bombers" but not so easy to see through the subterfuges of either the head "Kitchen Sinker", Mr. COPA-cabana who was directly involved with all of these patently obvious ruses cited above, or his legion of willing sycophants and toadies. What is the purpose of floating all of these "false sponsor" theories? So that the real perps can go on their merry way, scot free and as non suspects. So who has done more to impair the honest attempts to find out who really killed JFK? Mr. "White" Washer, Mr. "No-no" nanothermite or Mr. "COPA" Cabana? I think that title belongs to Mr. COPA Cabana, because no one takes either Mr. "White" Washer, Mr. "No-no" nanothermite seriously anymore. Are they all to be considered "anarchistic?" Yes. Are they all "obstructionists" and "illusionists" and "disinfo artists" as well? Absolutely. Were you drawn in by any of these guys? Probably. Reach your own conclusions but as for me, they are all "persona non grata" forever more.

King's linkage of the Black American Civil Rights struggle with the freedom struggles of other oppressed peoples in Africa, Asia and Latin America received early expression during speeches in the Philadelphia area. During a June 1958 speech in Cape May, N.J., King stated the Civil Rights Movement of African-Americans is part of "a worldwide revolt against the slavery and oppression of colonialism and imperialism." Is anyone surprised that the forces of Wickliffe Preston Draper and Elmore D. Greaves from the "Mississippi Cotton Slave Plantation" days and the forces behind Andrew Preston of the Boston Fruit and United Fruit Latin American "Banana Slave Plantation" days were behind the murders of MLK, JFK and RFK? The Prestons were at one time the biggest defense contractors in Great Britain. Someone from England might want to look into this and report back to us on that topic. In fact many of the Drapers and the Prestons actually fought for the British during the Revolutionary War, those Tory Bastidges.

In my case it would probably be a member of the Marist Brother community, Michael Ignatius from Columbus High School in Miami, Florida. He was our Social Studies teacher and he was the first one to introduce us to subjects like Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, KS, the John Birch Society, Segregationists, McCarthyism, Alger Hiss and The Hollywood Ten of Gerald L K Smith. Without that early grounding, I probably would never have even started out on my extended serpentine journey into the JFK investigation. And certainly I would have not been open to the realistic possibility that the opponents of Brown vs. Board of Education would be the ones behind the assassination of JFK, MLK and RFK. Thank you to Brother Michael for opening up our eyes and for opening up our minds. We actually all thought that "Separate but Equal" was an OK solution to the problem of educational segregation issues. I mean in Miami, at the time (mid-1960's), there were still "Black High Schools" and "White High Schools" based on the surrounding neighborhoods and no busing whatsoever and our school was 99.5% Lily White and that was just the way it was and no one in power who liked that wanted to make any changes. We even tried to bring in the team from Power Memorial Academy in New York City that featured Lew Alcindor for an exhibition basketball game but were turned down flat by the FHSAA. And when we suggested pre-season non-conference games against the local black teams like George Washington Carver or Booker T. Washington we were also discouraged and shouted down by our current coach as well. Four years later the Number One NBA draft choice was Kareen Abdul Jabbar and Number Two was Neal Walk from Miami Beach High who went on to the Phoenix Suns of the ABA for a better offer. And I made First Team Coaches All-State in Florida and MVP of the Florida All-Star game in Gainesville while Neal Walk was not even chosen for the team since he was only 17 years old at the time, in a touch of real irony. Neal's coach, Chuck Fieldson, used to film opponents and use the films to teach his players certain techniques. He was the only one to do that at the High School level in Miami, so I guess that makes him perhaps one of the best basketball coaches and teachers in Miami history. Neal once told me that his coach would use films of my jump shooting techniques as the paradigm for perfection and they had to watch hours of film of our games over and over again until their shooting improved. Hey, thanks, coach. And thanks, Brother Michael Ignatius.

Hey, I am all for anything that would raise the ability for JFK Researchers to improve their cognitive pattern recognition abilities. The art of JFK research is to recognize, recall and reorganize patterns of affinity, affiliations and associations among various conspirators in order to solve a giant jigsaw puzzle. There is no other way to reach the ultimate end game... the identification of various missing links in the chain of conspiracy and to identify those persons who are the missing links. How else could one ascertain the roles of people like Anastase Vonsiatsky, Gerald L K Smith, Wickliffe Draper and now... Elmore D. Greaves. I think it was either Lee Forman or Nathaniel Heidenheimer who once said: "...a person like Anastase Vonsiatsky HAD TO EXIST if in fact one is to take the role of The White Russians seriously." Well, he HAD TO EXIST, and he DID EXIST, and everyone just missed him entirely. Using what I call the DNA strand approach to most JFK research which is based on strains of evidence which had only been uncovered in the 1960's or the 1970's. Most of those people were deliberately led into various La Brea Tar pits and have yet to emerge from that sticky morass. But when doing those new JFK Researcher exercises, one must avoid running around in circles or peddling on a treadmill which might be a continuation of the normal approach often utilized by some of our more avid participants in various threads.

Important study discussed at a Harvard University Forum...in 2005 http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6037708729636407580# A sometimes humorous but very revealing study supporting the Wickliffe Draper thesis...

Robert, as someone who has done an enormous amount of digging in this area, I'd appreciate your thoughts on this: The DMN ran the German story as a supplement some time after the German newspaper ran it. I believe that this was the whole reason for feeding the story to the German paper from the outset. Why? Because by merely reproducing the German article, they would avoid defamation charges which might have applied had they ran it as their own story. Astute observation, and although I hadn't contemplated that angle.....I think you nailed it...... Well, I thought it might fit with where you're going... By far the most important person in the whole ABN orbit was Yaroslaw Stetsko also spelled several different ways. His ABN is given credit by Jon and Scott Anderson for being the "other half" which merged with the Asian People's Anti-Communist League to form WACL. And lest we forget, it was actually me who made the discovery about ABN and DNZ, Gerhard Frey, Theodor Oberlander, Yaroslaw Stetsko and their relationship to the U.S. organizations like CUSA, not Dick Russell. It all began when I discovered a copy of the ABN Journal with names like Willoughby, Walker and Stetsko on the masthead of the Foreign Intelligence Digest. Even Spas T. Raikin showed up as the leader of some of their conferences where Raikin introduced Stetsko from the podium after he obviously organized these meetings. Raikin tried to trivialize or minimize his contributions to the ABN and to WACL but I was not buying it at all. And I was the only person to call up Spas T. Raikin to quiz him on these relationships. You have to examine the role of Bogdhan Stashinsky in murdering 2 of Stetsko's closest friends to fully understand ABN, WACL and the JFK hit. Stephan Bandera and Dr. Lev Rebet are the persons snuffed by Stashinsky who was also from Minsk, Belorussia. It is highly likely that the time Oswald spent in West Berlin on the way to the S.S. Maasdam and Hoboken, where Raikin was waiting for him, was spent looking for either Stetsko or one of his associates from ABN in order to kill them using The Stashinsky Gun. Both Bandera and Rebet were killed in West Berlin by Stashinsky in fact in 1957 and 1959. This scenario is the only one which explains how Raikin could have known exactly which boat Oswald was on and when he was going to arrive in Hoboken, NJ. At that point Otto Otepka approved Oswald's re-entry into the USA even though the defector file of LHO was sitting on Otepka's desk. Otepka had to know about Oswald and his programming as an assassin through Willoughby and Morris who later served as Otepka's lawyer after he was fired from the State Dept. after the Walt Rostow security clearance hearings when Otepka leaked classified documents to... none other than Senators James O. Eastland and Thomas Dodd. After the JFK hit, Dodd went to West Berlin to interview Stashinsky who was still in prison for these two murders. Dodd was censured by the Senate for spending taxpayer money for this junket as sort of a warning about sticking his nose in someone else's business, mainly Eastland.

Guess what? The term I personally originated in the late 1980's or the early 1990's "Reich Wing" has now officially become part of the American lexicon and taxonomy. I coulda been a contendah! And the person I introduced to the JFK community in 1993-1994, Wickliffe P. Draper has been mentioned in over 100 books since that date in 1994 when The Bell Curve was published. Without the extra publicity of The Bell Curve, he would have been ignored. Now HE was a contendah..... Entry from January 09, 2010 Reich-wing (Third Reich + right wing) "Reich-wing” (also “reich wing” and “reichwing,” with or without capitalization) is an epithet from the political left wing directed to the right wing. “Nazi” became a popular political epithet in the 1990s, and “reich” is from the Nazi “Third Reich.” The Village Voice used the title “Reich-Wing Republican” to describe white nationalist Devid Duke in October 1991, but this use is possibly specific to Duke’s political career. “CONSERVATIVES are REICH-WING” has been a bumper sticker since September 1994. “Reich-wing” has been used on many political blogs in the 2000s. Urban Dictionary Reich-wing Reich-wing (Reich-winger): A pejorative noun or adjective. 1: A political ideology with extremely radical, distorted, &/or illogical views further to the right of the political spectrum than main-stream conservatives. Or main-stream conservative ideas expressed in consistently hostile, deceptive or belligerent manner. 2: A person frequently engaging in outright propaganda, lies, and hate speech to promote those ideas. Skilled at using proven propaganda techniques and tactics that were artfully developed and practiced by members of Hitler’s Third Reich. These tactics include but are not limited to: repeating proven, demonstrated, &/or obvious lies (Big Lie), never acknowledging errors and belittling opponents. Techniques include appealing to racism, bigotry, xenophobia, homophobia, and misogyny; ridiculing physical traits of opponents, and personally insulting opponents. 3: A group of people who express those views and opinions. It is a particularly useful term to cause people hearing or reading it to unconsciously associate those engaging in such tactics with the Nazi regime. Adj: The majority of top rated radio talk show hosts are Reich-wing propagandists. Noun: The Reich-wing is a blight on civil discuss. That Reich-winger is a very hateful person. by PlacitasRoy Apr 4, 2009 Merriam-Webster’s Online Dictionary Main Entry: right wing Function: noun Date: 1856 1 : the rightist division of a group or party 2 : right 8 — right–wing \ˈrīt-ˈwiŋ, -ˌwiŋ\ adjective — right–wing·er \ˈrīt-ˈwiŋ-ər, ˌrīt-\ noun Wikipedia; Nazi Germany Nazi Germany and the Third Reich are the common English names for Germany between 1933 and 1945, while it was led by Adolf Hitler and the National Socialist German Worker’s Party (NSDAP). The name Third Reich (Drittes Reich, “Third Reich") refers to the state as the successor to the Holy Roman Empire of the Middle Ages and the German Empire of 1871–1918. In German, the state was known as Deutsches Reich (German Reich) until 1943, when its official name became Großdeutsches Reich (Greater German Reich). On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany. Although he initially headed a coalition government, he quickly eliminated his government partners. 29 October 1991, Village Voice (New York, NY): Reich-Wing Republican By Doug Ireland (Story about David Duke—ed.) Google News Archive 18 March 1992, Gainesville (FL) Sun, pg. 11A, col. 1: So where will Bush find such a person who Is worthy of the title “Censorship Czar” of the “Reich” wing of the Republican Party? Google Books September-October 1994, Mother Jones magazine, pg. 83, col. 1 ad: RUSH IS REICH And 4 More Bumper/Window Stickers “LIMBAUGH PREVARICATES” “LIMBAUGH LIES” “RUSH is WRONG” “CONSERVATIVES are REICH-WING” Google Groups: alt.conspiracy.jfk Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy.jfk, alt.politics.org.cia, alt.politics.radical-left From: Citizens for Democracy - Jan Mirilovich Date: 1996/01/28 Subject: Re: The Reich Wing Extremists in America > The Reich Wing Extremists did it, silly, and they have taken over the investigation. Google Groups: alt.conspiracy.jfk Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy.jfk From: John McLoughlin Date: 1996/04/13 Subject: Re: What Prouty says about “right wing” jazz You should be looking for hate in all the reich places. Both Bill Turner and Carl Oglesby have become recent converts to the Wickliffe Draper - Anastase Vonsiatsky line of reasoning and they feel that there is much merit to the argument that shows the complicity of the reich wing in BOTH the perpetration and the cover-up and the scapegoating. Google Groups: alt.religion.christian Newsgroups: alt.religion.christian Followup-To: alt.religion.christian From: ZenIsW...@NOSPAM.yahoo.com (ZenIsWhen) Date: Wed, 25 Jul 2001 16:11:41 GMT Local: Wed, Jul 25 2001 10:11 am Subject: Re: the evolutionists are at it again WND is NOT about truth! It’s about anything reich wing - from politics to religion! A right wing rag pretending to be a news source! Google Groups: alt.fan.ruish-limbaugh Newsgroups: alt.fan.rush-limbaugh, alt.impeach.bush, alt.politics, alt.politics.bush, alt.politics.republican, alt.true-crime From: Mike Blackford Date: Sat, 27 Oct 2001 19:49:42 GMT Local: Sat, Oct 27 2001 1:49 pm Subject: Re: Capitalism-hating morons on display This “news” spread like wildfire in the dry brush that the media has planted on the hillsides of our political process. It was reported repeatedly as a front-page item, and cited repeatedly as a ‘fact’ by reich-wing propagandists like O’Reichlly and Limpballs. Google Groups: alt.fan.jimmy-buffet Newsgroups: alt.fan.jimmy-buffett From: piratej...@aol.comNOSPAM (PirateJohn) Date: 28 Dec 2002 15:58:53 GMT Local: Sat, Dec 28 2002 9:58 am Subject: Re: Why I can’t be here. Secondly, from where I sit there was zilch political discussion until some reichwing jokers and attempted bullies interjected totally unrelated and offtopic BS into what was simple Buffettesque discussions and a few brave people with divergent opinions called those SOBs on it. Google Groups: alt.politics Newsgroups: alt.politics, talk.politics.misc, alt.politics.bush, alt.politics.democrats.d, alt.politics.usa.republican Followup-To: alt.politics, talk.politics.misc From: Tom Betz Date: Sat, 5 Jun 2004 02:54:29 +0000 (UTC) Local: Fri, Jun 4 2004 8:54 pm Subject: Reich Wing Liars Typical reich-wing phony quote, made so by the creative omission of context. LewRockwell.com The Reich Wing: Bush-Era Conservatism as Reductio Ad Absurdum by William Norman Grigg July 23, 2007

Link to radio interview with Albarelli: http://ruleoflawradio.com/archive/?p=1592 "Hour 1: Hank Albarelli, author of “A Terrible Mistake: The Murder of Frank Olson”. Albarelli’s recently published book documents the history of the CIA’s LSD experiments on unwitting victims over the decades. Everything in the book is backed up with declassified and FOIA’d documents from entities within the federal government including the CIA itself. Hour 2: Dr. Colin Ross joins in the conversation with Hank, and Hank stays for the remainder of the show. This archive is not to be missed!" Regards, Peter Fokes Colin Ross would also be a great contributor to this forum. Colin and I were the ones who finally convinced Dick Russell of the importance of MK/ULTRA and comparable programs in various clandestine operations over the years including the JFK conundrum. And Dick Russell is not easy to convince about anything. The fact that H. L. Hunt and Senator Thomas J. Dodd and of course, James O. Eastland, were both intrigued and fascinated by The Stashinsky Gun and the role of Bogdhan Stashinsky in the JFK conundrum as a programmed assassin speaks volumes in my opinion. John Dolva has discovered the existence of a meeting run by Elmore Greaves of The White Citizens Councils on May 30, 1968 which could be the equivalent of the Jung Hotel meeting run by Leander Perez, Edwin Walker and Guy Banister the week before the JFK Assassination. More later...

