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Leslie Sharp

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  1. As early as January 1963, Walker was circulating pamphlets filled with anti-Semitic racist tropes to his friends and philosophical adherents in Europe, not simply to military troops. Was this an operation to prepare the international soil for the inevitable hit on the US president in Dallas? Was it critical for both Walker and Willoughby to act as roving ambassadors in Europe and beyond to assure those of like mind (ABN, WACL, etc.) that Kennedy would be taken care? The papers referred to around line 3 of this report are said to be a stack of those pamphlets. I'll be receiving the images soon, but if anyone here has a link, I would appreciate seeing it. https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth338124/
  2. The Diem Myth, by Hilaire du Berrier. This scathing analysis of Diem was published just weeks before Kennedy's assassination in a clear attack on JFK's policy toward the Diem Brothers. https://www.fpparchive.org/media/documents/communism_and_responses/The Diem Myth_Hilaire Berrier_Oct 1963_American Opinion.pdf
  3. Surrey may be the logical candidate for advancing disinformation on behalf of anything related to Walker including the April 10 incident. However, consideration should be given to Hilaire du Berrier who was staying at Walker's Turtle Creek residence on November 22, and who appears in the records of the project manager within 48 hours of the alleged April 10 attack. The action taken regarding Major General Edwin Walker is amazing. Is it a crime nowadays to be a patriot? Is it a crime to teach Americanism to our troops? Must a general be “relieved of command” when he is giving his troops something to fight for? Who is relieving of command those in government who are responsible for the Communist foothold in this hemisphere? Who is being “relieved of command” for other Communists favoring actions in our State Department? —Frank T. Ryan, President World Commerce Corporation, June 25, 1961 This somewhat rousing endorsement by the president of the World Commerce may have gone unnoticed by the average American, but as reported in Chapter 2, the global power structure would recognize the WCC created by the director of the OSS, Bill Donovan and his counterpart in Britain, William Stephenson. As reported, the WCC had over the previous decade acted as an umbrella front for several hundred companies whose primary aim was self-serving information gathering and espionage, sprinkled heavily with sometimes deadly counterintelligence operations, while extracting profits from global markets. Frank Ryan, a former OSS officer under Donovan, had worked closely with Otto Skorzeny for years. For that reason alone, his remarks in support of Gen. Walker are revelatory. Several months after Ryan’s vociferous support, a telling piece written by syndicated newspaper columnist Drew Pearson, and published in the November 24, 1961 edition of The Washington Post, tackled the cluster of extremists General Walker had attracted. Referring to the “increasing turn to the far right by high-ranking US military men,” Pearson singled out Walker, still head of the Army’s 24th Infantry Division in Germany, for politicizing his troops with right-wing propaganda. Pearson highlighted a letter to one of Walker’s military supporters, Arch Roberts, from the American born French rightist sympathizer Hilaire “Hal” du Berrier, who compared the Kennedy administration’s crackdown on Walker to de Gaulle’s attack on the rebel French generals who led the OAS. Du Berrier’s history germane to the assassination is pursued momentarily. After the failed 1961 French generals’ putsch, the OAS was determined to halt de Gaulle’s move toward Algerian independence at all costs. The price was not simply removal of the president, but deadly removal. The war between de Gaulle and the OAS had ramped up when de Gaulle’s political changes continued to move forward in Algeria. In May1961, the French government had started negotiations with the FLN. These talks did not have immediate success, and over the course of the next year the level of extreme violence had escalated. Finally, in March 1962, a cease-fire was reached, setting the stage for the Evian negotiations that would eventually lead to independence for Algeria. Taking command of the “secret army” was General Raoul Salan who, by the time Pierre Lafitte made note of him in his 1963 diary, was still in prison on orders of President de Gaulle on November 22. However, Hilaire du Berrier, the North Dakota native described as an ambitious soldier of fortune, pilot and spy, identified by Lafitte on the same day as Salan, was not. Regardless, it appears that the former leader of the OAS and his sympathizers including du Berrier and Jacques Soustelle, preferred as the next leader of France and Algeria by powerful Texas oilmen, were at the very least a rallying point for events in play in the spring of 1963. @copyright Coup in Dallas
  4. The early obsession of Ruth's genealogy, and that of Michael, may have served a purpose. Ties to Dulles alone were sensational. But no one has ever nailed down precisely who was "running" the Paines, if indeed anyone was. Was Allen calling her daily? Did she have time in her busy schedule as mother and part-time teacher to give this operation the time it required in the weeks leading to 11.22. Considering her demeanor, did she have the temperament? Was her father cabling her from his post in SA? Was Henry Crown sending corporate telexes to Michale at GD? Surely at this juncture, 60 years later, it behoves us to identify the pure logistics required. Coup in Dallas picks up with the expert research of Gallagher and Simpich establishing the unusual activity of SA Bard Odum related to both Oswald and the Paines who were on first name basis with 'Hart'. Doing so insisted to us that Hoover was privy on some level, perhaps not yet on board, but certainly not shutting Bard down. Adding to the equation is Everett Glover who appears in records of the project manager Pierre Lafitte. How could Lafitte know Glover's name prior to revelations that it was Glover who introduced Ruth to Lee and Marina?
