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JFK in Irleand

Happy St. Patrick's Day.

http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK+Library+and+...and+Exhibit.htm

President John F. Kennedy

Dublin, Ireland

June 28, 1963

Mr. Speaker, Prime Minister, Members of the Parliament:

I am grateful for your welcome and for that of your countrymen.

The 13th day of September, 1862, will be a day long remembered in American history. At Fredericksburg, Maryland, thousands of men fought and died on one of the bloodiest battlefields of the American Civil War. One of the most brilliant stories of that day was written by a band of 1200 men who went into battle wearing a green sprig in their hats. They bore a proud heritage and a special courage, given to those who had long fought for the cause of freedom. I am referring, of course, to the Irish Brigade. General Robert E. Lee, the great military leader of the Southern Confederate Forces, said of this group of men after the battle, "The gallant stand which this bold brigade made on the heights of Fredericksburg is well known. Never were men so brave. They ennobled their race by their splendid gallantry on that desperate occasion. Their brilliant though hopeless assaults on our lines excited the hearty applause of our officers and soldiers."

Of the 1200 men who took part in that assault, 280 survived the battle. The Irish Brigade was led into battle on that occasion by Brig. Gen. Thomas F. Meagher, who had participated in the unsuccessful Irish uprising of 1848, was captured by the British and sent in a prison ship to Australia from whence he finally came to America. In the fall of 1862, after serving with distinction and gallantry in some of the toughest fighting of this most bloody struggle, the Irish Brigade was presented with a new set of flags. In the city ceremony, the city chamberlain gave them the motto, "The Union, our Country, and Ireland forever." Their old ones having been torn to shreds in previous battles, Capt. Richard McGee took possession of these flags on December 2d in New York City and arrived with them at the Battle of Fredericksburg and carried them in the battle. Today, in recognition of what these gallant Irishmen and what millions of other Irish have done for my country, and through the generosity of the "Fighting 69th," I would like to present one of these flags to the people of Ireland.

As you can see gentlemen, the battle honors of the Brigade include Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Yorktown, Fair Oaks, Gaines Mill, Allen's Farm, Savage's Station, White Oak Bridge, Glendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Gettysburg, and Bristow Station.

I am deeply honored to be your guest in a Free Parliament in a free Ireland. If this nation had achieved its present political and economic stature a century or so ago, my great grandfather might never have left New Ross, and I might, if fortunate, be sitting down there with you. Of course if your own President had never left Brooklyn, he might be standing up here instead of me.

This elegant building, as you know, was once the property of the Fitzgerald family, but I have not come here to claim it. Of all the new relations I have discovered on this trip, I regret to say that no one has yet found any link between me and a great Irish patriot, Lord Edward Fitzgerald. Lord Edward, however, did not like to stay here in his family home because, as he wrote his mother, "Leinster House does not inspire the brightest ideas." That was a long time ago, however. It has also been said by some that a few of the features of this stately mansion served to inspire similar features in the White House in Washington. Whether this is true or not, I know that the White House was designed by James Hoban, a noted Irish-American architect and I have no doubt that he believe by incorporating several features of the Dublin style he would make it more homelike for any President of Irish descent. It was a long wait, but I appreciate his efforts.

There is also an unconfirmed rumor that Hoban was never fully paid for his work on the White House. If this proves to be true, I will speak to our Secretary of the Treasury about it, although I hear his body is not particularly interested in the subject of revenues.

I am proud to be the first American President to visit Ireland during his term of office, proud to be addressing this distinguished assembly, and proud of the welcome you have given me. My presence and your welcome, however, only symbolize the many and the enduring links which have bound the Irish and the Americans since the earliest days.

Benjamin Franklin--the envoy of the American Revolution who was also born in Boston--was received by the Irish Parliament in 1772. It was neither independent nor free from discrimination at the time, but Franklin reported its members "disposed to be friends of America." "By joining our interest with theirs," he said,"a more equitable treatment . . . might be obtained for both nations."