Check out the listing of FOIAs done by a person named Ernie Lazar posted elsewhere on this site. Lazar even has Robert Surrey who printed up the Wanted for Treason posters, as working for Walker... for years. Or just Google Ernie Lazar Right Wing John Birch He has done over 10,000 FOIAs on a list of violent Right Wing Extremists... many of whom are on my list of JFK, RFK and MLK suspects... Ernie Lazar said, ON JUNE 11TH, 2009 AT 5:34 PM FURTHER REPLY TO LAURENS: Having just spent a week debating this new political spectrum idea on other websites, I would suggest that Laurens consider the following factual data: The problem with Laurens’ proposed political spectrum is that persons (or organizations) which Laurens claims advance “extreme leftist” ideas — such as Hitler admirers — are often people who associate themselves with RIGHT WING causes, organizations, and ideas. For example, many so-called “conservatives” or “patriot” groups recommend the writings of Eustace Mullins — especially his publications on the Federal Reserve—which Mr. Von Brunn almost certainly read, believed and recommended on his website. Eustace Mullins is cited by the “patriot movement” as an indisputable “conservative” or right-winger. But Mullins wrote an article entitled “Hitler: An Appreciation” which was published in a 1952 issue of the National Renaissance Party Bulletin (an avowed fascist group!) — but that doesn’t stop gazillions of right-wingers from recommending him as a reliable source of information! To see Mullins’ article and further details about the neo-fascist groups in the U.S. he was connected to, see this 1954 report by the House Committee On Un-American Activities: http://debs.indstate.edu/u588n4_1954.pdf Three additional problems with Lauren’s ideas: (1) when you research the political campaigns of neo-nazis who have run for political office, their themes, ideas and policy proposals are predominantly RIGHT-WING — and in fact, the support they subsequently get (money, endorsements, publicity, votes, etc.) comes NOT from the LEFT, but from the RIGHT side of the political spectrum. (2) when you review the recommended reading lists of neo-nazi groups, they often recommend and sell many of the SAME publications as the Birch Society or other extreme right-wing/conservative/patriot groups . For example: the American Nazi Party used to recommend and sell John Stormer’s classic conspiracy book, “None Dare Call It Treason”—which the JBS effusively praised and sold in all its bookstores! [stormer, a Goldwater supporter, was a Republican Party official in Missouri!] (3) Furthermore, the founder and leader of the American Nazi Party (George Lincoln Rockwell) admired prominent right-wing heroes such as Sen. Joseph McCarthy. In fact, in 1952, Rockwell publicly supported Gen. Douglas MacArthur for President and he organized a pro-MacArthur rally in San Diego. Nevertheless, Laurens wants us to believe that Rockwell belongs on the extreme left side of a political spectrum! In the 1960’s, Rockwell invited John Birch Society members to attend a meeting of his in Dallas — because he thought they offered fertile ground for recruitment. If Rockwell was truly “extreme left” why would he solicit support from the extreme right? Last, but not least, the political spectrum advocated by Laurens has no way to explain the following: ROBERT SURREY (hereafter RS) RS and his wife (Mary) of Dallas TX were both Birch Society members. They both were employed by fellow Bircher, Gen. Edwin A. Walker of Dallas. Mary was Walker’s personal secretary and from 1961-1964 RS was Walker’s chief aide. RS also worked on Walker’s campaign for Governor of Texas. In 1963, RS and Walker entered into a partnership as co-owners of American Eagle Publishing Company. The company’s pamphlets were stored at Walker’s home. They published all the standard Birch Society arguments against the UN, against Council on Foreign Relations, against the Warren Court, and against the policies and programs of Presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. In November 1963, RS authored the “Wanted For Treason” handbill (re: JFK) which was circulated on the streets of Dallas a few days before Kennedy’s assassination. RS also was President and Chairman of the Board of United White Christians Majority. The group was conceived by George Lincoln Rockwell to obtain funds for the American Nazi Party from persons who might otherwise not wish to be directly associated with the ANP (in short, it was an ANP front-group). In May 1968, RS became Southwest Regional Coordinator and National Business Manager for the American Nazi Party. Many other Birch Society members or supporters involved themselves in neo-nazi activities and/or promoted neo-nazi themes including anti-zionism arguments. For example, here are some “graduates” from the Birch Society: George P. Dietz (Liberty Bell Publications—the largest U.S. distributor of neo-nazi literature in the U.S. during the 1960’s-1990’s), Tom Metzger (White Aryan Resistance), William P. Gale (Ministry of Christ Church), Ben Klassen (Church of the Creator), Kevin Strom (National Vanguard), Willis Carto (Liberty Lobby and founder of holocaust denial group, Institute For Historical Review), Gordon Kahl (Posse Comitatus) Robert J. Mathews (who created The Order and commited bank and armored car robberies in order to finance Aryan Nations and other similar white supremacist and neo-nazi enterprises) and William Pierce (Pierce joined the American Nazi Party in 1966 and was Editor of National Socialist World, the quarterly journal of Rockwell’s World Union of National Socialists. In 1968, Pierce became second in command of the National Socialist White People’s Party (formerly known as American Nazi Party) but he left in July 1970 to work for Willis Carto’s National Youth Alliance which he wrested away from Carto in 1974 and re-named it National Alliance.) As all of the above data should make obvious, EVEN IF your ideology CLAIMS to be “anti-communist” or “anti-Marxist”, or “anti-collectivist” [which Laurens thinks places you on the OPPOSITE side of the spectrum from nazism-fascism-communism] nevertheless that means nothing in terms of * where you seek support, * whom you admire, * what authors and publications you recommend as reliable, or * what political alliances you are prepared to make

..on the plane he made sure that the pilots signed his ticket, and greeting him on arrival were Ned and co... Ernie Lazar has Robert Surrey and his wife working for Edwin A. Walker for years... Ernie Lazar said, ON JUNE 11TH, 2009 AT 5:34 PM FURTHER REPLY TO LAURENS: Having just spent a week debating this new political spectrum idea on other websites, I would suggest that Laurens consider the following factual data: The problem with Laurens’ proposed political spectrum is that persons (or organizations) which Laurens claims advance “extreme leftist” ideas — such as Hitler admirers — are often people who associate themselves with RIGHT WING causes, organizations, and ideas. For example, many so-called “conservatives” or “patriot” groups recommend the writings of Eustace Mullins — especially his publications on the Federal Reserve—which Mr. Von Brunn almost certainly read, believed and recommended on his website. Eustace Mullins is cited by the “patriot movement” as an indisputable “conservative” or right-winger. But Mullins wrote an article entitled “Hitler: An Appreciation” which was published in a 1952 issue of the National Renaissance Party Bulletin (an avowed fascist group!) — but that doesn’t stop gazillions of right-wingers from recommending him as a reliable source of information! To see Mullins’ article and further details about the neo-fascist groups in the U.S. he was connected to, see this 1954 report by the House Committee On Un-American Activities: http://debs.indstate.edu/u588n4_1954.pdf Three additional problems with Lauren’s ideas: (1) when you research the political campaigns of neo-nazis who have run for political office, their themes, ideas and policy proposals are predominantly RIGHT-WING — and in fact, the support they subsequently get (money, endorsements, publicity, votes, etc.) comes NOT from the LEFT, but from the RIGHT side of the political spectrum. (2) when you review the recommended reading lists of neo-nazi groups, they often recommend and sell many of the SAME publications as the Birch Society or other extreme right-wing/conservative/patriot groups . For example: the American Nazi Party used to recommend and sell John Stormer’s classic conspiracy book, “None Dare Call It Treason”—which the JBS effusively praised and sold in all its bookstores! [stormer, a Goldwater supporter, was a Republican Party official in Missouri!] (3) Furthermore, the founder and leader of the American Nazi Party (George Lincoln Rockwell) admired prominent right-wing heroes such as Sen. Joseph McCarthy. In fact, in 1952, Rockwell publicly supported Gen. Douglas MacArthur for President and he organized a pro-MacArthur rally in San Diego. Nevertheless, Laurens wants us to believe that Rockwell belongs on the extreme left side of a political spectrum! In the 1960’s, Rockwell invited John Birch Society members to attend a meeting of his in Dallas — because he thought they offered fertile ground for recruitment. If Rockwell was truly “extreme left” why would he solicit support from the extreme right? Last, but not least, the political spectrum advocated by Laurens has no way to explain the following: ROBERT SURREY (hereafter RS) RS and his wife (Mary) of Dallas TX were both Birch Society members. They both were employed by fellow Bircher, Gen. Edwin A. Walker of Dallas. Mary was Walker’s personal secretary and from 1961-1964 RS was Walker’s chief aide. RS also worked on Walker’s campaign for Governor of Texas. In 1963, RS and Walker entered into a partnership as co-owners of American Eagle Publishing Company. The company’s pamphlets were stored at Walker’s home. They published all the standard Birch Society arguments against the UN, against Council on Foreign Relations, against the Warren Court, and against the policies and programs of Presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. In November 1963, RS authored the “Wanted For Treason” handbill (re: JFK) which was circulated on the streets of Dallas a few days before Kennedy’s assassination. RS also was President and Chairman of the Board of United White Christians Majority. The group was conceived by George Lincoln Rockwell to obtain funds for the American Nazi Party from persons who might otherwise not wish to be directly associated with the ANP (in short, it was an ANP front-group). In May 1968, RS became Southwest Regional Coordinator and National Business Manager for the American Nazi Party. Many other Birch Society members or supporters involved themselves in neo-nazi activities and/or promoted neo-nazi themes including anti-zionism arguments. For example, here are some “graduates” from the Birch Society: George P. Dietz (Liberty Bell Publications—the largest U.S. distributor of neo-nazi literature in the U.S. during the 1960’s-1990’s), Tom Metzger (White Aryan Resistance), William P. Gale (Ministry of Christ Church), Ben Klassen (Church of the Creator), Kevin Strom (National Vanguard), Willis Carto (Liberty Lobby and founder of holocaust denial group, Institute For Historical Review), Gordon Kahl (Posse Comitatus) Robert J. Mathews (who created The Order and commited bank and armored car robberies in order to finance Aryan Nations and other similar white supremacist and neo-nazi enterprises) and William Pierce (Pierce joined the American Nazi Party in 1966 and was Editor of National Socialist World, the quarterly journal of Rockwell’s World Union of National Socialists. In 1968, Pierce became second in command of the National Socialist White People’s Party (formerly known as American Nazi Party) but he left in July 1970 to work for Willis Carto’s National Youth Alliance which he wrested away from Carto in 1974 and re-named it National Alliance.) As all of the above data should make obvious, EVEN IF your ideology CLAIMS to be “anti-communist” or “anti-Marxist”, or “anti-collectivist” [which Laurens thinks places you on the OPPOSITE side of the spectrum from nazism-fascism-communism] nevertheless that means nothing in terms of * where you seek support, * whom you admire, * what authors and publications you recommend as reliable, or * what political alliances you are prepared to make

Dave Thomas cites the presence of a "Lt. Widdemeyer" in the Dealey Plaza motorcade. In fact this was in all likelihood Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer who was often suspected of pro Nazi leanings... Here David Gordon tries to exonerate Gen. Wedemeyer of leaking war plans to the Nazis and blames it on FDR instead. This incident has all but disappeared from the Internet, but people like Wedemeyer, Stratemeyer, del Valle, Willoughby, Fellers and company have all been accused of pro-Nazi leanings and sympathies... and they were ALL involved with the JFK hit. This is the so called Reich Wing Chiefs of Staff. All retired. All Nazis and all JFK haters. Wedemeyer was asked/forced to resign by Truman along with Willoughby and MacArthur in 1951 and now joins them as major JFK conspirators in my book. Edited and written by David Gordon, senior fellow of the Mises Institute and author of four books and thousands of essays. The New Dealers' War: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the War Within World War II Thomas Fleming and and Fall 2001 Volume 7, Number 3 The Truth About the "Good War" Fall 2001 The New Dealers' War: Franklin D.Roosevelt and the War Within World War II by Thomas Fleming (Basic Books, 200; xii + 628 pgs.) Thomas Fleming has done a great deal to strengthen a standard revisionist contention about America's entry into World War II. Historians opposed to Roosevelt's interventionist diplomacy, such as Harry Elmer Barnes and Charles Callan Tansill, have suggested the following argument: Roosevelt, gripped by strong hostility toward Germany, wished ardently to enter the war on the side of the British. But Hitler had no desire to accommodate the American president, and he instructed his navy to avoid hostile incidents with American ships. There would be no repetition of the Lusitania disaster, if he could avoid it. What was Roosevelt to do? He knew that he could never ram through Congress a declaration of war against Germany, in the absence of German moves against the United States. Most Americans, however hostile to the Third Reich, opposed entry into the European War. According to the revisionists, this situation did not prove too much for the ingenuity of the wily Roosevelt. Japan and Germany were allies; and if Roosevelt could provoke Japan into attacking the United States, was not Germany bound to enter as well? Thwarted by isolationist sentiment for a direct blow against Germany, the president could enter the war through the Japanese "back door." Fleming notes that, after Pearl Harbor, this famous phrase was not long in coming to characterize Roosevelt's strategy. General Robert Wood, a founder of the America First Committee, told Charles Lindbergh immediately after learning of the Japanese attack, "he [Roosevelt] got us in through the back door" (p. 40). In the revisionist view, Roosevelt implemented his plan by provoking Japanese hostility, most notably through an oil embargo that placed Japan in an untenable economic situation. After Roosevelt rejected all Japanese peace feelers, Japan made ready to attack. Of this, Roosevelt was well aware, since the United States was able to decode Japanese military and diplomatic messages. Although information in the days before Pearl Harbor indicated an imminent Japanese assault, Roosevelt refused to warn the Army and Navy commanders at the base. He wanted an attack; otherwise, his back-door ruse would fail. To this daring argument, opponents of revisionism have posed two strong objections: First, was Roosevelt a Japanese agent? If not, surely he would not have placed the United States in a potentially losing situation. But did not the back-door strategy threaten exactly that outcome? A refusal to warn the naval commander of an impending Japanese attack risked major damage to the U.S. Pacific Fleet. Second, suppose Roosevelt's alleged plan "worked," in the sense that the Japanese attacked without inflicting unacceptably severe damage. Why would this get America into war with Germany? What if Germany refused Roosevelt's bait and did not declare war? Then Roosevelt would be no nearer to his goal of American entry into the European War, and he would face a full-scale war with a powerful foe. Mr. Fleming offers persuasive responses to these objections. "If an attack on Pearl Harbor was a surprise only in the tactical sense, what lay behind FDR's decision to base the fleet there? . . . A good part of the answer lies in the race-based contempt for the Japanese that too many Americans shared with their British allies. The Anglo_Saxons were convinced that the Japanese could neither shoot, sail, or fly with the skill of Westerners. . . . This arrogant mindset explains why Roosevelt expected to `get hit but not hurt' wherever the Japanese attacked-including Pearl Harbor" (pp. 44-45).1 If our author has turned aside the first objection, his case survives only to confront a more formidable obstacle. Once more, what if Germany did not respond with a declaration of war? Here, Mr. Fleming responds with his boldest stroke. On December 4, 1941, the Chicago Tribune, under the byline of Chesly Manly, published the Rainbow Five War Plan, a detailed agenda for an American invasion of Europe, in cooperation with the British. Most historians have seen publication of this plan as a grievous blow to the president. Did not the exposé show Roosevelt's constant claims that he sought no war in Europe to be blatant lies? Accordingly, most writers have wondered what dissident isolationist privy to administration plans leaked the documents. Suspicion has sometimes centered on the plan's author, Major (later General) Albert Wedemeyer, a firm supporter of America First, but he satisfied investigators that he was not involved. Mr. Fleming, amazingly, suggests that Roosevelt himself orchestrated the leak. By doing so, he ensured the success of his scheme. The publication of the plan convinced Hitler that war with the United States was inevitable; and in his speech to the Reichstag declaring war, he emphasized the Tribunestory. "His final decision, Hitler said, had been forced on him by American newspapers, which a week before had revealed `a plan prepared by President Roosevelt . . . according to which his intention was to attack Germany in 1943 with all the resources of the United States. Thus our patience has come to the breaking point'" (p. 35). Publication of the plan served Roosevelt's interests, but it does not at once follow from this that he bore responsibility for the leak. Our author's case, however, is not yet complete. He notes that, although some evidence suggested that General Henry Arnold leaked the plan, the assistant director of the FBI, Louis Nichols, stated, "When we got to Arnold, we quit" (p. 28). Fleming takes this as an indication that the real source outranked the general; is not the president the most likely candidate? Further, General Wedemeyer, in his later years, inclined to hold Roosevelt responsible. Our author's case, though based on a convergence of several lines of evidence, seems to me no more than an intriguing possibility. But he is entirely correct to cast aside the antirevisionist argument suggested earlier. True enough, Germany might not have declared war. But what had Roosevelt to lose? Given the Axis Pact, he might have been able to force an American declaration of war through Congress. And even if he could not, how would the chances of entering the European war be weakened by a fight with Japan? I have spent a great deal of time on the leak of the Rainbow plan, since Fleming's explanation of it is the most original element of his book. But the volume contains much else. For one thing, it includes a devastating criticism of Roosevelt's unconditional surrender policy. Roosevelt's demand, announced at the Casablanca Conference in January 1943, played into the hands of German propaganda. "Dr. Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's propaganda chief, was in a state of euphoria. He called Roosevelt's announcement `world-historical tomfoolery of the first order.' To one of his colleagues, he admitted: `I should never have been able to think up so rousing a slogan. If our Western enemies tell us, we won't deal with you, our only aim is to destroy you . . . how can any German, whether he likes it or not, do anything but fight on with all his strength'" (p. 176)? Critics might claim that our author's argument overrates the capacity of the German resistance to Hitler, but I think he stands on firm ground. However small the chances of an overthrow of Hitler, what had Roosevelt to gain by unconditional surrender? Had there been no opposition at all to Hitler within Germany, the policy still would have been a mistake, for the reason stated by Goebbels. Further, if the Germans did surrender, they could anticipate an American policy more befitting Genghis Khan than the civilized leader of a modern state, a fact of which Goebbels was not slow to make use. Roosevelt inclined toward the plan of his Treasury secretary, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., for dealing with postwar Germany. The Morgenthau Plan aimed to strip Germany of her industrial capacity, with dire consequences for the German people. "It proposed . . . destroying all the industry in the Ruhr and Saar basins and turning Central Europe and the German people into agriculturalists. At one point Communist agent [Harry Dexter] White . . . feared they were going to extremes. He warned Morgenthau that the idea was politically risky; it would reduce perhaps 20 million people to starvation. `I don't care what happens to the population,' Morgenthau said" (pp. 428-29). Fortunately, the accession of Harry Truman to the presidency brought about the plan's demise. I have had to leave much in this rich book unmentioned-for example, Fleming's depiction of the conflicts between extreme New Dealers such as Henry Wallace and their opponents. But I have endeavored to sketch the main lines of our author's indictment of Roosevelt. He schemed to get the United States into a war that most people did not want. Once in it, he pursued a course designed to ensure an unnecessarily long and bloody conflict; and his postwar plans for the defeated enemy threatened widespread catastrophe. Hardly a record worthy of praise, memorials in Washington to the contrary notwithstanding. Mises Review Archives