  5. @Steve ThomasWas the CIA using Souetre as an asset, that is why his records have not been released all these years? Similarly, were his files withheld or destroyed because in fact he was in Dallas at the behest of Otto Skorzeny as revealed in the records of project manager Pierre Lafitte? Would there be an international scandal if a French soldier, known to have participated in at least one attempt on deGaulle's life, and acting under direction of a N-azi SS commando, have arrived in Dallas for the purpose of assassinating the US president? The persistent focus on "THE" CIA has stalled the investigation long enough. Dulles, Angleton, Harvey, Barnes, used their credentials to run Lancelot Project off the shelf, and aligned with "former" N-azis who in fact had for over a decade been in pursuit of reviving the Reich, plotted to remove a democratically elected president while he was in Dallas.
  6. I'll be addressing this in more detail, but for now, yes this supports travel in mid-November. However, the controversy includes Laszlo Varga.
  7. Steve, do you know much about the split within the OAS? and Gen. Salan?
  8. Ron, Sorry for the disjointed posts. Hank's investigation wasn't suited to COUP Lite or cliff notes, although that concept is currently under consideration for a new publication. Someone said recently reading Coup is like woodworking ... you make a first pass, then another, then another. Freeport Nickel was under the Freeport umbrella. Clay Shaw-related. I cut my research teeth on Lisa Pease's amazing research into Freeport. It's the foundation of my decades of research into corporate genealogy, the Industrial in the Military Industrial Comlex.
  9. We knew from government records that the enigmatic John Wilson-Hudson, named on several key dates in the 1963 datebook kept by assassination project manager Pierre Lafitte, was the alleged journalist who conveniently named Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby as an associate of Mafia don Santo Trafficante. We further learned from the research of A. J. Weberman and Michael Canfield, authors of Coup d’État in America, that Wilson-Hudson had in 1939 formed a version of the US isolationist pressure group, the America First Committee, in Santiago, Chile, known there as The Universal Peace Movement. That long buried aspect of Wilson-Hudson’s history began to make sense of the web the enigmatic John Hudson found himself in two decades later when he was imprisoned by Cuban revolutionary Fidel Castro. . . . The significance of the October 30th [Lafitte datebook] entry, made just one day after Lafitte tells us about the “Lancelot Planning” is volatile because there is an inexplicable similarity between it and an entry in one of Jack Ruby's notebooks which Dallas police located on the day Oswald was shot. It reads: "October 29, 1963 -- John Wilson -- bond." The FBI checked Dallas police and sheriff's records to determine if a “John Wilson” had made bond. They also consulted two different private attorneys whose names were John Wilson, both of whom indicated they had not dealt with Ruby. The FBI concluded there was no reason for the notebook entry. We now know otherwise.