Our interest have been joined ever since. Franklin sent leaflets to Irish freedom fighters. O'Connell was influenced by Washington, and Emmet influenced Lincoln. Irish volunteers played so predominant a role in the American army that Lord Mountjoy lamented in the British Parliament that "we have lost America through the Irish."

John Barry, whose statue we honored yesterday and whose sword is in my office, was only one who fought for liberty in America to set an example for liberty in Ireland. Yesterday was the 117th anniversary of the birth of Charles Stewart Parnell--whose grandfather fought under Barry and whose mother was born in America--and who, at the age of 34, was invited to address the American Congress on the cause of Irish freedom. "I have seen since I have been in this country," he said, "so many tokens of the good wishes of the American people toward Ireland . . ." And today, 83 years later, I can say to you that I have seen in this country so many tokens of good wishes of the Irish people towards America.

And so it is that our two nations, divided by distance, have been united by history. No people ever believed more deeply in the cause of Irish freedom than the people of the United States. And no country contributed more to building my own than your sons and daughters. They came to our shores in a mixture of hope and agony, and I would not underrate the difficulties of their course once they arrived in the United States. They left behind hearts, fields, and a nation yearning to be free. It is no wonder that James Joyce described the Atlantic as a bowl of bitter tears. And an earlier poet wrote, "They are going, going, going, and we cannot bid them stay."

But today this is no longer the country of hunger and famine that those emigrants left behind. It is not rich, and its progress is not yet complete, but it is, according to statistics, one of the best fed countries in the world. Nor is it any longer a country of persecution, political or religious. It is a free country, and that is why any American feels at home.

There are those who regard this history of past strife and exile as better forgotten. But, to use the phrase of Yeats, let us not casually reduce "that great past to a trouble of fools." For we need not feel the bitterness of the past to discover its meaning for the present and the future. And it is the present and the future of Ireland that today holds so much promise to my nation as well as to yours, and, indeed, to all mankind.

For the Ireland of 1963, one of the youngest of nations and oldest of civilizations, has discovered that the achievement of nationhood is not an end but a beginning. In the years since independence, you have undergone a new and peaceful revolution, transforming the face of this land while still holding to the old spiritual and cultural values. You have modernized your economy, harnessed your rivers, diversified your industry, liberalized your trade, electrified your farms, accelerated your rate of growth, and improved the living standards of your people.

The other nations of the world--in whom Ireland has long invested her people and her children--are now investing their capital as well as their vacations here in Ireland. This revolution is not yet over, nor will it be, I am sure, until a fully modern Irish economy shares in world prosperity.

But prosperity is not enough. Eighty-three years ago, Henry Grattan, demanding the more independent Irish Parliament that would always bear his name, denounced those who were satisfied merely by new grants of economic opportunity. "A country," he said, "enlightened as Ireland, chartered as Ireland, armed as Ireland and injured as Ireland will be satisfied with nothing less than liberty." And today, I am certain, free Ireland--a full-fledged member of the world community, where some are not yet free, and where some counsel an acceptance of tyranny--free Ireland will not be satisfied with anything less than liberty.

I am glad, therefore, that Ireland is moving in the mainstream of current world events. For I sincerely believe that your future is as promising as your past is proud, and that your destiny lies not as a peaceful island in a sea of troubles, but as a maker and shaper of world peace.

For self-determination can no longer mean isolation; and the achievement of national independence today means withdrawal from the old status only to return to the world scene with a new one. New nations can build with their former governing powers the same kind of fruitful relationship that Ireland has established with Great Britain--a relationship founded on equality and mutual interests. And no nation, large or small, can be indifferent to the fate of others, near or far. Modern economics, weaponry and communications have made us all realize more than ever that we are one human family and this one planet is our home.

"The world is large," wrote John Boyle O'Reilly.

"The world is large when its weary

leagues two loving hearts divide,

"But the world is small when your enemy

is loose on the other side."

The world is even smaller today, though the enemy of John Boyle O'Reilly is no longer a hostile power. Indeed, across the gulfs and barriers that now divide us, we must remember that there are no permanent enemies. Hostility today is a fact, but it is not a ruling law. The supreme reality of our time is our indivisibility as children of God and our common vulnerability on this planet.