ARCHIVES ARCHIVES AND PRIVATE PAPERS PERTAINING TO CONSERVATIVE AND EXTREME RIGHT MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES rev. 07/18/09 Among the most interesting archives and private papers collections which pertain to the history of the conservative and extreme right movements in the U.S. are the following: Name / Title / Location / Scope --- rev. 07/18/09 Adamson, Lee J. Papers, 1954-1969 Accountant and conservative political activist, of Bellingham, Wash.; section leader of John Birch Society in Bellingham. Chiefly correspondence; (bulk 1960-1967), concerning national and international issues and conservative and anti-Communist individuals and activities; together with articles, essays, and editorials by Adamson, mostly on political subjects but including writings on accounting, and subject files. Correspondents include Bryton Barron, Pedro A. del Valle, William E. Fort, Jr., Suzanne Labin, Phyllis Schlafly, Robert Welch, Church League of America, John Birch Society, and Mothers' Crusade for Victory over Communism. University of Oregon Collection #86 43 boxes -- 22.5 ft http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1970574~S8 Allderdice, Norman Pamphlets, leaflets, and other printed ephemera, issued by right- wing, left-wing and other political organizations, and by governmental, business, labor, religious, educational and other organizations, relating to political, social and economic conditions in the United States and abroad, and especially to right-wing and left-wing movements in the United States. Hoover Institution, Stanford University Collection #2000C53 135 boxes-- 81 linear feet http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/1303...ry=right%20wing American Business Consultants American Business Consultants, Inc. was formed in 1947 by several former agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to investigate allegedly subversive organizations and individuals, particularly those affiliated with the Communist Party, USA. In May 1947, A.B.C. began publishing Counterattack in New York, a for-profit weekly "newsletter of facts to combat Communism." The collection is comprised of research files for individuals, organizations, events and activities which were considered to reflect communist influence, and contain clippings, ephemera, internal documents, correspondence, and investigative reports, some of which were of an undercover nature. The founders of Counterattack, included former FBI agent John G. Keenan, who became Counterattack's President In 1950, Counterattack published a booklet entitled Red Channels, which listed possible "subversives" in the world of radio and television. Red Channels listed a series of names of persons in show business, and the number of times each person had been cited by the FBI or HUAC, without making any specific accusations against any given person. The potential of "guilt by association" involved in this technique resulted in a series of libel suits filed against Counterattack by various film and radio personalities. Although Counterattack defended itself against these libel suits, settling some out of court while winning others on appeal in 1956, the financial cost of litigation proved onerous. As a result, John Keenan in a 1963 memorandum affirmed a "hands-off policy" regarding Communism on the part of the publication. The organization officially disbanded in 1968. Tamiment Library, New York University, #148 Provenance: From 1968-1985, held by Church League of America, then donated to Liberty University (Lynchburg VA) – then to Tamiment Library. 44 boxes http://dlib.nyu.edu/findingaids/html/tamwag/counter.html Anderson, Thomas Jefferson Papers 1943-1986 Correspondence (ca. 20,000 letters); writings and speeches by Anderson and others; American Party files, including campaign material for George Wallace and Anderson's candidacy for vice-president in 1972 and president in 1976; subject files; accounts of trips to Northern Europe and the Soviet Union in 1959 with U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson; editorial policies, financial statements, and sample issues of farm publications; and audiovisual materials, including tapes of John Birch Society meetings and American Party conventions, motion pictures, and phonograph records. Correspondents include T. Coleman Andrews, Howard H. Baker, Ezra Taft Benson, William F. Buckley, Willis A. Carto, Kent Courtney, Harry T. Everingham, J. Evetts Haley, Jonathan Kirby, Douglas C. Morse, John H. Rousselot, Phyllis Schlafly, Robert B. Snowden, Willis E. Stone, George Wallace, Robert Welch, and Glenn O. Young. University of Oregon, Collection #157 171 boxes -- 93 cu. Ft http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1981716~S8 Anderson, Thomas Jefferson Papers 1943-1985 Anderson was owner of a farm magazine publishing company, Southern Farm Publications, from 1947-1971. A political conservative, his views were disseminated through the weekly publication, "Straight Talk," American Way Features, a national newspaper syndicate which he owned, and through radio commentaries and lectures. Anderson was a member of the council of the John Birch Society from 1959-1976 and was the American Party candidate for vice-president in 1972 and president in 1976. Collection contains correspondence chiefly related to his publishing and political activities and involving numerous conservative activists; files of publications, correspondence, notes, and manuscripts on various subjects including anti-communism, the United Nations, civil rights, conservative Christianity, and the John Birch Society; scripts of his radio broadcasts; and audiotapes of broadcasts and speeches. Also contains biographical materials, periodicals published by Anderson or carrying articles by him, reprints and pamphlets, newspaper clippings, and phonograph records of political speeches. American Party materials include national committee minutes, correspondence, party constitution, political platforms and campaign materials. University of Wyoming American Heritage Center #7120 105 boxes Anderson, Thomas Jefferson Papers 1953-1972 Papers consist of newspaper clippings containing information on income tax reform bills, vocational agriculture, and the Grass Roots Tax Revolt, reprints of the "Straight Talk" editorials from Farm and Ranch magazine, the author's copy of the 1958 third edition of Straight Talk, pamphlets, and newspaper articles relating to Tom Anderson. One photograph. Texas A&M University, Cushing Memorial Library Collection #00041 .3 linear feet Andrews, T. Coleman Accountant and public official holding the following positions: director, Corporation Audits Division, U. S. General Accounting Office (1945-1947); member, board of directors, Panama Canal Company (1951-1953); president, American Institute of Accountants (1950-1951); Commissioner of Internal Revenue (1953-1955); Independent candidate for the presidency of the United States (1956); and a founder and member of the council of the John Birch Society. Correspondence with John U. Barr, Bonner Fellers, A.G. Heinsohn Jr., Clarence Manion, George S. Montgomery, Leonard E. Read, Paul H. Talbert, Robert Welch, University of Oregon, Collection #119 20 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1975951~S8 Anthony, Ruth F. Papers 1962-1994 These papers of native Kansan Ruth F. Anthony contain her correspondence with various Christian right wing political organizations which she supported over the years. Included are membership cards, certificates of appreciation, contribution receipts, and several organizational newsletters. In the correspondence are letters from and about Robert Bolivar DePugh, founder of the anti-Communist organization known as the Minutemen. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library #RH WL MS 19 1 box http://hdl.handle.net/10407/3515358380 Anti-Semitic Literature Collection 1869-1993 The Anti-Semitic Literature Collection documents journalistic source materials (newspapers, newsletters, and illustrations) regarding views of anti-Semitism in the United States during the 20th-century. A few items from the 19th-century are included, particularly illustrations from Puck, Vanity Fair, and The Judge. Items are from various periodicals (i.e., The Dearborn Independent, Common Sense, The Crusader, The White American), organizations (i.e., American Nazi Party, the Christian Educational Association, and the White Party of America), and by many different authors (i.e., Father C.E. Coughlin, Benjamin Freedman, Otto H.F. Vollbehr). Additionally, this collection contains responses by American organizations to American and European anti-Semitism as well as documentation on the reaction of anti-Semitism in Canada. American Jewish Historical Society at the Center for Jewish History, Collection #P-701 29 manuscript boxes, 4 half manuscript boxes, 1 20x24x3 boxes, 9 16x20x3 boxes http://findingaids.cjh.org/?pID=109172 App, Austin Joseph Private Papers, 1923-1980 Austin Joseph App (1902-1984) taught English language and literature at the Catholic University of America and the University of Scranton from 1929 to 1942. After serving in the Army in World War II, he continued to teach literature at Incarnate Word College and LaSalle College between 1944-1968, but became increasingly involved in revisionist history, anti-Semitism, anti-communism, anti-integration and anti-pornography interests. He was director of Boniface Press beginning in 1948, president of the Federation of American Citizens of German Descent from 1960-1966, and chair of the Captive Nations Committee of Greater Philadelphia beginning in 1965. Collection includes business and personal correspondence (1925-1981) including correspondence with revisionist historian Harry Elmer Barnes; research files chiefly related to political, historical and social issues including correspondence, notes, manuscripts, newspaper clippings and printed materials; manuscripts (1923 - ca. 1980); speeches; financial records; biographical information; scrapbooks; photographs; and books and other printed materials, many in German, on topics related to his historical, racial and social interests. University of Wyoming, American Heritage Center, collection #8817 73 boxes Baldinger, Wilbur and Mary Alice Collection on Right Wing 1929-1976 The papers of Wilbur and Mary Alice Baldinger contain minutes, correspondence, reports, articles, clippings and other publications documenting Ms. Baldinger’s career with the National Civil Liberties Clearing House and Mr. Baldinger’s journalistic activities and writings. Also included are Mr. Baldinger’s reference files for a directory of extremist right-wing organizations he had hoped to publish. Walter P. Reuther Library of Labor & Urban Affairs, Collection #902 25 boxes http://www.reuther.wayne.edu/collections/hefa_902.htm Beaty, John Owen Correspondence with Josephine Powell Beaty, William F. Buckley. Jr., Pedro A. Del Valle, Merwin K. Hart, George E. Stratemeyer, George W. Robnett. University of Oregon, Collection #135 1 box http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1955560~S8 Braver, Michael Collection of Americanist Material 1960-1979 Collection consists of over 300 speeches by Americanist right-wing extremist spokesmen on reel to reel and cassette tapes, as well as Americanist journals, books, pamphlets, booklets, and fugitive materials. Includes speakers from the John Birch Society, the National Socialist White Peoples' Party, Christian Crusade Convention, and the American Independent Party. Also includes literature from the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade, the Libertarian Party, the Minutemen, Sons of the American Revolution, and Voice of Americanism. UCLA Library, Special Collections #1585 24 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/dq/kt3.../kt3k4031dq.pdf Brophy, Frank Cullen Papers, 1918-1977 Banker, rancher, writer and conservative political activist; Frank Brophy was a founder and long-time member of the John Birch Society. He was a supporter of Wendell Wilkie and active in Wilkie's presidential campaign. Brophy kept up correspondence with all of Arizona's senators and governors throughout his life. He was a friend of Barry Goldwater and active in Goldwater's political campaigns. He also supported Joseph McCarthy and other national political figures. Primarily political correspondence beginning with Frank Brophy's anti-prohibition work in the 1920s and continuing through his involvement with the John Birch Society, Barry Goldwater's presidential campaigns, and the growing conservative movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The correspondence reflects political debate between Brophy and his correspondents on a variety of issues including foreign policy, anti-communism, taxation, soil conservation and states' rights. Correspondents include Jack Williams, Carl Hayden, Morris Udall, Henry F. Ashurst, Wendell Wilkie, Robert Taft, Archie Roosevelt, Evan Mecham, Howard Pyle, Paul Fannin, Joseph McCarthy, Ronald Reagan, John Rhodes, Barry Goldwater, Denison Kitchel, Clare Booth Luce, Sam Jones, George S. Montgomery, William F. Buckley, Jr., Robert Welch, and John Rousselot. Also present are speeches and addresses by Goldwater and Brophy's pamphlet "Must Goldwater be Destroyed?" There are publications and correspondence with many national organizations, primarily conservative groups, including the Association Against Prohibition, Citizens for Foreign Aid, The Campaign for 48 States, John Birch Society, For America, Crusade for Freedom, and the Maricopa County Taxpayers Association. John Birch Society materials include publications, correspondence, financial reports, and articles about topics such as Motorede (the Movement to Restore Decency), and Sensitivity Training/ Arizona Historical Society—Tucson AZ, Collection #1125 20 boxes Brown, Elizabeth Churchill Private Papers 1943-1984 Memoirs, other writings, correspondence, and printed matter, relating to American politics, especially during the 1950s; Senator Joseph McCarthy; and American communism. Includes some papers, including memoirs, of Constantine Brown, journalist and husband of E. C. Brown. Also includes some letters and writings of Earl Browder. Elizabeth Brown and her husband, Constantine Brown, were active journalists in Washington, D.C. and abroad for many years. As a result, they established contacts with key political and diplomatic figures both nationally and internationally. After obtaining a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Berlin (c. 1912), Constantine Brown was in Cambridge, England doing post-graduate work when World War I began. He covered the war on the Russian front for the London Times, was in Russia when the Revolution began, and was one of the first American newspapermen to interview Lenin. He subsequently became Bureau Chief for the Chicago Daily News in Turkey, Paris and London, and moved to the Washington Evening Star as Foreign Affairs Editor in 1932. In 1942, he began writing a column syndicated by the Bell-McClure organization. His memoirs, entitled The Coming of the Whirlwind, were published in 1964. Disturbed by the defeat of Richard Nixon in 1960 and the liberal emphasis of the Kennedy administration, the Browns decided to move to Europe, living in Rome from 1961 to early 1965. After returning to Washington, Constantine Brown died on Feb. 24, 1966. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 41 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/v7/tf3.../tf3k4002v7.pdf Buckley Jr., William F. Private Papers, 1951-2008 Yale University, collection MS #576 438+ boxes, 568.5 linear feet Burnham, James Private Papers 1928-1983 Conservative author and columnist, and Associate Editor, National Review magazine Correspondence, speeches and writings, notes, memoranda, and printed matter, relating to communism in the United States and abroad, the Congress for Cultural Freedom and other anti-communist movements in the United States and abroad, political conditions in the United States and the world, and conservative political thought. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 12 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/sz/tf0.../tf0p3000sz.pdf Chamberlain, John Private Papers 1943-1990 Writings, correspondence, and printed matter, relating to world affairs, American politics, economic conditions in the United States, conservative political philosophy, and laissez-faire economics. Most of the material consists of drafts and printed copies of newspaper columns and other writings by Chamberlain. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Collection #86004 177 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/8s/kt7.../kt7k40378s.pdf Clise, James W. Private Papers Collection comprises primarily correspondence and subject files, but also speeches and articles, of James W. Clise, a conservative and libertarian political activist. Clise corresponded regularly with leaders of the American conservative movement and his letters detail the philosophy which he and others developed in the post-World War II period. Organizations represented in the collection include For America, America's Future, Campaign for the 48 states, Church League of America, Foundation for Economic Education, International Services of Information Foundation, John Birch Society and Intercollegiate Society of Individualists. Individuals represented in the collection include Frederick E. Baker, Bryton Barron, Faldy A Harper, Henry Hazlitt, James C. Ingebretsen, Robert LeFevre, William C. Mullendore, and Lawrence Timbers. University of Oregon, Collection #114 10 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1975699~S8 Collection of Material About Prejudices 1950-1976 Collection consists of anti-semitic, anti-black and extreme right-wing political and religious booklets, pamphlets, and periodicals. Includes material by American nationalists, states' rights activists, anti-United Nations advocates, the Ku Klux Klan, the Nazi Party of the USA, and a variety of Southern religious fundamentalist radio preachers. UCLA Library, Special Collections, #1580 12 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/52/kt7.../kt7p302052.pdf Collection of Underground, Alternative and Extremist Literature, 1900-1990 UCLA Library, Special Collections #50 191 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/rz/tf8.../tf8x0nb5rz.pdf Courtois, Helen Papers 1950’s Helen Courtois was the secretary and founder of the Keep America Committee, an anti-communist organization based in Los Angeles which was active in the 1950s. The Committee acted as a reprint service, reproducing and disseminating articles from far-right publications. Courtois was also involved in Mankind United, a religious cult active during the World War II era. This collection of her papers reflects her participation in these organizations, as well as a collection of newspapers, newsletters, and other sociopolitical pamphlets and documents. The collection also contains correspondence to Courtois from several of these organizations. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library #RH WL MS 12 7 boxes http://etext.ku.edu/view?docId=ksrlead/ksr...print;chunk.id= Cox, Earnest Sevier Private Papers The papers of Earnest Sevier Cox span the years 1821 to 1973, with the bulk dating from 1900 to 1964. The primary focus of the collection is Cox's advocacy for the separation of the races by the repatriation of blacks to Africa, which he actively pursued for over forty years. The Correspondence, Writings, Speeches, and Printed Material series most clearly reflect his interest in "separation not amalgamation." Figuring less prominently in the collection is his military service during World War I and his work as a real estate agent for the Laburnum Realty Corporation in Richmond, Va. As early as 1906, Cox held the belief that the Caucasian race was superior to the black race and that blacks should be kept in a segregated and unequal position. Correspondents represented in the papers include: Wickliffe P. Draper, (ca. 1936 to 1949); Madison Grant, (ca. 1920 to 1936); S. A. Davis, (ca. 1925 to 1962); W. A. Plecker, (ca. 1924 to 1947); Willis A. Carto, (ca. 1955 to 1967); and Amy Jacques Garvey, widow of Marcus Garvey, (ca. 1926 to 1965). Duke University Special Collections 13,000 items, 16 linear feet http://library.duke.edu/digitalcollections/rbmscl/cox/inv/ Diamond, Sara Collection on the U.S. Right UC-Berkeley Bancroft Library, BANC MSS 98/70 cz 62 boxes Dies, Martin Papers, 1910-1972 Martin Dies achieved national prominence as chairman of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). HUAC, formed in 1938, probed Nazi, fascist, and communist organizations. Dies served as committee chairman from 1938 to 1945. The collection includes material relating to Dies' chairmanship of HUAC. While not the official HUAC committee files, the HUAC papers include files on individuals being investigated, publications, and card files. These cards focus on "subversives" and include such personal information as name, address, relationship to the subversive group, and the source of the information. The majority of the HUAC papers pertains to communist, fascist, and Nazi activities in the United States. Texas State Library and Archives Commission AC 1983.141 167 boxes http://www.tsl.state.tx.us/arc/findingaids/martindies.html Donner, Robert The Robert Donner collection consists of books, serials, pamphlets and ephemera on American history, political science, economics, Americanism, minority groups, and Communist and Socialist activities within America. Robert Donner collected most of his library, which he housed in his Colorado Springs, Colorado office, after his retirement from the Donner Corporation in 1957. Abilene Christian University 3000+ pamphlets and 4000 books http://www.acu.edu/academics/library/cfm/c...ner/donind.html Draskovich, Slobodan Milorad Papers 1949-1974 Slobodan M. Draskovich was born in Yugoslavia, earned his Ph.D. from the University of Munich in 1933, and was a professor of economics at the University of Belgrade until 1941. He was a prisoner of war in Italy and Germany during World War II. Draskovich immigrated to the United States in 1947 and edited a Serbian newspaper in Chicago, Illinois. He wrote and lectured against communism and U.S. policy towards Yugoslavia. In the early 1960s, Draskovich wrote a monthly column for the John Birch Society magazine, American Opinion, entitled "On the Cold War Front." Collection contains articles, essays, speeches, congressional testimony, and correspondence by Draskovich concerning Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, Milovan Djilas, anti-communism, U.S. summit conferences with the Soviet Union, and the Watergate hearings. Also included is Draskovich's book, Tito: Moscow's Trojan Horse. University of Wyoming, American Heritage Center #5176 1 box Firing Line (TV program) Broadcast Records 1966-1999 Contains videotape film, transcripts of the files, and photographs of television series hosted by William F. Buckley and produced by the Southern Educational Communications Association, relating to conservative thought, especially in the United States, and to American foreign and domestic policy. With 1,505 installments over 33 years, Firing Line is the longest-running public-affairs show in television history with a single host, William F. Buckley Jr. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Collection #80040 192 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 7 cubic foot boxes of sound recordings, video recordings (948 linear feet linear feet) http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/8c/kt6.../kt6m3nc88c.pdf Fellers, Bonner Frank Private Papers Speeches and writings, studies, reports, correspondence, memoranda, orders, printed matter, and photographs, relating to American propaganda and military activities in the Pacific Theater during World War II, the occupation of Japan, and postwar conservative political organizations in the United States, especially the Citizens Foreign Aid Committee. Hoover Institution. Stanford University, Collection number: 70031 59 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/03/tf3.../tf3s200303.pdf Gossett, Ed Lee Papers Sitting on the House Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Immigration and Naturalization, Gossett was one of several southern Democrats who led opposition to any easing of postwar immigration quotas and he called instead for tougher restrictions. As a result he drew national media attention and the applause of ultra-conservatives. The Gossett Papers document well this opposition to what became the 1948 Displaced Persons Act, as well as the fight to introduce tougher qualifications for immigration which eventually led to passage of the Internal Security Act of 1950. The Ed Lee Gossett Papers in the Baylor Collections of Political Materials consist of nine linear feet of correspondence, speeches, congressional documents, reports, publications, and news clippings. The bulk of the material documents the years 1945-1951, Gossett's last three terms in Congress. Although Gossett kept separate files on immigration, Zionism, and Communism, anti-Semitic sentiment pervades all three files and richly documents this aspect of American thought during the post-war period. Baylor University 22 boxes http://www3.baylor.edu/Library/BCPM/Gosset...sett_index.html Greb, Edward M. Papers Edward Greb founded the Freedom Center Bookstore in Kansas City in 1963 and operated it until his retirement in 1970. This collection contains subject files from Greb's personal research library on topics related to government, politics, economics, and history. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library, Collection #RH WL MS 29 188 boxes – 94 linear feet http://hdl.handle.net/10407/7508532463 Grede, William J. Papers, 1909-1979 Papers of a Milwaukee industrialist, business leader, national YMCA executive, and spokesman for political conservatism. Included are correspondence, financial records, minutes, memoranda, reports, speech materials, tape recordings, and news clippings from Grede's activity in Grede Foundries, the J.I. Case Company, the John Birch Society, the National Association of Manufacturers, and the YMCA. Also included are labor files documenting Grede's long-time resistance to unionization and union activity and his participation in the tri-partite panels of the Regional Board of the National Labor Relations Board. Other files concern his involvement with Carroll College, the Rampart College Freedom School, the League to Uphold Congregational Principles, and the Republican Party of Wisconsin. Correspondents include Dwight D. Eisenhower, Barry Goldwater, Hubert Humphrey, John F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Richard M. Nixon, and Robert A. Taft. Wisconsin Historical Society—Madison WI Collection #Micro 1057 93 boxes http://digital.library.wisc.edu/1711.dl/wi...uw-whs-mss00341 Group Research, Inc. Records 1955-1996 Founded by Wesley McCune and based in Washington DC until ceasing operations in the mid-1990s, Group Research Inc. collected materials that focus on the right-wing and span four decades. The collection contains correspondence, memos, reports, card files, audio-visual material, printed matter, clippings, etc. Wesley McCune founded Group Research Inc. in 1962. Based in Washington DC until ceasing operations in the mid-1990s Group Research Inc. collected materials that focus on the right--wing and span four decades. The resulting Group Research archive includes information about and by right-wing organizations and activists in the form of publications correspondence pamphlets reports newspaper Congressional Record and magazine clippings and other ephemera. The collection is thoroughly cross-referenced and contains the Group Research Directory which dating mostly from the 1960s provides brief histories of prominent people organizations and publications associated with the right wing. McCune and his small staff also published an initially bi-monthly but in later years monthly newsletter Group Research Report which kept its subscribers abreast of the latest views and actions of right-wingers. Columbia University, Collection MS0525 512 boxes, 200,000+ items http://www.columbia.edu/cu/libraries/insid...up_Research.pdf Guide to the Right Wing Publications, 1942-1975 Cornell University, Collection #4213 6 boxes, 5.5 cu ft http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/EAD/htmldocs/RMM04213.html http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/EAD/pdf_guides/RMM04213.pdf Gwartney American Legion and Anti-Communist Collection This collection documents B. E. (Bill) Gwartney's service as a member of several American Legion Posts in Southern California, including correspondence and notes from his tenure as chairman of the Americanism Committee for the L.A. City Council Post in the early 1960s. Dating primarily from the 1960s, the collection consists of correspondence, notes, resolutions, unpublished reports, newsletters, memos, programs, newspaper clippings, and a scrapbook about the Southern California School of Anti-Communism in 1961, produced with the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. There is one oversize folder of posters from World War II. B. E. (Bill) Gwartney was active in several American Legion posts in Southern California in the 1950s and 1960s. He chaired the Americanism Committee of the Los Angeles City Council Post in the early 1960s, and aided the effort to arrange the Southern California School of Anti-Communism in 1960-1961. He later served in the American Legion, San Diego Post. Mr. Gwartney was a real estate agent and was also active in the La Mesa Writers Club and the Congress of California Seniors. San Diego State University, Special Collections #MS-0063 7 boxes http://scua2.sdsu.edu/findingaids/index.ph...card&id=248 Hadden, Jeffrey Private Papers 1958-2000 Jeffrey K. Hadden, professor of sociology at the University of Virginia, was well known for his studies on religious broadcasters, the emergence of the Christian Right in the 1980s, and the comparative study of religion and politics. He was coauthor of Prime Time Preachers: The Rising Power of Televangelism (1981) and Televangelism: Power and Politics on God's Frontier (1988), as well as several works on politics, religion, and social change. Hadden worked closely with a number of religious groups such as the Unification and Scientology churches, sometimes acting as an expert witness in court cases. He died in 2003 at the age of 66.The collection contains files (correspondence, financial and tax records, clippings, notes, website printouts, brochures, newsletters, mailings and other promotional literature) assembled by Hadden, relating to various religious groups and leaders, mainly televangelists such Jim Bakker (PTL), Jerry Falwell, and Pat Robertson. UC – Santa Barbara Special Collections, ARC Mss 24 8 cartons http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/cg/kt0.../kt0h4nd1cg.pdf Haley, Rosalind Kress The Rosalind Kress Haley collection spans the years of the 1930s to 1990s. The collection is composed of files from Rosalind Kress, J. Evetts Haley, Norman Dodd, and Robert Francis, an American Legion activist in Florida. Also, included in the collection is a set of files that came from Ronald Reagan's pre-presidential campaign. Rosalind Kress Haley Library, Eagle Forum Archives 157 boxes http://www.eagleforumarchives.org/RKH-Collection.html Hall, Gordon and Grace Hoag Collection of Dissenting and Extremist Printed Propaganda 1926-1996 The Hall-Hoag Collection of Dissenting and Extremist Printed Propaganda constitutes one of the largest research collection of right and left wing U.S. extremist groups, from 1950 to 1999. Brown University, Collection #MS76 168,800 items from 5400 organizations, political parties, and publishers http://dl.lib.brown.edu/bamco/bamco.php?eadid=mshallhoag Hall-Hoag Collection of Extremist Literature in the United States, 1948-1984 Gordon Hall and Grace Hoag The approximately 5,000 publications represent an effort to document the wide spectrum of political and religious dissent from the post-World War II period through the Reagan Era. Brandeis University Library #MWalB00054 42 linear feet http://lts.brandeis.edu/research/archives-...l/hallhoag.html Hart, Merwin Kimball Papers, 1929-1962 Attorney, president of the National Economic Council which actively promoted conservatism in politics and economics, and member of the John Birch Society. Consists primarily of the records of the National Economic Council, including reports, publications, position, papers, addresses, correspondence, and internal committee files particularly the Educational Advisory Committee which prepared reports on New York school systems and textbooks. Of special interest are the files of the House Select Committee on Lobbying Activities (the Buchanan Committee) which investigated the Council in 1950. Correspondence with William F. Buckley Jr., A.K. Chesterton, Martin Dies, Robert LeFevre, J. Howard Pew, George W. Robnett, Gerald L.K. Smith, Robert A. Taft. University of Oregon, Collection #121 8 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1951514~S8 Heinsohn, A.G. Papers, 1942-1975 Tennessee business executive and political conservative Founding member of John Birch Society. Papers include correspondence with T. Coleman Andrews, Pedro del Valle, Robert Dresser, Bonner Fellers, Merwin K. Hart, Clarence Manion, George W. Robnett, Edward Rumely, Robert Welch University of Oregon Collection #127 6 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1954242~S8 Hoover Institution Archives Private Papers Includes: America First Committee, James Burnham, Elizabeth C. Brown, Ralph deToledano, Firing Line TV program (Buckley), Walter Judd, Alfred Kohlberg, Willmoore Kendall, Eugene Lyons, William LaVarre, Raymond Moley, National Republic magazine, Henry Regnery, George Robnett, George Sokolsky, H. Keith Thompson, Freda Utley, Albert Wedemeyer, Nathaniel Weyl, Charles Willoughby, Loyd Wright. Hoover Institution, Stanford University Jewish Community Relations Council of Minnesota – Council Records 1922-1974 Clippings, reports, publications, and correspondence relating to the investigative activities of this organization created in the 1930s to publicly protest anti-Semitic activity in Minnesota and the United States. Largely organized as subject files (1922-1967), they document organizations, individuals, and publications expressing conservative political, religious, and racial views Includes: Charles E. Coughlin, kent Courtney, Martin Dies, Billy James Hargis, Merwin K. Hart, Joseph McCarthy, Clarence Manion, William Dudley Pelley, Paul and Luke Rader, Gerald L.K. Smith, Harvey Springer, Ku Klux Klan. Minnesota Historical Society #P445 68 boxes http://www.mnhs.org/library/findaids/P445.xml Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles. Community Relations Committee Papers 1933-1980 Includes material on or by Upton Close, Elizabeth Dilling, John Birch Society, Ku Klux Klan, William Dudley Pelley, George Lincoln Rockwell, Gerald L.K. Smith, Jack B. Tenney – and anti-semitism / fascist propaganda Part I organized into five series : I. Published Literature, (a) English, ( German, © Italian, (d) NAZI, (e) Anti-Fascist; II. Printed Materials-United States; III. Visual Images; IV. News Research Service, Inc.; V. Testimony on Nazi Activities in United States. California State University-Northridge 455 boxes http://suncat.csun.edu/record=b1643139 Johnson, Phyllis Papers 1946-1977 Phyllis Johnson was involved in right-wing politics from 1955 into the 1970s and involved in numerous organizations. She was a registered nurse and a resident of South Pasadena, California. In 1956 she became the Senior State President of the Society of Children of the American Revolution. Her political and civic activities were motivated by her interest in "the preservation of our Constitutional Republic and Christianity." This collection of her papers contains over two decades of correspondence, newspaper and magazine articles, literature from the various organizations to which she belonged, and other miscellaneous religious and political documents. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library #RH WL MS 11 7 boxes http://hdl.handle.net/10407/4095563165 Judd, Walter Henry Private Papers 1922-1988 U.S. Congressman (1943-1963, MN) and radio commentator, "Washington Report", sponsored by the American Security Council. Correspondence, speeches and writings, reports, memoranda, minutes, statements, press releases, notes, printed matter, and audio-visual material, relating to American domestic politics and foreign policy, anti-communist movements, the Chinese Civil War, American foreign policy toward China, the question of United States and United Nations recognition of China, and aid to Chinese refugees. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 273 boxes, 24 oversize boxes, 25 envelopes, 10 motion picture film reels, 19 phonorecords http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/c4/tf4.../tf4g5003c4.pdf Kent, Tyler Gatewood Papers 1939-1964 Kent was editor and publisher of the Putnam County SUN Publishing Company, established in 1954 in Palatka, Florida. This newspaper was ultra-conservative with anti-Communist, anti-Black, and anti-Jewish content, among other types of articles, some written by Kent. The collection contains copies of Kent’s newspapers published in the 1950s and 1960s, The Putnam Sun, subtitled "Palatka, Florida’s independent newspaper with national circulation." Also included are extensive topical files in alphabetical order that include clippings, articles, and notes of a wide range of subjects from South Africa to the Ku Klux Klan. University of Wyoming, American Heritage Center #10947 126 boxes Kilpatrick, James Jackson Papers, 1950-1966 Editor of the Richmond VA News Leader, newspaper columnist, and television commentator Include office files, 1950-1966, kept while editor of the Richmond (VA) News Leader, containing correspondence, unused editorials, speeches, articles, and scripts of television debates covering the major social and political issues from 1950 to 1966, especially race relations, politics, massive resistance, the doctrine of interposition, Virginia and national elections, the John Birch Society and its campaign to impeach Earl Warren, and the Catholic issue in the 1960 Presidential campaign. Topics also include education, journalism, the Constitution, civil rights, conservatism, Douglas Southall Freeman, the Republican National Convention (1952), and Richmond and Virginia civic affairs. Also includes typed notes and printed materials, 1925-1964, concerning Harry F. Byrd, Sr., with material concerning the campaign against Francis Pickens Miller (1952); and scripts for debates, 1960-1966, with Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, Ralph McGill, and William Sloane Coffin. Also include papers relating to Kilpatrick's activities with the National Council of Editorial Writers and the Virginia Commission on Constitutional Government; and correspondence, 1964-66, concerning speaking and luncheon engagements. Correspondents include J. Lindsay Almond, T. Coleman Andrews, William F. Buckley, Harry F. Byrd, Sr., Harry F. Byrd, Jr., Colgate W. Darden, Drew Pearson, Donald Richberg, John Dos Passos, Harry Golden, Lewis L. Strauss, Vaughan Gary, Henry Regnery, Lewis Powell, Richard Nixon, and Warren Burger. University of Virginia Library in Charlottesville VA, Collection #6626s 35,680 items http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/publis...u02732.document King, Willford Isbell Collection consists of voluminous correspondence, writings by King and others, organizational records of the Committee for Constitutional Government, and three photographs. Correspondence with Robert B. Dresser, James H. Gipson, Ralph W. Gwinn, F.A Harper, Alfred Kohlberg, Samuel P. Pettingill, Edward A. Rumely. University of Oregon, Collection #89 89 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1970569~S8 Knight Granville Frank Papers, 1920-1981 Granville Frank Knight (1904-1982) was a physician and anti-communist activist. As a physician he specialized in nutrition and allergies; as president of the Pure Water Association of America he advocated against fluoridation of public water. Knight was an active member of the John Birch Society. Papers include correspondence, speeches, and writings, concerning fluoridation of public water, mental health, John Birch Society, anti-Communism, and nutrition and allergies. Correspondents include: R.E. Combs, Pedro A. Del Valle, C.O. Garshwiler, Robert Welch, Margaret P. Wuichert, and West Wuichert, and among public officials, Barry M. Goldwater, S.I. Hayakawa, John R. Rarick, and Charles M. Teague. University of Oregon, Collection #82 10 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b3635768~S8 Knox Mellon Collection of Material About the John Birch Society, Network of Patriotic Letter Writers, and Other Radical Conservative Organizations and Causes, 1959-1967 William Knox Mellon, Jr. (b.1925) was a professor of history at Immaculate Heart College, the Democratic nominee for the California 24th District for Congress (1962), and the treasurer for the Oral History Association. The collection consists of periodicals and various publications of the John Birch Society, clippings and documents of the Pasadena-based Network of Patriotic Letter Writers, and papers and clippings of several political campaigns in Southern California. UCLA Special Collections #102 35 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/jw/kt6.../kt6p3023jw.pdf Koenig, Marie Collection on Right Wing Huntington CA Library 300 boxes Kominsky, Morris Collection on Right Wing (see his 1970 book, The Hoaxers, for representative sample of material contained in his collection) Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research 65 boxes Ku Klux Klan Collection United Klans of America Michigan State University, MS 202 5 boxes http://www.lib.msu.edu/services/spec_coll/...ism/ukalist.htm Lane, Thomas A. Private Papers 1947-1976 Major general, United States Army, conservative columnist, lecturer and author; president, Americans for Constitutional Action, 1965-1969. Speeches and writings, correspondence, press releases, and printed matter, relating to American foreign and military policy, the Vietnamese War, other public policy issues, and activities of Americans for Constitutional Action and other conservative and anti-communist organizations. Includes a few items from the military career of T. A. Lane. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Collection #90030 11 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/bx/kt4.../kt4n39r8bx.pdf LeFevre, Robert Private Papers, 1946-1981 Collection comprises correspondence and a variety of other materials associated with Robert LeFevre, an American anti-communist, anti-government libertarian figure. Collection includes correspondence with Richard M. Nixon, Robert Heinlein, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, as well as material associated with the Falcon Lair Foundation, Freedom Club, and Freedom School/Rampart College. There are also microfiche copies of some of LeFevre's works; records and correspondence relating to such groups as the Congress of Freedom, United States Day Committee, and the Wage Earners Committee; and several of his published books. After running unsuccessfully for Congress in 1950 he moved to Florida. During the late 1940s and early 1950s he became more involved in right-wing anti-union and anti-communist organizations. He was executive director of the Congress of Freedom and the United States Day Committee, which both demanded the U.S. withdraw from the United Nations. In 1954 he published an article claiming to find socialist and "one-world" propaganda in the Girl Scout handbook. Later that year he moved to Colorado Springs and wrote for the Gazette telegraph, eventually becoming its editor. There he founded the Freedom School, which later moved to California and was renamed Rampart College. His political philosophy moved from more traditionally conservative to radical libertarian and beyond that to reject all political action and even the Libertarian Party itself. His Freedom School attracted such figures as Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedman, and Rose Wilder Lane. University of Oregon, Collection #202 67 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b3631367~S8 Liebman, Marvin Private Papers, 1953-1992 Marvin Liebman Associates, Inc., founded in 1958 by Marvin Liebman, was a New York Public relations firm engaged in lobbying for conservative and/or anti-communist organizations in the United States and abroad. Its services for clients included promoting public meetings, organizing sponsoring committees of distinguished citizens, compiling mailing lists, administering mail campaigns, publishing press releases, and effecting publicity. Its offices also served as headquarters for some organizations. The firm discontinued operations in 1969. Clients of particular importance were the American African Affairs Association, American Afro-Asian Educational Exchange, American Committee for Aid to Katanga Freedom Fighters, American Conservative Union, American Emergency Committee on the Panama Canal, Assembly of Captive European Nations, William F. Buckley, Jr. for Mayor, Committee for the Monroe Doctrine, Committee of one million, Draft Goldwater Movement, National Committee Against the Treaty of Moscow, National Committee for Justice for Dodd, Tshombe Emergency Committee, World Congress for Freedom, and Young Americans for Freedom. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 153 boxes http://content.cdlib.org/view?docId=tf1z09...t&brand=oac Lowman, Myers G. (Circuit Riders, Inc.) Private Papers, 1920-1966 Circuit Riders, Incorporated was a group which formed in Cincinnati, Ohio within the Methodist Church. As stated in the preface to an early pamphlet dated February 1952, the group's purpose was to spread the gospel of Christ. This mission included opposing all socialistic, communist, and "anti-American" teachings within the Methodist Church. A specific early goal was to remove the Methodist Federation for Social Action from the national church organization. During the late fifties and sixties, however, the focus of the Circuit Riders expanded to include the investigation of socialist-communist infiltration into all churches, government, education and the civil rights movement nationwide. Myers G. Lowman, as executive secretary of the Circuit Riders, distributed a newsletter to Circuit Rider members. On behalf of the Circuit Riders, Lowman organized the review of textbooks which were being used in some of the public schools in the 1950s. Although these reviews were not requested by educators or publishers, Lowman informed school boards of the consensus of the reviewer's opinions. Lowman and other Circuit Riders spoke extensively to clubs and organizations on the subject of communism, and collaborated with state and federal committees. The Circuit Riders presented a solid enough ideology for Lowman to be called as an expert witness before the executive committee of the Ohio Committee on Un-American Activities. Correspondence, memoranda, pamphlets, photographs, motion picture film, phonotapes, and clippings, relating to communism and other leftist movements, the civil rights movement, and anti-communism, primarily in the United States. University of Oregon, Collection #167 9 boxes http://nwda-db.wsulibs.wsu.edu/findaid/ark:/80444/xv69783 Lowman, Myers G. Papers 1920-1966 Circuit Riders, Inc. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Collection #67019 100 boxes, 11 envelopes, 3 motion picture film reels, (41.4 linear feet) http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/9w/tf3.../tf3d5n999w.pdf Manion, Clarence E. Private Papers 1941-1979 Chiefly papers relating to Manion's radio program, the Manion Forum, and to conservatism from the 1950s to the 1970s, including incoming correspondence and carbon copies of outgoing letters, transcripts of broadcasts and publications of the Manion Forum, monographs written or published by Manion, speeches, clippings, and other printed matter. Topics include the activities of the John Birch Society, Barry Goldwater's Conscience of a Conservative (1960) and 1960 and 1964 presidential candidacies, the proposed Bricker amendment to the U.S. Constitution, Communist expansion abroad, U.S. military preparedness, internal subversion, and the extension of the power of the federal government in domestic affairs. Correspondents include personal friends, members of the general public who listened to the Manion Forum, public officials and political leaders, and conservative publicists, theoreticians, and organizers, among them L. Brent Bozell, William F. Buckley, Jr., Bonner Fellers, Phyllis Schlafly, Paul H. Talbert, and Robert H. Welch. Chicago Historical Society Research Center NUCMC MS 75-411 116 boxes http://chsmedia.org:8081/ipac20/ipac.jsp?s...search&ri=4 Matthews, J.B. Private Papers Matthews was Director of Research for the House Committee on Un-American Activities from 1938-1945 and subsequently was a lecturer and author. He served as a consultant to John A. Clements Associates, a Hearst public relations firm and he was an Associate Editor of the John Birch Society magazine, American Opinion. He also served as Research Director for Church League of America. Duke University 743 boxes, 306,000 items. 479 linear feet http://library.duke.edu/digitalcollections...l/matthews/inv/ Meier, Margaret Collection of Extreme Right Ephemeral Materials, 1930-1980 The Margaret Meier Collection of Extreme Right Ephemeral Materials, c1930-1980, consists of 47 manuscript boxes and 9 print boxes. The collection contains Margaret and Herbert Meier's materials documenting the rise and the activities of the extreme right in California and national politics. The bulk of the materials date from the 1960s-early 1970s, with additional materials from the late 1930s through the 1980s. Much of the materials relate to activities and groups in Southern California, where the Meiers lived, especially the towns of Arcadia and Sierra Madre. Included are political ephemera, newspaper and magazine clippings, and serials from extreme right groups such as the John Birch Society, Americanism clubs, various Christian right organizations, republican and extreme right political personalities. A censorship debate regarding the Arcadia Public Library's decision to include Kazantzakis' work, The Last Temptation of Christ, the activities of and opposition to the John Birch Society and opposition to Senator Kuchel of California are three examples of subjects which are especially well covered. The collection also contains 18 boxes of serials and 3 OS boxes of newspapers, including publications of the John Birch Society and its leader, Robert Welch, the Institute for American Democracy, and Gerald L.K. Smith. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, #M0688 56 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/qw/tf2.../tf2b69n5qw.pdf Meyer, Frank S. Private Papers 1931-1971 Conservative American journalist and author; senior editor, National Review magazine, 1957-1972. Hoover Institution, Stanford University, Collection #2001C107 19 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/5s/kt2.../kt2870335s.pdf Morton, Sterling Private Papers Correspondents on politics and economics include William F. Buckley, Jr., Ralph E. Church, Lawrence Dennis of the periodical The Appeal to Reason, Everett M. Dirksen, James L. Donnelly of Illinois Manufacturers' Association, Merwin K. Hart of National Economic Council, Inc., Herbert Hoover, Clarence E. Manion, Robert R. McCormick, Archibald Roosevelt, James H. Smith, Adlai E. Stevenson (ca. 1950s), R. Douglas Stuart, Robert A. Taft, Ben E. Tate, Charles Wesley Vursell, Robert Welch of John Birch Society, and Robert E. Wood. Chicago Historical Society Research Center NUCMC MS 75-415 52 boxes http://chsmedia.org:8081/ipac20/ipac.jsp?s...