  10. On the question of John Wilson - Hudson Hank Albarelli writes in Coup in Dallas ... The authors have unearthed information on Wilson-Hudson that is no less than intriguing and germane to our story. Described in government documents as having brown hair, blue-green eyes, a ruddy complexion, a small mustache, and wearing glasses, the official observed him as being very intelligent, astute, and well informed on current events. He carried with him a UN press pass (his wife, Eliana Gabriela, was active with the UN) issued in Santiago, as well as a document authorizing him to enter at will the Los Cerrillos airport in the country’s Capital at any time, issued by the International Police Section of the Chilean Investigation Service. Gleaned from a number of CIA documents we learned the following: (1) Wilson-Hudson was a Spanish citizen of British descent, who resided sometimes in Madrid and sometimes in Chile. He first arrived in Chile on 28 January 1939 bearing a Spanish passport. He was born in Liverpool, England on 29 December 1916 or 1917. He studied at Oxford University in England and left his studies there in July 1936 “to enlist as a volunteer in the Spanish Loyalist Forces, whereupon he acquired his Spanish citizenship.” Wilson-Hudson was married to Eliana [Gabriella Sara] Bronfman-[Weinstein]. (2) Wilson-Hudson, while in Chile, in the capacity as a journalist “opened a one-man crusade against the British Government, in violation of restrictions placed on such activities by foreigners in Chile.” (3) Wilson-Hudson’s businesses were described by the CIA as “consisting of trade in copper, lead, and Sulphur.” In the late 1950s, he traded in illicit nickel. (4) A CIA report read: “Another report dated 20 June 1959 from a usually reliable source stated that PAUL HUGHES, an American soldier of fortune, claimed to have at his disposal three aircraft, including one bomber, and planned to launch an attack on Puerto Cabanas, Nicaragua, during the weekend of 27–28 June 1959. Hughes said that Carl WILSON, a British journalist, and about 65 volunteers would join him in the attack. Source commented that HUGHES also vaguely spoke of possibly bombing Managua for the psychological effect. WILSON said that Castro had no knowledge of HUGHES’ plan. (5) United Press International carried the story datelined 1 July 1959 from Havana, Cuba, saying that Police had raided a private home in suburban Biltmore the day before and seized a large quantity of arms and arrested three Americans and a Briton. The Americans were identified as Paul HUGHES, an officer in Castro’s rebel army; Efron R. PICHARDO, of Miami, Florida; and Joseph BARDOR, of Los Angeles, California. The Briton was listed as Carl John WILSON. A Nickel Deal in the Midst of an Assassination Plot Analysis of a string of Lafitte datebook entries supports the hypothesis that Pierre was at least privy to, if not the orchestrator of, yet another nickel transaction that was underway in the summer and fall of 1963, and that John Wilson-Hudson was involved. June 7, 1963 Else [sic] and W’s wife= shipment $ -John ‘Wilson-H- —Ruby
  11. Or, is it possible he's referring to someone far more obscure? Texas gunrunner Robert McKeown said Ruby ‘had a whole lot of jeeps he wanted to get to Castro.’ Ruby wanted McKeown to write a personal letter of introduction to Castro for Ruby so he could talk to Castro about releasing some unnamed friends detained in Havana. At that time, Santo Trafficante was being held at the Trescornia detention center in Cuba. Was Ruby instrumental in winning Trafficante's release at that time? John Wilson Hudson (a.k.a. John Wilson), an English journalist supposedly detained with Trafficante in the camp, indicated that Ruby came to see Trafficante in Trescornia. After Ruby shot Oswald, according to CIA cables, Wilson contacted the American Embassy and reported that "an American gangster called Santo . . . was visited by an American gangster type named Ruby." If Ruby was trying to sell jeeps to Castro, as McKeown said, was this an arms-for-hostages type deal? Get Castro the jeeps and get Trafficante out of jail? Recent events remind us this certainly wouldn't have been the only such effort in history. Trafficante was released from the detention center in August,1959, possibly just after Ruby's appearance there.” . . . Kantor goes on: “U.S. embassy records in London referred to Wilson only as a self-described ‘free-lance journalist,’ residing in Chile during most of the 1940s and 1950s. Wilson told American embassy officials that he actually had been working for Cuban dictator Batista in the late 1950s and was deported by Castro after a term of imprisonment in 1959… “But a confidential November 28, 1963, memorandum from the office of Richard M. Helms, at that time CIA deputy director for plans, reveals much more about Wilson. The CIA file on him went back to 1951.” The confidential November 28, 1963 memorandum by Helms was sent to Sam Papich at the FBI. The file, wrote Kantor, “shows that Wilson [was] well educated at Oxford University [England], had been born in Liverpool, December 29, 1916, had reached Chile on January 28, 1939, from Buenos Aires, and ‘was a contact of one Bert Sucharov, a suspected Soviet agent in Santiago, Chile.’”
  12. MUSSOLINI RECEIVES THE BROWNING PILGRIMS: “When Mr. Mussolini notified the American ambassador that he would be pleased to receive us, the Chargé d’ Affaires ad interim, Alexander Kirk, called to inform us and to instruct us in the niceties of such a reception. His visit was followed by a special messenger from the Italian “ministero degli Affari Esteri" bearing a very large envelope with a gold seal. In Italian the Secretary had informed us that “the Chief of the Government”—as Mussolini is invariably called—“would receive us at 19:45 in the Palazzo Venezia.” It was a memorable day that “the Chief of the Government”—as Mussolini is invariably called—“would receive us at 19:45 in the Palazzo Venezia.” It was a memorable day. The Browning Pilgrims had been given an audience by the Pope at one and now at 7:45 we were being accorded a private reception by Mussolini. It thrills Americans to see Mussolini as he leaves his home in his automobile … but to see him intimately at close range was exciting and unforgettable . . . since our return to America, Mr. Mussolini has shown his further interest in Baylor Browning Collection and this pilgrimage by sending his autographed photograph in large cabinet size to be placed in the Browning Library—“ Baylor Bulletin: ‘BROWNING INTERESTS’ by A. Joseph Armstrong, Ph D., Litt.D. You can't make this stuff up. The version was Italian Andrea Bocelli.