Some may say that all this means little to Ireland. In an age when "history moves with the tramp of earthquake feet"--in an age when a handful of men and nations have the power literally to devastate mankind--in an age when the needs of the developing nations are so staggering that even the richest lands often groan with the burden of assistance--in such an age, it may be asked, how can a nation as small as Ireland play much of a role on the world stage?

I would remind those who ask that question, including those in other small countries, of the words of one of the great orators of the English language:

"All the world owes much to the little 'five feet high' nations. The greatest art of the world was the work of little nations. The most enduring literature of the world came from little nations. The heroic deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little nations fighting for their freedom. And oh, yes, the salvation of mankind came through a little nation."

Ireland has already set an example and a standard for other small nations to follow.

This has never been a rich or powerful country, and yet, since earliest times, its influence on the world has been rich and powerful. No larger nation did more to keep Christianity and Western culture alive in their darkest centuries. No larger nation did more to spark the cause of independence in America, indeed, around the world. And no larger nation has ever provided the world with more literary and artistic genius.

This is an extraordinary country. George Bernard Shaw, speaking as an Irishman, summed up an approach to life: Other people, he said "see things and . . . say 'Why?' . . . But I dream things that never were-- and I say: 'Why not?'"

It is that quality of the Irish--that remarkable combination of hope, confidence and imagination--that is needed more than ever today. The problems of the world cannot possibly be solved by skeptics or cynics, whose horizons are limited by the obvious realities. We need men who can dream of things that never were, and ask why not. It matters not how small a nation is that seeks world peace and freedom, for, to paraphrase a citizen of my country, "the humblest nation of all the world, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of Error."

Ireland is clad in the cause of national and human liberty with peace. To the extent that the peace is disturbed by conflict between the former colonial powers and the new and developing nations, Ireland's role is unique. For every new nation knows that Ireland was the first of the small nations in the 20th century to win its struggle for independence, and that the Irish have traditionally sent their doctors and technicians and soldiers and priests to help other lands to keep their liberty alive.

At the same time, Ireland is part of Europe, associated with the Council of Europe, progressing in the context of Europe, and a prospective member of an expanded European Common Market. Thus Ireland has excellent relations with both the new and the old, the confidence of both sides and an opportunity to act where the actions of greater powers might be looked upon with suspicion.

The central issue of freedom, however, is between those who believe in self-determination and those in the East who would impose on others the harsh and oppressive Communist system; and here your nation wisely rejects the role of a go-between or a mediator. Ireland pursues an independent course in foreign policy, but it is not neutral between liberty and tyranny and never will be.

For knowing the meaning of foreign domination, Ireland is the example and inspiration to those enduring endless years of oppression. It was fitting and appropriate that this nation played a leading role in censuring the suppression of the Hungarian revolution, for how many times was Ireland's quest for freedom suppressed only to have that quest renewed by the succeeding generation? Those who suffer beyond that wall I saw on Wednesday in Berlin must not despair of their future. Let them remember the constancy, the faith, the endurance, and the final success of the Irish. And let them remember, as I heard sung by your sons and daughters yesterday in Wexford, the words, "the boys of Wexford, who fought with heart and hand, to burst in twain the galling chain and free our native land."

The major forum for your nation's greater role in world affairs is that of protector of the weak and voice of the small, the United Nations. From Cork to the Congo, from Galway to the Gaza Strip, from this legislative assembly to the United Nations, Ireland is sending its most talented men to do the world's most important work--the work of peace.

In a sense, this export of talent is in keeping with an historic Irish role--but you no longer go as exiles and emigrants but for the service of your country and, indeed, of all men. Like the Irish missionaries of medieval days, like the "wild geese" after the Battle of the Boyne, you are not content to sit by your fireside while others are in need of your help. Nor are you content with the recollections of the past when you face the responsibilities of the present.