&ri=4#focus National Republic Magazine Records 1920-1960 Walter S. Steele The National Republic (subtitle, "magazine of fundamental Americanism") was published by the National Republic Publishing Co. in Washington, D.C. It was established in March 1905 and ceased publication with v. 47, no. 11 in March 1960. Until March 1925 it was published under the title National Republican. The magazine, an illustrated monthly, focused on political affairs in the United States, particularly with regard to internal security and communist activities. By the time it ceased publication in 1960, it had achieved a circulation of about 20,000. Clippings, printed matter, pamphlets, reports, indices, notes, bulletins, lettergrams, weekly letters, and photographs, relating to pacifist, communist, fascist, and other radical movements, and to political developments in the United States and the Soviet Union. Hoover Institution Stanford University 823 boxes, 735 microfilm reels http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/1303...ry=right%20wing New Christian Crusade Church Ephemera 1917-1978 The New Christian Crusade Church was a Christian Identity church based in Louisiana during the second half of the twentieth century. The collection consists of right-wing, racist, and anti-Semitic ephemera, including publications, books, newspapers, reprints, periodicals, and government documents. Most of the collection’s materials were published in the United States, but the collection also contains materials published in a number of other countries, including Great Britain, Canada, and Germany. University of Wyoming, American Heritage Center #11545 4 boxes Norton, Clark Frederick Right wing publications, 1942-1975 Cornell University, Collection #4213 5.5 cu. ft http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/EAD/pdf_guides/RMM04213.pdf Pegler, James Westbrook Private Papers The papers of James Westbrook Pegler, nationally syndicated columnist for the Scripps-Howard and Hearst King Features Syndicates. Contributor to John Birch Society magazine, American Opinion. Herbert Hoover Presidential Library 144 boxes, 44,500 items http://www.ecommcode2.com/hoover/research/...ther/pegler.htm Pew, J. Howard Papers, 1902-1971 J. Howard Pew (1882-1971) was born in Bradford, Pa., in 1882. He attended Grove City College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. From there he went to work for his father, Joseph N. Pew, Sr., the founder of the Sun Oil Company. In 1906 he was named vice president and member of the board of directors. When his father died in 1912, he became president - a position he was to hold until 1947. The J. Howard Pew Papers are primarily concerned with Pew's political activities and philanthropy. Of particular interest are the letters which document Pew's activities in the American Liberty League, the Republican National Committee, and the National Association of Manufacturers. Political files include analysis of 1944 election, strategy for state and local elections and analyses of Democratic senators' voting records (1933-1938). Files on Communism include solicitations for the Russian government in exile and information collected by the National Council for American Education on the political activities of selected college professors during the 1940s and 50s. Presbyterian Church files reflect the split in the church over integration, McCarthyism, and civil liberties. To buttress his campaign for conservativism within the church, Pew also sponsored research on the life of Calvin and Calvinism. There are also files from the National Council of Churches, Grove City College, United Presbyterian Foundation, and the Christian Freedom Foundation. Correspondents include: William Buckley Jr., Barry Goldwater, J. Edgar Hoover, William Loeb, Carl McIntire, Ronald Reagan, Robert A. Taft, Robert Welch. Hagley Museum and Library (Wilmington DE), Collection #1634 117 linear feet http://38.115.62.80/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?...42135&SID=1 Philbrick, Herbert A. Private Papers 1940-1993 Anticommunist activist and counterspy. Correspondence, writings, speeches, television scripts, subject files, and other papers relating primarily to Philbrick's role as a leading anticommunist spokesman, his activities as an informant for the Federal Bureau of Investigation while he was a member of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA), and the television program based on his autobiography, I Led 3 Lives: Citizen, “Communist,” Counterspy. Library of Congress, ID No.: MSS84356 290 boxes, 126,000 items http://lcweb2.loc.gov/service/mss/eadxmlms...03/ms003015.pdf Political Research Associates Somerville MA The collection contains over 5,000 books, 1100 serial titles, 48 drawers of files, scores of archival boxes, and hundreds of video and audio tapes: more than 500,000 documents and other items. PRA’s extensive library of primary and secondary materials on the U.S. Right and government repression is open to the public through advanced reservation of the available seating for researchers http://www.publiceye.org/study_right.html#Archives Private Papers of Right-Wing Personalities Numbers in parentheses refer to the collection number: Lee J. Adamson (86), Tom Anderson (157), T. Coleman Andrews (119), John O. Beaty (135), Wally Butterworth (129), James W. Clise (114), Lucille C. Crain (95), Pedro A. Del Valle (126), Brice P. Disque (115), John T. Flynn (116), Merwin K. Hart (121), A.G. Heinsohn (127), Ashley E. Holden (138), James C. Ingebretsen (147), Howard E. Kershner (128), Willford I. King (89), Eugene Lyons (117), William C. Mullendore (125), George W. Robnett (Ax762), E. Merrill Root (51), Polly K. Ruhtenberg (81), Edward A. Rumely (122), Marjorie O. Shearon (131), John H. Snow (106), Willis E. Stone (118), Lawrence Timbers (123) University of Oregon—Eugene OR Huge archive of private papers. For example: Tom Anderson is 171 boxes, Lucille Crain is 96 boxes, Howard Kershner is 44 boxes, Willis Stone is 39 boxes, Lee Adamson is 43 boxes Purinton, Frank R. Papers, 1970-1986 Frank Purinton (1895-1991) was a conservative activist who sought to protect the United States and Christianity from the perceived threat of Communists, Zionists, and Satanists. He was active in the American Legion and the John Birch Society and he published a Christian newsletter. Collection comprises correspondence, manuscripts, and printed material related to the work of Frank Purinton from 1970 to 1980. Purinton believed an international conspiracy of Communists, Zionists, and Satanists threatened to destroy the United States and abolish Christianity. Correspondence includes incoming and outgoing letters to politicians, leaders of Christian organizations, and members of racist and anti-Semitic groups. Manuscripts include speeches, essays, addresses, and articles, many of which focus on the theme of the "Communist-Zionist-Satanist" plot. Printed material includes newspapers, newsletters, and pamphlets on a variety of topics, including Christian perspectives on national and international politics and events, economics, and the media. University of Oregon Collection #210 3 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b3440595~S8 Radical Right Collection 1907-1982 Pamphlets, leaflets, newspaper and serial issues, newsletters, bulletins, circulars, and other printed and near-print material, issued by right-wing organizations and individuals in the United States, relating to anti-communist, patriotic, fundamentalist, racist, anti-Semitic, neo-Nazi and other right-wing political movements and concerns in the United States, primarily since World War II. Includes material relating to world government, education, mental health, fluoridation and other issues. Includes a few letters and other manuscript materials. Elizabeth Dilling, John T. Flynn, Kenneth Goff, Billy James Hargis, Carl McIntire, Fred Schwarz, Gerald L.K. Smith, Gerald Winrod. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 84 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/4h/tf3.../tf3p30034h.pdf Regnery, Henry Private Papers 1909-1996 Founder and President of Henry Regnery and Gateway (publishers of conservative literature) Hoover Institution, Stanford University 139 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/s4/kt9.../kt9v19q4s4.pdf Right-Wing Collection of the University of Iowa Libraries, 1918-1977 Composed mainly of right wing serials held by the University of Iowa Libraries, but also includes materials from Tulane University Library, Northern Arizona University, Kenneth Spencer Research Library of the University of Kansas, California State University at Fullerton, and Harvard College Library. Finding aid: The Right Wing Collection of the University of Iowa Libraries: A Guide to the Microfilm Collection (REFERENCE HS 2303.P54 1978). University of Iowa 177 microfilm reels http://www.lib.uiowa.edu/spec-coll/resourc...ldocuments.html Robnett, George W. Private Papers 1932-1963 Co-founder, Church League of America. Reports, speeches, and writings, relating to federal control of education, and to socialist and communist movements in the United States. Hoover Institution, Stanford University 1 box http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/bc/tf5.../tf5s2004bc.pdf Robnett, George W. Private Papers 1950-1969 George W. Robnett (1890-1975) was an author and advertising executive, and co-founder and executive secretary of the National Laymen's Council, Church League of America (1937-1956). In 1960 he founded the Institute for Special Research. He was publisher of News and Views. After retiring, Robnett concentrated his efforts on the Middle-East conflict and made three trips to the area. This collection includes Robnett's files containing correspondence and ephemera. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library, #RH WL MS 14 3 boxes http://etext.ku.edu/view?docId=ksrlead/ksr...print;chunk.id= Rusher, William Private Papers, 1940-1989 The collection documents the instrumental role Rusher played in the development of the conservative movement from its origins in the 1950s. Nearly four decades of service to the conservative cause are highlighted by the papers, including Rusher's participation in key organizations and political campaigns, his writings and lectures, and his work as publisher of the first significant national journal of modern conservatism, the National Review. Of special interest is correspondence between Rusher and his associates, including government officials, members of various conservative groups and organizations, political activists, Hollywood actors, and journalists & writers. Correspondents include Spiro T. Agnew, John M. Ashbrook, Robert E. Bauman, Morton C. Blackwell, Patrick J. Buchanan, James L. Buckley, James Burnham, Roy Cohn, M. Stanton Evans, Barry M. Goldwater, Charlton Heston, Donald Hodel, James Lewis Kirby, Marvin Liebman, Roger Moore, Ronald W. Reagan, William Rickenbacker, Richard Viguerie, and John Wayne. Library of Congress, ID No.: MSS77641 78,400 items; 224 boxes; 89.6 linear feet; 36 microfilm reels http://lcweb2.loc.gov/service/mss/eadxmlms...01/ms001041.pdf Sanctuary, Eugene Nelson and H.F. Pritchard Papers 1930-1973 Sanctuary (right-wing publisher, editor, writer) materials include correspondence (with Elizabeth Dilling, Austin Hancock) and typescripts of material written by Sanctuary (1930s-1940s). Pritchard materials include correspondence (1948-1965), files of background information and clippings on various groups and individuals. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library #RH WL MS 13 4 boxes http://hdl.handle.net/10407/3071672378 Schlafly, Phyllis and Fred Eagle Forum Collection The Phyllis Schlafly collection spans her childhood in the 1920s to today. The collection reveals Phyllis Schlafly's interest in and impact on conservative and pro-family issues in the 20th century and beyond. Series in this collection, with the exception of Communism, are closed to the public. Specific folders from the ERA Series can be requested upon application. The Phyllis Schlafly collection is comprised of sixteen series: Books, Cardinal Mindszenty Foundation, Communism, Congressional Campaign 1970, Congressional Investigations, Constitutional Convention (Con Con), Daughters of the American Revolution, ERA, General Information: Pre-1970 Series, General Information: Post-1970 Series, Illinois Federation of Republican Women (IFRW), National Federation of Republican Women (NFRW), Personal Papers, Post-2000, Republican National Coalition for Life (RNC/Life), and Speech Notes. The Books Series [17 boxes] contains materials regarding books authored and co-authored by Phyllis Schlafly. Book titles include Strike from Space, Power of the Positive Woman, Safe Not Sorry, The Betrayers, Kissinger on the Couch, Mindszenty the Man, Child Abuse in the Classroom and Who Will Rock the Cradle? Correspondence, publication information, advertisements, and research material are included. Additional material is found in Phyllis Schlafly's Office Files Series. The Cardinal Mindszenty Foundation Series [3 boxes] contains the Mindszenty Report (1958-1971), The Red Line report (1963-1972), seminar brochures, study group materials, and Phyllis Schlafly's relevant correspondence and speech materials. The Communism Series [19 boxes] spans primarily the years 1950 through 1970s. The collection contains letters from prominent figures in the U.S. government, including Joseph McCarthy, J. Edgar Hoover, Ronald Reagan, Pat McCarran, Barry Goldwater and others. The Congressional Campaign 1970 Series [5 boxes] contains materials from Phyllis Schlafly's 1970 Illinois campaign for Congress. Items include the candidate's handbook, extensive correspondence, mailing lists, endorsements, and news releases. The Congressional Investigations Series [3 boxes] is a personal collection of investigations made by the House Committee on Un-American Activities, the Senate McCarthy committees, the Senate Jenner committee, and foundations. The Constitutional Convention (Con Con) Series [10 boxes] contains materials from the Constitutional Convention battle, especially during the 1980s. Mrs. Schlafly led the opposition to a Constitutional Convention to propose a Balanced Budget Amendment. The Daughters of the American Revolution Series includes research material and correspondence from Schlafly's long time involvement with the DAR, especially her work as National Chairman of National Defense. The published volumes of proceedings of the DAR and of the Illinois Organization DAR are available on request. The extensive ERA Series is divided into nine sub series, Subject files, State Action files, International Women's Year, International Year of the Child, Law School Papers (LSP), Lawsuits, Oral History, ERA 1980s, and ERA Miscellaneous. Given the size of the collection, it is on a separate webpage. Click here or on the ERA Series link. The General Information: Post-1970 Series [83 boxes] consists of many subjects, filed alphabetically and is part of Eagle Forum's working files. The General Information: Pre-1970 Series [23 boxes] consists of many topics filed alphabetically and was Eagle Forum's working and reference files before 1970. The Illinois Federation of Republican Women (IFRW) Series [7 boxes] contains materials regarding Phyllis Schlafly's membership and presidency in the Illinois Federation of Republican Women from 1954-1967, including correspondence, speeches, and reports. The National Federation of Republican Women Series (NFRW) [7 boxes] contains material regarding Phyllis Schlafly's participation in the NFRW in the 1960s. Files contain correspondence from Republican Party leaders and conservative activists, and extensive material concerning Phyllis Schlafly's campaign for the presidency of NFRW in 1967. The Post-2000 Series [2 boxes] consists of ongoing material about Phyllis Schlafly, donated to and collected by the archives. The Republican National Coalition for Life (RNC/Life) Series [13 boxes] contains materials of RNC/Life and the Republican Party Platform beginning in 1992. The Speech Notes Series [1 box] contains typed and handwritten material organized by date (1965-1976), and miscellaneous topics. More recent speech notes are found in the Personal Papers Series. The Eagle Forum collection reflects the purpose and activities of the organization and its founder Phyllis Schlafly and members. Material includes published and unpublished materials. This collection is closed to the public. The Eagle Forum Collection comprises seven series: Conferences, Eagle Councils, Organization, Education Fund, Education Reporter, Education, and News and Notes. http://www.eagleforumarchives.org/PS-Collection.html Fred Schlafly Collection The Personal Series [18 boxes] is organized by type of collected material, Schlafly's interest in specific organizations, personal and business matters by date, and speeches. This collection is currently closed to researchers. The Defenders of American Liberties material is organized by date (1962-1979) and includes founding correspondence, organization budget and minutes, financial records, and correspondence with Robert Morris, Edward V. Rickenbacker, Clarence Manion, and Col. Arch Roberts. The Marquette Boy's Home material includes information about the home, its 1957 fundraising campaign, Schlafly's personal correspondence, and the Olin estate. The personal material is organized by date (1952-1982) and includes Republican politics, anti-Communism, United Nations, political commentary, Owens-Illinois glass strike, Phyllis Schlafly activities, ERA, General Walker case, and Pentagon case. Correspondence concerns personal, business, financial, political, and anti-Communist materials. Correspondents include family, Senator Everett Dirksen, Clarence Manion, J. Evetts Haley, Strom Thurmond, Wilbur D. Mills, Gen. A. C. Wedemeyer, Princeton, Harvard Law School, and many others. Speech material (1961-1965) includes American Bar Association, a debate with James Roosevelt, and anti-Communism schools materials. Clippings collected by Fred Schlafly includes Phyllis Schlafly's congressional campaign against George Shipley, Phyllis Schlafly's Statement to the Joint Committee on Campus Disorders of the Illinois General Assembly, and other material. Eagle Forum Education Center 301 boxes http://www.eagleforumarchives.org/JFS-Personal-Series.html Shearon, Marjorie O. Collection comprises correspondence; manuscripts of books, research reports, articles, and addresses; subject and source files; published writings, including those from her early career as a paleontologist and later pamphlets of the Shearon Legislative Service, as well as incomplete holdings of Challenge to socialism; financial records; and personal memorabilia. Major correspondents include Charles Pavey, Milford Rouse, and R.B. Robins, American Medical Association, Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, Health and Accident Underwriters Conference, and Insurance Economics of America. American paleontologist Marjorie O'Connell Shearon (1890- ) was an expert on public health and an opponent of nationalized medicine. She edited the newsletter Challenge to socialism (1944-1967), wrote Wilbur J. Cohen: the pursuit of power (1967), and worked with members of Congress, including Robert A. Taft, on health care legislation (1939-1956). University of Oregon, Collection #131 5 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1954237~S8 Smith, Gerald L. K. Private Papers Founder of the America First Party, head of the Christian Nationalist Crusade, and outspoken antisemite. Correspondence, speeches, oral history transcript, memoranda and other materials detailing his criticism of America's participation in World War II, his Michigan senatorial race in 1942, his campaign for the presidency in 1944, his opposition to the spread of communism after the war, and his support of conservative Christian causes and right wing individuals and organizations; and photographs. Portraits of Smith and his wife, Elna Smith; photographs of meetings and conventions of the America First Party, of picketing and other political activity in support of Smith and his platform, and of Smith's associates and supporters; also photographs and portraits of celebrities, buildings, and activities, which Smith collected, probably for use in his publication, The Cross and the Flag . Correspondents and organizations represented in the collection include: George W. Armstrong (head of the Judge Armstrong Foundation for the furtherance of a unified anti-Semitic movement), John O. Beaty (university teacher and author of The Iron Curtain over America), Mrs. Catherine Brown (head of the National Blue Star Mothers of America), Elizabeth Dilling (anti-Communist crusader and director of the Patriotic Research Bureau), Myron C. Fagan (national director of the anti-Communist, Cinema Educational Guild), Kenneth Goff (pastor and head of various anti-Communist organizations in Colorado), Norman Jaques (Canadian M.P. and supporter of Smith and his work), Frederick Kister (director of the Christian Veterans of America), Conde McGinley (editor of anti-Communist newspaper, Common Sense), Leland Marion (pastor, and candidate for governor of Michigan in 1944 on the America First ticket), Jonathan E. Perkins (Los Angeles pastor and supporter of Smith), Harvey H. Springer (Colorado pastor and editor of Western Voice), Jack B. Tenney (California state senator and candidate for vice-president on the Christian National Party ticket in 1952), Rev. A. W. Terminiello ("Father Coughlin of the South," secretary of the Union of Christian Crusaders), Gerald P. Winrod (prominent pastor and publisher of Christian, anti Communist journal, The Defender). Additional correspondence from Robert Welch (John Birch Society), H.L. Mencken, William F. Buckley, Gamal Abdul Nasser, George Lincoln Rockwell, Westbrook Pegler, George Sokolsky, Arthur Vandenberg, and Ernest Liebold (secretary to Henry Ford). University of Michigan, Bentley Historical Library, call number: 85818 Aa 2 102 boxes http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/f/findaid/fi...umich-bhl-85818 Snow, John Howland Consists of personal correspondence between Snow and his wife-to-be Mary Elizabeth German Robey, owner and operator of the Robey Drilling Company and president of the National Association of Pro America; Snow's London diary documenting and analyzing World War II pre-1941; a list of books published by Snow's publishing company, Long House, Inc.; and published writings. Correspondence with Lucille Cardin Crain, Vivian Kellems. University of Oregon, Collection #106 3 boxes http://janus.uoregon.edu/record=b1975336~S8 Stimely, Keith Collection on revisionist history and neo-fascist movements, 1957-1986 Collection comprises subject files, research files, and correspondence created by Keith Stimely in his research of revisionist historiography and journalism concerning the two world wars and their aftermaths, and in his research of American and European political movements in the 1970s and 1980s of neo-Fascist, neo-Nazi, racialist or anti-Zionist character. Includes material on/by Austin J. App, Willis Carto, Harry Elmer Barnes, Arthur R. Butz, Robert Faurisson, Ditlieb Felderer, Percy L. Greaves, Tyler Kent, Revilo P. Oliver, H. Keith Thompson, Ernst Zundel. University of Oregon, Collection #183 56 boxes http://nwda-db.wsulibs.wsu.edu/findaid/ark:/80444/xv98853 Stoner, J.B. Gubernatorial Campaign Papers Included in this collection are campaign committee newsletters, flyers, a bumper sticker, and many news clippings from white supremacist J. B. Stoner's 1970 campaign for Governor of Georgia as National States Rights Party candidate. Stoner was defeated in the gubernatorial election by Jimmy Carter, who was elected President of the United States in 1976. Stoner revived a chapter of the Ku Klux Klan in Chattanooga, Tennessee when he was eighteen. He later founded several anti-Semitic political parties, ran for high political offices in Georgia as an avowed white supremacist, and served on the legal team for James Earl Ray, who was convicted of the 1968 assassination of civil rights leader Martin Luther King. In 1977, Stoner was indicted, and was later convicted and imprisoned, for the 1958 bombing of an African American church in Birmingham, Alabama. He died on April 23, 2005 at Lafayette, Georgia. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library, #RH WL MS 21 1 box http://etext.ku.edu/view?docId=ksrlead/ksr...print;chunk.id= Storke, Thomas More Private Papers Includes material regarding his activities as editor of the Santa Barbara News-Press and his opposition to the John Birch Society; his civic interests. UC – Berkeley, BANC MSS 73/72 c 54 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/gc/tf6.../tf609nb1gc.pdf Thompson Jr., Harold Keith Collection 1932-1993 Prominent figure in U.S. neo-nazi movement. Founder of American Committee For Advancement of Western Culture. Leaflets, newsletters, pamphlets, newspaper and periodical issues, clippings, correspondence, and writings, relating to fascist and other rightist political groups in the United States and Europe after World War II. Includes a few leftist publications. Hoover Institution Stanford University 23 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/5d/tf1.../tf167n985d.pdf Trevor Jr., John B. Correspondence, published materials, clippings, and ephemera detailing his interest in, and involvement with, such organizations as the Sons of the American Revolution and the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. University of Michigan, Bentley Historical Library 12 linear feet http://mirlyn.lib.umich.edu:80/F/?func=dir...l_base=BENT_PUB Wedemeyer, Albert C. Private Papers Hoover Institution, Stanford University 141 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf3x0n99pv Weyrich, Paul M. Papers 1968-2002 Weyrich was born on October 7, 1942 in Racine, Wisconsin. He was involved in politics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and became one of the most influential conservatives in America. He was a lobbyist and advocate for some of the early New Right foundations which preceded the Heritage Foundation, Cato Institute, and others. He was President of the Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, he headed up the Coalition for America, and was the founding President of the Heritage Foundation. The Paul M. Weyrich collection contains a wide variety of materials reflecting his work as a conservative lobbyist and advocate during the 1970s to the present. There are brief histories of opposing members of congress with their vulnerabilities. There are correspondence, memos, many research files, notes, meeting minutes, manuscripts, publications, and photographs from his work at the committees and foundations. Much of the material is concerned with domestic issues like adoption, abortion, and homosexuality. The collection contains political audio tapes, VHS tapes, and Beta Cam SP video tapes from Weyrich’s television and radio broadcasts from 1979 to 2002. There are National Railroad Passenger Corporation, or AMTRAK, meeting agendas when Weyrich served on the Board of Directors and railway publications. There is also a small amount of personal correspondence and biographical information about Weyrich. The collection also contains the manuscripts and rough drafts written by Connaught Marshner, as well as her correspondence and committee files while working with Weyrich and the Free Congress Foundation. University of Wyoming American Heritage Center #10138 90 boxes Wilcox Collection of Contemporary Political Movements Collection consists of an estimated 5,000 monographs, 4,500 serials, 800 audiotapes, 80,000 pieces of ephemera and the personal correspondence of Laird M. Wilcox and others involved in the Left- and Right-wing politics of America. The bulk of the collection documents the history and development of political thought and action ranging from the 1960’s to the present. Some earlier materials include the work of Elizabeth Dilling, Gerald L.K. Smith and William Dudley Pelley. For the more contemporary period a very few of the groups represented are Students for a Democratic Society, the Communist Party, U.S.A., the American Nazi Party and the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library 77,000 catalog cards, 2085 linear feet http://spencer.lib.ku.edu/kc/wilcox.shtml Wilcox, Lloyd M Papers 1951-2000 Laird M. Wilcox, a widely published authority on political extremism and ideological movements, is the founder of the Wilcox Collection of Contemporary Political Movements at the University of Kansas--one of the largest collections of its kind for the study of left-wing and right-wing political movements in the United States. The Laird M. Wilcox Papers include his research correspondence with individuals and organizations, as well as various manuscripts of his many publications. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library 29 boxes – 12 linear feet http://hdl.handle.net/10407/1194539267 Wilkinson, Bill Ku Klux Klan Bankruptcy Papers 1983 These transcripts are of United States bankruptcy court testimony and subsequent examinations held at Baton Rouge, Louisiana in the case of the United States (plaintiff) vs. the Invisible Empire, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (defendant). The transcribed testimony on behalf of the Ku Klux Klan and on behalf of entities named in association with it is by Bill Wilkinson, self-identified as Imperial Wizard of the KuKlux Klan and as pastor of the Universal Life Church of Racial Purity. University of Kansas Spencer Research Library, #RH WL MS 8 1 box http://etext.ku.edu/view?docId=ksrlead/ksr...print;chunk.id= Wright, Loyd Private Papers 1924-1971 Conservative lawyer, former President California State Bar Association, President of American Bar Association, Chairman, Commission on Government Security, John Birch Society endorser. In 1962, he was GOP candidate for U.S. Senator from California and Ronald Reagan was his State Campaign Chairman Speeches and writings, correspondence, testimony, reports, conference proceedings, printed matter, and photographs, relating to internal security in the United States, international law, law in the United States, and California politics. Hoover Institution Stanford University 45 boxes http://www.oac.cdlib.org/data/13030/7j/tf5.../tf5b69n77j.pdf