  13. Did you watch and listen as "Hallelujah" blared prior to Trump's descent down those stairs? [why didn't some trickster hide a banana peel?!] Thankfully it wasn't Cohen's rendition, otherwise I would have been conflicted! Nuremberg Rally redux.
  14. It was one of the more weird rallies I've followed. Very low key, Trump was 'low key'. Perhaps far too genuinely conservative a venue.
  15. It appeared to me that in the first hour they were recruiting fans to move to the bleachers behind the podium? And he kept them waiting how long this time? That is collective insanity imv, and reflective of just how little he respects his fans.
  16. One can be "used" without realizing it, Jonathan, as I'm guessing you're aware. Are you at all curious about the prior friendship the Paines shared with the Ubiquitous Bard who frequented the same barbershop as Oswald?
  17. Those in DPD responsible for the Paine garage must have recognized the friendly relationship between FBI SA Bard Odum — first name basis including Bard's nickname — and figured if he was okay with Ruth and Michael, there was no reason to grill them?
  18. Ron, I wondered if they had a microphone fail? Those in the crowd behind him were zombies in comparison to the rowdy performances at other rallies. Granted, Baylor is not the home of animated enthusiasm, but this was rather bizarre.
  19. And you lost traction because you didn't read carefully, OR you deliberately drop inane, unrelated comments like "Sundberg [clearly spelled precisely as I indicate in my posts] and Jack Ruby" in the same sentence as a distraction from the significance of a post. Jack Ruby appears in Coup in Dallas ... Jeffrey Sundberg Does Not. Try again, @Benjamin Cole.
  20. I received this from a professor in Spain . . . If this individual is a member of Faculty at University of Arizona, he has stepped over the boundry. This is a form of intimidation. Frankly, he should be reported to the Board of Trustees, Dean of his college, Human Resources or Regents of his university for using university email to intimidate a private citizen. This is not appropriate nor professional of an academician.
  21. thanks for the links, W. I was thinking beyond "hypnosis" per se, and actual programming of a permanent nature. Years ago I came across a dossier by someone who seemed to be "in the know". I'm unable to put my hands on a link or my hardcopy so I'm sharing 'stream of consciousness'. MKU was not focused solely on programming assassins and honey-pots, but spanned multiple disciplines.
  22. Note to the moderators. I trust you will indulge this current exhange as it not only relates to the attempted assassination of Charles de Gaulle, it (ironically) dovetails to a degree with banishment from the forum of one of the best document researchers of the new generation, Monty Montenegro. Sunderberg to Sharp... I do note from the present Ed Forum roster of topics that you, under the working name of Leslie Sharp, personally threatened Robert Montenegro with a lawsuit on the grounds that if he received a communication from Hank Albarelli it must necessarily have been protected by an NDA, and that after Montenegro deleted all of the pertinent posts he made a final post - still there last time I checked - regretting that he had deleted his prior posts, as there was no basis indeed for a belief that publicizing the content was legally actionable as there was no constraint imposed by Albarelli. That, I'd think, is a much more accurate definition of intimidation than that which you quite mistakenly infer as my intention in bringing to your attention the documentary record of the Petit-Clamart prosecutions as laid out in substantial detail in that 2016 book. Sharp to Sunderberg ... Sunderberg writes ... as there was no constraint imposed by Albarelli. Can you provide evidence? You clearly know nothing of what transpired on EF with Monty. Hank had a strict NDA in place with ANYone he shared exclusive information. Perhaps you don't understand the concept? You might consult Dick Russell, Jefferson Morley, Russ Baker, Peter Janney on the question. Like any professional journalist, Hank was concerned that the research could be cannibalized before we had the chance to present it in a cohesive manuscript. Monty had no idea the direction the research had taken since he last spoke with Hank in the fall of 2018, and he was posting confidential details totally out of context of Hank's intended end product. I asked him politely, more than three times, to just remove the relevant posts. I implored him to only remove posts that referred to information Hank had shared with him confidentially, until he had a chance to read the book. In a heated moment that I believe he regrets, Monty opted to remove all of his posts. It's unfortunate this played out in public, but what's done is done. We have talked/conferred on almost a daily basis — often hours at a stretch — since mid- 2022 following publication of Hank's exclusive investigation. As far as I know, we're "all good. I think Monty's primary frustration at the moment is the weaponization of our history, a card you pulled out of the hat recently. Shame.
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