Twenty-six sons of Ireland have died in the Congo; many others have been wounded. I pay tribute to them and to all of you for your commitment and dedication to world order. And their sacrifice reminds us all that we must not falter now.

The United Nations must be fully and fairly financed. Its peace- keeping machinery must be strengthened. Its institutions must be developed until some day, and perhaps some distant day, a world of law is achieved.

Ireland's influence in the United Nations is far greater than your relative size. You have not hesitated to take the lead on such sensitive issues as the Kashmir dispute. And you sponsored that most vital resolution, adopted by the General Assembly, which opposed the spread of nuclear arms to any nation not now possessing them, urging an international agreement with inspection and controls. And I pledge to you that the United States of America will do all in its power to achieve such an agreement and fulfill your resolution.

I speak of these matters today--not because Ireland is unaware of its role--but I think it important that you know that we know what you have done. And I speak to remind the other small nations that they, too, can and must help build a world peace. They, too, as we all are, are dependent on the United Nations for security, for an equal chance to be heard, for progress towards a world made safe for diversity.

The peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations cannot work without the help of the smaller nations, nations whose forces threaten no one and whose forces can thus help create a world in which no nation is threatened. Great powers have their responsibilities and their burdens, but the smaller nations of the world must fulfill their obligations as well.

A great Irish poet once wrote: "I believe profoundly . . . in the future of Ireland . . . that this is an isle of destiny, that that destiny will be glorious . . . and that when our hour is come, we will have something to give to the world."

Remarks at Shannon Airport Upon Leaving for England, June 29th, 1963

I want to express my thanks to the County Council and this is where we all say goodbye.

I want to express our greatest thanks to the President of your country, your great President, to your Prime Minister, and to all the members of the government, and especially to all the people of Ireland who have taken us in.

Ireland is an unusual place. What happened 500 or 1000 years ago is yesterday, where we on the other side of the Atlantic 3000 miles away, we are next door. While there may be those removed by two or three generations from Ireland, they may have left 100 years ago their people, and yet when I ask how many people may have relatives in America nearly everybody holds up their hands.

So Ireland is a very special place. It has fulfilled in the past a very special role. It is in a very real sense the mother of a great many people, a great many millions of people, and in a sense a great many nations. And what gives me the greatest satisfaction and pride, being of Irish descent, is the realization that even today this very small island still sends thousands, literally thousands, of its sons and daughters to the ends of the globe to carry on an historic task which Ireland assumed 1400 or 1500 years ago.

So this has been really the high point of our trip. Last night I sat next to one of the most extraordinary women, the wife of your President, who knows more about Ireland and Irish history. So I told her I was coming to Shannon, and she immediately quoted this poem, and I wrote down the words because I thought they were beautiful:

'Tis it is the Shannon's brightly glancing stream,

Brightly gleaming, silent in the morning beam,

Oh, the sight entrancing,

Thus returns from travels long,

Years of exile, years of pain,

To see old Shannon's face again,

O'er the waters dancing.

Well, I am going to come back and see old Shannon's face again, and I am taking, as I go back to America, all of you with me.

Thank you.

NOTE: The President spoke at 1:15 p.m. In his opening remarks he referred to the Clare County Council, whose members presented him with a gift of old Irish silver.

Edited by William Kelly
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JFK in Irleand

Happy St. Patrick's Day.

http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK+Library+and+...and+Exhibit.htm

President John F. Kennedy

Dublin, Ireland

June 28, 1963

Mr. Speaker, Prime Minister, Members of the Parliament:

I am grateful for your welcome and for that of your countrymen.

The 13th day of September, 1862, will be a day long remembered in American history. At Fredericksburg, Maryland, thousands of men fought and died on one of the bloodiest battlefields of the American Civil War. One of the most brilliant stories of that day was written by a band of 1200 men who went into battle wearing a green sprig in their hats. They bore a proud heritage and a special courage, given to those who had long fought for the cause of freedom. I am referring, of course, to the Irish Brigade. General Robert E. Lee, the great military leader of the Southern Confederate Forces, said of this group of men after the battle, "The gallant stand which this bold brigade made on the heights of Fredericksburg is well known. Never were men so brave. They ennobled their race by their splendid gallantry on that desperate occasion. Their brilliant though hopeless assaults on our lines excited the hearty applause of our officers and soldiers."