Great idea. There is a full text index to the Frank Olson site, done by his son at: http://www.5000Watches.com/FrankOlson David Boylan knows this topic very well also.

The oil industry connection is interesting. And the connection through Huey Long to Rev Gerald L K Smith is interesting as well. Long was probably murdered by the same group of Draper and J.P. Morgan industrial fascists who staged the coup attempt against FDR when Gen. Smedley Butler turned the plotters in. Smith later appeared at The Winnipeg Airport Incident overheard discussing Marina Oswald and the JFK assassination. Smith also ran The America First Party who nominated MacArthur as their Presidential "Candidate" in the 1952 election. Both Richard Condon's informants in "Manchurian Candidate" and Dick Russell's informant named MacArthur and Willoughby as being a major force in the JFK assassination.

Elmore D. Greaves (not Touchstone), was head of the American chapter of WACL between Roger Pearson from The Pioneer Fund and Gen. John Singlaub, fired by Jimmy Carter after Singlaub's role in Korea. Singlaub was stationed with Ray "ManCand" Cline in Mukden, China right after World War II. This comes from the Tucker book on Draper and the Pioneer Fund. Apparently Greaves was a very large part of the entire Draper racist enterprise, just like Pearson, Touchstone, Eastland and many others. http://books.google.com/books?id=C-jIEhfKP...per&f=false