Of the 1200 men who took part in that assault, 280 survived the battle. The Irish Brigade was led into battle on that occasion by Brig. Gen. Thomas F. Meagher, who had participated in the unsuccessful Irish uprising of 1848, was captured by the British and sent in a prison ship to Australia from whence he finally came to America. In the fall of 1862, after serving with distinction and gallantry in some of the toughest fighting of this most bloody struggle, the Irish Brigade was presented with a new set of flags. In the city ceremony, the city chamberlain gave them the motto, "The Union, our Country, and Ireland forever." Their old ones having been torn to shreds in previous battles, Capt. Richard McGee took possession of these flags on December 2d in New York City and arrived with them at the Battle of Fredericksburg and carried them in the battle. Today, in recognition of what these gallant Irishmen and what millions of other Irish have done for my country, and through the generosity of the "Fighting 69th," I would like to present one of these flags to the people of Ireland.

As you can see gentlemen, the battle honors of the Brigade include Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Yorktown, Fair Oaks, Gaines Mill, Allen's Farm, Savage's Station, White Oak Bridge, Glendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Gettysburg, and Bristow Station.

I am deeply honored to be your guest in a Free Parliament in a free Ireland. If this nation had achieved its present political and economic stature a century or so ago, my great grandfather might never have left New Ross, and I might, if fortunate, be sitting down there with you. Of course if your own President had never left Brooklyn, he might be standing up here instead of me.

This elegant building, as you know, was once the property of the Fitzgerald family, but I have not come here to claim it. Of all the new relations I have discovered on this trip, I regret to say that no one has yet found any link between me and a great Irish patriot, Lord Edward Fitzgerald. Lord Edward, however, did not like to stay here in his family home because, as he wrote his mother, "Leinster House does not inspire the brightest ideas." That was a long time ago, however. It has also been said by some that a few of the features of this stately mansion served to inspire similar features in the White House in Washington. Whether this is true or not, I know that the White House was designed by James Hoban, a noted Irish-American architect and I have no doubt that he believe by incorporating several features of the Dublin style he would make it more homelike for any President of Irish descent. It was a long wait, but I appreciate his efforts.

There is also an unconfirmed rumor that Hoban was never fully paid for his work on the White House. If this proves to be true, I will speak to our Secretary of the Treasury about it, although I hear his body is not particularly interested in the subject of revenues.

I am proud to be the first American President to visit Ireland during his term of office, proud to be addressing this distinguished assembly, and proud of the welcome you have given me. My presence and your welcome, however, only symbolize the many and the enduring links which have bound the Irish and the Americans since the earliest days.

Benjamin Franklin--the envoy of the American Revolution who was also born in Boston--was received by the Irish Parliament in 1772. It was neither independent nor free from discrimination at the time, but Franklin reported its members "disposed to be friends of America." "By joining our interest with theirs," he said,"a more equitable treatment . . . might be obtained for both nations."

Our interest have been joined ever since. Franklin sent leaflets to Irish freedom fighters. O'Connell was influenced by Washington, and Emmet influenced Lincoln. Irish volunteers played so predominant a role in the American army that Lord Mountjoy lamented in the British Parliament that "we have lost America through the Irish."

John Barry, whose statue we honored yesterday and whose sword is in my office, was only one who fought for liberty in America to set an example for liberty in Ireland. Yesterday was the 117th anniversary of the birth of Charles Stewart Parnell--whose grandfather fought under Barry and whose mother was born in America--and who, at the age of 34, was invited to address the American Congress on the cause of Irish freedom. "I have seen since I have been in this country," he said, "so many tokens of the good wishes of the American people toward Ireland . . ." And today, 83 years later, I can say to you that I have seen in this country so many tokens of good wishes of the Irish people towards America.

And so it is that our two nations, divided by distance, have been united by history. No people ever believed more deeply in the cause of Irish freedom than the people of the United States. And no country contributed more to building my own than your sons and daughters. They came to our shores in a mixture of hope and agony, and I would not underrate the difficulties of their course once they arrived in the United States. They left behind hearts, fields, and a nation yearning to be free. It is no wonder that James Joyce described the Atlantic as a bowl of bitter tears. And an earlier poet wrote, "They are going, going, going, and we cannot bid them stay."

But today this is no longer the country of hunger and famine that those emigrants left behind. It is not rich, and its progress is not yet complete, but it is, according to statistics, one of the best fed countries in the world. Nor is it any longer a country of persecution, political or religious. It is a free country, and that is why any American feels at home.

There are those who regard this history of past strife and exile as better forgotten. But, to use the phrase of Yeats, let us not casually reduce "that great past to a trouble of fools." For we need not feel the bitterness of the past to discover its meaning for the present and the future. And it is the present and the future of Ireland that today holds so much promise to my nation as well as to yours, and, indeed, to all mankind.

For the Ireland of 1963, one of the youngest of nations and oldest of civilizations, has discovered that the achievement of nationhood is not an end but a beginning. In the years since independence, you have undergone a new and peaceful revolution, transforming the face of this land while still holding to the old spiritual and cultural values. You have modernized your economy, harnessed your rivers, diversified your industry, liberalized your trade, electrified your farms, accelerated your rate of growth, and improved the living standards of your people.

The other nations of the world--in whom Ireland has long invested her people and her children--are now investing their capital as well as their vacations here in Ireland. This revolution is not yet over, nor will it be, I am sure, until a fully modern Irish economy shares in world prosperity.

But prosperity is not enough. Eighty-three years ago, Henry Grattan, demanding the more independent Irish Parliament that would always bear his name, denounced those who were satisfied merely by new grants of economic opportunity. "A country," he said, "enlightened as Ireland, chartered as Ireland, armed as Ireland and injured as Ireland will be satisfied with nothing less than liberty." And today, I am certain, free Ireland--a full-fledged member of the world community, where some are not yet free, and where some counsel an acceptance of tyranny--free Ireland will not be satisfied with anything less than liberty.

I am glad, therefore, that Ireland is moving in the mainstream of current world events. For I sincerely believe that your future is as promising as your past is proud, and that your destiny lies not as a peaceful island in a sea of troubles, but as a maker and shaper of world peace.

For self-determination can no longer mean isolation; and the achievement of national independence today means withdrawal from the old status only to return to the world scene with a new one. New nations can build with their former governing powers the same kind of fruitful relationship that Ireland has established with Great Britain--a relationship founded on equality and mutual interests. And no nation, large or small, can be indifferent to the fate of others, near or far. Modern economics, weaponry and communications have made us all realize more than ever that we are one human family and this one planet is our home.

"The world is large," wrote John Boyle O'Reilly.

"The world is large when its weary

leagues two loving hearts divide,

"But the world is small when your enemy

is loose on the other side."

The world is even smaller today, though the enemy of John Boyle O'Reilly is no longer a hostile power. Indeed, across the gulfs and barriers that now divide us, we must remember that there are no permanent enemies. Hostility today is a fact, but it is not a ruling law. The supreme reality of our time is our indivisibility as children of God and our common vulnerability on this planet.

Some may say that all this means little to Ireland. In an age when "history moves with the tramp of earthquake feet"--in an age when a handful of men and nations have the power literally to devastate mankind--in an age when the needs of the developing nations are so staggering that even the richest lands often groan with the burden of assistance--in such an age, it may be asked, how can a nation as small as Ireland play much of a role on the world stage?

I would remind those who ask that question, including those in other small countries, of the words of one of the great orators of the English language:

"All the world owes much to the little 'five feet high' nations. The greatest art of the world was the work of little nations. The most enduring literature of the world came from little nations. The heroic deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little nations fighting for their freedom. And oh, yes, the salvation of mankind came through a little nation."

Ireland has already set an example and a standard for other small nations to follow.