Copied from the site of a long-time Pioneer Fund follower, Prof. Barry Mehler, from Ferris State University. William F. Tucker also wrote about Touchstone in his book about Draper and The Pioneer Fund. Draper and his crowd were involved with multiple Mississippi murders. Ned Touchstone, The Citizens Councils and The Councilor The following biography of Ned Touchstone is taken from: Extremism on the Right: A Handbook, (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1983) p.138 Ned Touchstone, 57, a longtime resident of Shreveport, Louisiana, has served as an editor and distributor of racist hate literature for over two decades. Touchstone worked for several local Louisiana weeklies and owned his own printing company, Bossier Press, before he became associated with the militantly segregationist Louisiana Citizens' Council. As a state board member and secretary of this group, Touchstone played an active role in the Council's fight against civil rights laws during the 1960s. Since its inception in 1962, Ned Touchstone has served as editor of The Councilor, an openly racist and anti-Semitic hate sheet. For a number of years, The Councilor functioned as the semi-monthly house organ of the Louisiana Citizens' Council, a group which professed two goals: "States rights and Segregation of the races." Later, a non-profit organization called Councilor Research became owner and publisher of the monthly periodical. Articles in The Councilor have frequently attacked Jews in general and the ADL in particular. Touchstone's newspaper has stated that, "the ADL (sometimes called the 'Russian Mafia') is composed of anti-Christ Khazars. . ." In addition, ADL and "its international connections with communism" have figured prominently in anti-Semitic conspiracy stories published by The Councilor. Based in Touchstone's home town of Shreveport, The Councilor has recently claimed a total circulation of 18,000. Touchstone has offered for sale anti-Semitic and other racist literature through the National Biographic Society, which has operated from Touchstone's home address. Titles distributed through the National Biographic Society have included Rise of the House of Rothschild, The Red Network and The Rising Tide of Color, as well as "truth-pak," a collection of pamphlets and newsclips promoting bigotry. Touchstone has been linked to Willis Carto's right-wing extremist group, Liberty Lobby. Besides holding a seat on their Board of Policy, he has been a featured speaker at several gatherings sponsored by Liberty Lobby. Touchstone himself has stated that, 'The Councilor and Liberty Lobby are on the same side 99% of the time." Concerning the notorious anti-Semite Carto, Touchstone added, "I consider Willis Carto of Liberty Lobby one of the greatest living Americans. . ." Note: Willis A. Carto in fact was considered yet another Draper clone and crony. Touchstone was later involved with the American Mercury, which was also owned by Russell Maguire, who hired George Lincoln Rockwell as an artist, Clendenin J. Ryan, the person who financed both Ulius Amoss and Carleton S. Coon, who dealt in ManCan operations with Robert Emmett Johnson, one of the JFK snipers. Ryan hired hired William F. Buckley, Jr. and Brent Bozell at The Mercury and Ryan's father sent industrial diamonds to Hitler to aid his war effort from his South African diamond mines. All of these guys were pro-Fascists or outright Nazi supporters. Touchstone has been affiliated with The American Mercury, a once respectable literary magazine which has since become a voice of anti-Jewish hate. Until 1980, Touchstone was listed among others as a contributing editor of the publication. Subsequently, The American Mercury relocated from California to Texas, where Touchstone took over the magazine's management. Lately, his name has appeared on the masthead as "financial editor." Source: "Ned Touchstone, the Citizens Councils and the Councilor." Extremism on the right: A Handbook. New York: Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1983. 138. ISBN: 0884641295 (pbk.) :; 9780884641292 (pbk.) LCCN: 88-71108

Leander Perez From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Leander Henry Perez, Sr., (July 16, 1891 – March 19, 1969) was the Democratic "political boss" of Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes, Louisiana, in the first half of the twentieth century. Officially, he served as a district judge, later as district attorney, and as president of the Plaquemines Parish Commission Council. Contents [hide] 1 Youth education 2 Perez enters Plaquemines Parish politics 3 A political machine on the Gulf of Mexico 4 Militant defense of segregation 5 Perez and the Catholic Church 6 Later political activities 6.1 Family 7 Sources 8 References [edit] Youth education Perez was born in the small town of Dalcour, on the east bank of Plaquemines Parish, to Roselius E. "Fice" Perez (died 1939) and the former Gertrude Solis (died 1944). He was educated in New Orleans schools, Louisiana State University at Baton Rouge, and the Tulane University Law School in New Orleans. Perez opened a law practice in New Orleans and Plaquemines Parish. [edit] Perez enters Plaquemines Parish politics In 1916, Perez was defeated as a candidate for state representative. In 1919, he was appointed judge of the 25th Judicial District to fill an unexpired term. In 1920, he won a full term as judge by defeating a local machine run by his intraparty rival John Dymond. He was elected district attorney in 1924 and became involved in a dispute over trapping lands which ended in a shootout known as the "Trappers' War." In 1928, Perez allied with Huey Pierce Long, Jr., who was elected governor. In 1929, he successfully defended Long in the latter's impeachment trial before the Louisiana state Senate. This situation was more than a bit odd, as Long found the racial rabble-rousing, for which Perez would later be famous, distracting, and since Perez later became a fierce critic from the right of the Long family. Perez became wealthy by subleasing state mineral lands. In 1940, the state Crime Commission investigated Perez at the request of then Governor Sam Houston Jones. In 1943, Jones sent state troopers to Plaquemines Parish to enforce his appointment of an anti-Perez sheriff. Perez and Jones both came out of the conservative wing of the Democratic Party, but whereas Perez had been a Huey Long backer, Jones was staunchly anti-Long. The two later joined forces to support Republican Barry M. Goldwater for president in 1964. Perez headed "Democrats for Goldwater" in Louisiana. [edit] A political machine on the Gulf of Mexico In 1919, Judge Perez launched a reign of bought elections and strict segregation. Laws were enacted on Perez's fiat and were rubber-stamped by the parish governing councils. Elections under Perez's reign were sometimes blatantly falsified, with voting records appearing in alphabetical order and names of national celebrities such as Babe Ruth, Charlie Chaplin, and Herbert Hoover appearing on the rolls. Perez-endorsed candidates often won with 90 percent or more of the ballots. Those who did appear to vote were intimidated by Perez's enforcers. He sent large tough men into the voting booths to "help" people vote. Many voters were bribed. Perez testified that he bribed voters $2, $5, and $10 to vote his way depending on who they are. Perez took action to suppress African Americans from voting within his domain. Perez said "Negroes are just not equipped to vote. If the Negroes took over the government, we would have a repetition here of what's going on in the Congo." Starting in 1936, Perez also diverted millions from government funds through illegal land deals. When he was a district attorney, he was the legal adviser to the Plaquemines levee boards. He used this position to negotiate payoffs between corporations he set up and big oil companies that leased the levee board lands for drilling. After Perez's death, the parish government sued his heirs seeking restitution of $82 million in government funds. In 1987, the lawsuit was settled for $12 million. [edit] Militant defense of segregation In 1948, Perez headed the Thurmond presidential campaign in Louisiana; and after the failure of the Dixiecrat movement, he unsuccessfully strove for several years to keep the party alive.[1] In 1952, he convinced Lucille May Grace, the register of state lands, to question the patriotism of Congressman Thomas Hale Boggs, Sr. "Miss Grace" and Boggs were among ten Democratic gubernatorial candidates that year. She claimed that Boggs had past affiliation with communist-front organizations. The allegations, never proved, worked to sink both of their candidacies. Over the course of the next two decades, Perez and Boggs would battle again. In 1961, Perez launched an ill-fated campaign to have Boggs recalled as a Congressman for his support of a move to expand the House Judiciary Committee, a move that had the approval of the new President John F. Kennedy and was seen as enhancing civil rights bills considered by that committee. In 1965, Boggs, from the floor of the House, announced his support of the Voting Rights Act. In so doing, he spoke of an "area of Louisiana" where "out of 3,000 Negroes, less than 100 are registered to vote as American citizens." When asked the next day by a reporter for the Times-Picayune if he was referring to Plaquemines Parish, the "stronghold of Leander Perez," Boggs replied: "Yes." In the 1950s and 1960s, Perez became a nationally prominent opponent of desegregation, taking a leadership role in the opposition to desegregation, along with nationally recognized figures such as Strom Thurmond, George Wallace, and Ross Barnett. He was a member of the White Citizens Council and an organizer of the white supremacist Citizens Council of Greater New Orleans. Thereafter, Perez wrote and researched much of the legislation sponsored by Louisiana's Joint Legislative Committee on Segregation. He supported Rainach for governor in the 1959 Democratic primary and then switched his backing to James Houston "Jimmie" Davis in the party runoff, which Davis won over New Orleans Mayor deLesseps Story Morrison, Sr. In defending segregation, Perez said: "Do you know what the Negro is? Animal right out of the jungle. Passion. Welfare. Easy life. That's the Negro." The American Civil Rights Movement, according to Perez, was the work of "all those Jews who were supposed to have been cremated at Buchenwald and Dachau but weren't, and Roosevelt allowed 2 million of them illegal entry into our country." Perez controlled the activities of civil rights workers by prohibiting outsiders from entering Plaquemines Parish through his direction of the bayou ferries that were the only way to enter the jurisdiction. In 1960, while opposing desegregation of local public schools at a New Orleans rally, Perez said: "Don't wait for your daughter to be raped by these Congolese. Don't wait until the burrheads are forced into your schools. Do something about it now." Perez's speech inspired an assault on the school administration building by 2,000 segregationists, who were fought off by police and fire hoses. The mob then went loose in the city, attacking blacks in the streets. When the schools were opened, Perez organized a boycott by white residents, which included threats to whites who allowed their children to attend the desegregated schools. Perez arranged for poor whites to attend a segregated private school for free and helped found a whites-only private school in New Orleans. In the 1960 presidential election, Perez was the state finance chairman and a presidential elector for a third-party, the Louisiana States' Rights Party. On the ticket with him was future Governor David C. Treen and the flamboyant anticommunist Kent Howard Courtney. Treen left the party, denounced its national organization as "anti-semitic," and joined the Republican Party in 1962, when he first ran for Congress. [edit] Perez and the Catholic Church In the spring of 1962, the Archdiocese of New Orleans announced its plan to desegregate the New Orleans parochial school system for the 1962–1963 school year. Perez led a movement to pressure businesses into firing any whites who allowed their children to attend the newly desegregated Catholic schools. Catholics in St. Bernard Parish boycotted one school, which the Archdiocese kept open without students for four months until it was burned down. In response, Archbishop Joseph Rummel excommunicated Perez on April 16, 1962. Perez responded by saying the Catholic Church was "being used as a front for clever Jews" and announced that he would form his own church, the "Perezbyterians." He eventually reconciled with the church before his death and received a requiem mass at Holy Name of Jesus Christ Church at Loyola University in New Orleans. He is interred at his home in Plaquemines Parish. [2] [edit] Later political activities Perez had once chaired the powerful Louisiana Democratic State Central Committee, in which capacity he threatened to deprive senatorial candidate Russell B. Long of the official title of Democratic nominee, thus denying him a place on the Democratic column, the ticket headed with the traditional rooster emblem. Perez toyed with passing the official Democratic mantle to the Republican Senate candidate Clem S. Clarke, a Shreveport oilman. Only a deal with Governor Earl Kemp Long kept Long's nephew, Russell Long, on the regular Democratic ticket in Louisiana. The result was that Russell Long began a 38-year tenure in the U.S. Senate. In his last campaign, Perez supported Wallace's American Independent Party. When asked in the summer of 1968 what he and a group of associates had been discussing, he replied: "Richard M. Nixon and other traitors." Though he had supported Goldwater, Perez grew disillusioned with the Republican presidential nominees and flatly drew the line against supporting Nixon in 1968. Perez's former ally Treen, however, supported Nixon's successful presidential campaign. Judge Perez Drive, a major thoroughfare in St. Bernard Parish, was named after him until 1999, when officials of that parish decided to distance themselves from Leander Perez's legacy. Judge Perez Drive is now named in honor of the late Melvyn Perez, a long-time judge in St. Bernard Parish. It should also be noted that in the 1970s, several years after Leander Perez's death, St. Bernard Parish was placed in its own judicial district by the Louisiana legislature. [edit] Family Perez had ten brothers and sisters. In 1917, Perez married the former Agnes Chalin. They had two sons, Leander H. Perez, Jr. (1920–1988), who followed his father as district attorney in 1960, and Chalin O. Perez (1923–2003), who succeeded his father as president of the Plaquemines council in 1967. They were unable to continue their father's stern reign over the two lower river parishes because of their own personal differences and because of interference from the FBI. Feuding between the brothers in the late 1970s gave political opponents an opening and the local elections of 1980 saw the first significant decline of Perez family power. In 1996, Perez was posthumously inducted into the Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame in Winnfield.[3] [edit] Sources Boulard, Garry, "The Big Lie—Hale Boggs, Lucille May Grace and Leader Perez in 1951" (Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing, 2001). Jeansonne, Glen. Leander Perez: Boss of the Delta; Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1977 Loewen, James W. Lies Across America: What Our Historic Sites Get Wrong New York:The New Press, 1999): Chapter 47: "Let Us Now Praise Famous Thieves." http://www.cityofwinnfield.com/museum.html "Leander Henry Perez", A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography, Vol. 2 (1988), p. 641 "The Canary Islanders in Louisiana" (Film of Manuel Mora Morales, 2006) FBI FOIA file [edit] References ^ Jeansonne, Glen. Leander Perez: Boss of the Delta Jackson, MS:University Press of Mississippi, 1977; pp. 185–189. ^ Smestad, John Jr. Loyola University, New Orleans. The Role of Archbishop Joseph F. Rummel in the Desegregation of Catholic Schools in New Orleans. 1994. ^ "”Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame”". cityofwinnfield.com. http://www.cityofwinnfield.com/museum.html. Retrieved August 22, 2009. Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leander_Perez"

Leander Perez from Time Magazine 12/12/1960 The symbol of Louisiana racism is a heavy man with pewtery hair, cold blue eyes, a cunning legal mind and a fanatic's zeal. To Leander Henry Perez, 68, there are just two kinds of Negroes: "Bad ones are niggers and good ones are darkies." Although he is not a member of the Louisiana legislature. Perez often operates out of a hideaway office in the skyscraper Baton Rouge capitol, has helped mastermind the legislative struggle against school integration. And at arousing the rabble, Perez has few equals. At a recent meeting of the New Orleans Citizens Council, Perez raised the battle cry against the four Negro girls in the city's first integrated schools: "Are you going to wait until Congolese rape your daughters! Are you going to let these burr-heads into your schools! Do something about it now!" For much of its present trouble, Louisiana can thank Leander Perez. The seventh of 13 children of a Delta farmer, Perez was born in Plaquemines Parish (pop. 22,275), a spongy wilderness on the splayed toe of Louisiana, where the muskrats and the alligators outnumber the people. In Perez' lifetime Plaquemines has risen, through the discovery of rich oil and sulphur deposits, from Louisiana's poorest back-bayou parish to one of its richest. Although he has never made more than $7,000 a year as a public official, shrewd Leander Perez has become a multimillionaire through his law practice and interests in oil and sulphur lands in his native habitat. Way of Life. Perez hopped into parish politics right after he got out of Tulane Law School in 1914. At 27 he was a district judge, in 1924 became district attorney for Plaquemines and neighboring St. Bernard's Parish—a position he gave up only this week, having airily announced that his son, Leander Jr., would take over the job. But lest anyone get the idea that he was retiring, Perez explained: "I intend to remain as assistant district attorney. The state constitution provides that the assistant district attorney has all the powers of the district attorney." With Leander Perez, defiance is a way of life. In 1943, when Louisiana's Governor Sam Jones appointed a Plaquemines sheriff against Perez' wishes, Perez mobilized the able-bodied men of Plaquemines, including the American Legion, set up a flaming roadblock of gasoline-soaked oyster shells in an attempt to turn the appointee back. Frustrated by a convoy bristling with state militiamen, Perez retreated to mid-Mississippi on a ferryboat, resorted thereafter to a volley of lawsuits (15 at one time), finally defeated the Jonesman in a typically casual Delta election. The Offensive. Again, when New Orleans' Roman Catholic Archbishop Joseph F. Rummel declared that segregation was sinful, Leander Perez breathed defiance. Himself a Catholic, he accused the Catholic hierarchy of "turning against their own people." The New Orleans parochial schools remained segregated, and fortnight ago, as Archbishop Rummel lay ill in a hospital after a fall, Perez hinted that it was all because of his stand against segregation. Now, although he has seen to it that schools in St. Bernard's Parish have opened their classrooms to white "refugees" from New Orleans, the battle against integration is going against Leander Perez. Some Louisiana newsmen be lieve that his influence is waning. But those who know him best think he is just waiting for his next move. "I always take the offensive," Leander Perez once said, daintily flicking an ash from his omnipresent cigar. "The defensive ain't worth a damn." Read more: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...l#ixzz0bxd2FeQJ Read more: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...l#ixzz0bxcqWGQI

Here is one of the MSSovComm links to an article in the Robert Morris folder about this "Jack" O'Dell character used to implicate MLK as a Communist by associatioin. It is from the Jackson, MS paper owned by Mary S. Cain and is only 1 of 7 similar articles found in the Morris folder at the MSC. I knew these types of articles existed but did not know that our old friend Robert J. Morris was cited in two of them and that he apparently submitted them to the MSC which accounts for why they are filed under his name in his folders there. http://mdah.state.ms.us/arrec/digital_arch...0|5|1|1|1|6381| Both Leander Perez and Robert Morris seem to be the most active and powerful persons involved with building the MLK as Commie legend and the MLK as womanizer legend. Who would be better than Robert Morris, Mr. McCarthyism, at doing this? MORRIS, ROBERT - [1-85-0-5-1-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [1-85-0-9-1-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [1-85-0-70-11-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [1-86-0-9-1-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [3-16A-2-76-2-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [6-0-0-27-5-1-1] MORRIS, ROBERT - [13-59-0-53-2-1-1] Can anyone else give me the background of the relationship between Leander Perez and James Garrison as it existed? My first blush thought is that Garrison was TOTALLY DEPENDENT on Perez for his political life in New Orleans since Perez has been called the political boss of Plaquemines Parish by several others. If this is true, what is everyone's take on the possibility that Garrison would have slightly or grossly distorted or biased his case to AVOID the friends of Leander Perez and to try to pin the JFK hit on people like David Ferrie, Clay Shaw and Guy Bannister as if any of them would EVER be considered for employment as CIA agents or contractors? Well, maybe after removing the wigs, the eyebrows and the makeup and agreeing to try to break their cross-dressing habits. Just to eliminate the possibility of blackmail and all that. Garrison's choice of other suspects like that guy from American Council of Christian Churches in California, Edgar Eugene Bradley, and a few others seemed more on the money, but Reagan the California Governor at that time refused to honor the request for extradition. What a surprise!

John , As we have dicusssed in the past . The battle for segregation was the last stand for the White supremisists (sic?) Even though the die was cast, and the segregationist's battle was all but lost ..... It was still do or die! This is what people fail to realize......it was a battle of survival for their... "Way of life" This is highly stressed throughout the literature of the time. I've read so much of the literature ( political ephemera) of that period, that it's a wonder JFK lasted as long as he did! It was more bitter and vitriolic than any Cuban broadsides I've ever seen. Vile hatred! -Bill I once met a basketball player from Natchez, Mississippi at the Duke University summer basketball program in the hills of North Carolina when I was about only 16 years old shortly before JFK was killed. He looked like someone who belonged in the movie "Deliverance" and acted just about the same way. When we asked him about the issues of Segregation in the South and where the attitudes in Mississippi about "Negroes" came from he would get all agitated and vitriolic he would actually drool and spit when he talked on that topic. "You know whenever they'd get out of line, we just used to just kill 'em, cut em up and feed them to the gators in the bayous. And sometimes we didn't even bother to kill 'em, we just tied them up and threwed them right into the bayous, while they was still a-kicking and a-hollering. Funny as all get out! They made so much noise that it only took the gators a few minutes to come by to see what all the fussin' and the splashin' was all about. Didden take long after that. And there was no evidence left behind either for anybody to find. We called that the Mississippi Bathworks, we did."