This has never been a rich or powerful country, and yet, since earliest times, its influence on the world has been rich and powerful. No larger nation did more to keep Christianity and Western culture alive in their darkest centuries. No larger nation did more to spark the cause of independence in America, indeed, around the world. And no larger nation has ever provided the world with more literary and artistic genius.

This is an extraordinary country. George Bernard Shaw, speaking as an Irishman, summed up an approach to life: Other people, he said "see things and . . . say 'Why?' . . . But I dream things that never were-- and I say: 'Why not?'"

It is that quality of the Irish--that remarkable combination of hope, confidence and imagination--that is needed more than ever today. The problems of the world cannot possibly be solved by skeptics or cynics, whose horizons are limited by the obvious realities. We need men who can dream of things that never were, and ask why not. It matters not how small a nation is that seeks world peace and freedom, for, to paraphrase a citizen of my country, "the humblest nation of all the world, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of Error."

Ireland is clad in the cause of national and human liberty with peace. To the extent that the peace is disturbed by conflict between the former colonial powers and the new and developing nations, Ireland's role is unique. For every new nation knows that Ireland was the first of the small nations in the 20th century to win its struggle for independence, and that the Irish have traditionally sent their doctors and technicians and soldiers and priests to help other lands to keep their liberty alive.

At the same time, Ireland is part of Europe, associated with the Council of Europe, progressing in the context of Europe, and a prospective member of an expanded European Common Market. Thus Ireland has excellent relations with both the new and the old, the confidence of both sides and an opportunity to act where the actions of greater powers might be looked upon with suspicion.

The central issue of freedom, however, is between those who believe in self-determination and those in the East who would impose on others the harsh and oppressive Communist system; and here your nation wisely rejects the role of a go-between or a mediator. Ireland pursues an independent course in foreign policy, but it is not neutral between liberty and tyranny and never will be.

For knowing the meaning of foreign domination, Ireland is the example and inspiration to those enduring endless years of oppression. It was fitting and appropriate that this nation played a leading role in censuring the suppression of the Hungarian revolution, for how many times was Ireland's quest for freedom suppressed only to have that quest renewed by the succeeding generation? Those who suffer beyond that wall I saw on Wednesday in Berlin must not despair of their future. Let them remember the constancy, the faith, the endurance, and the final success of the Irish. And let them remember, as I heard sung by your sons and daughters yesterday in Wexford, the words, "the boys of Wexford, who fought with heart and hand, to burst in twain the galling chain and free our native land."

The major forum for your nation's greater role in world affairs is that of protector of the weak and voice of the small, the United Nations. From Cork to the Congo, from Galway to the Gaza Strip, from this legislative assembly to the United Nations, Ireland is sending its most talented men to do the world's most important work--the work of peace.

In a sense, this export of talent is in keeping with an historic Irish role--but you no longer go as exiles and emigrants but for the service of your country and, indeed, of all men. Like the Irish missionaries of medieval days, like the "wild geese" after the Battle of the Boyne, you are not content to sit by your fireside while others are in need of your help. Nor are you content with the recollections of the past when you face the responsibilities of the present.

Twenty-six sons of Ireland have died in the Congo; many others have been wounded. I pay tribute to them and to all of you for your commitment and dedication to world order. And their sacrifice reminds us all that we must not falter now.

The United Nations must be fully and fairly financed. Its peace- keeping machinery must be strengthened. Its institutions must be developed until some day, and perhaps some distant day, a world of law is achieved.

Ireland's influence in the United Nations is far greater than your relative size. You have not hesitated to take the lead on such sensitive issues as the Kashmir dispute. And you sponsored that most vital resolution, adopted by the General Assembly, which opposed the spread of nuclear arms to any nation not now possessing them, urging an international agreement with inspection and controls. And I pledge to you that the United States of America will do all in its power to achieve such an agreement and fulfill your resolution.

I speak of these matters today--not because Ireland is unaware of its role--but I think it important that you know that we know what you have done. And I speak to remind the other small nations that they, too, can and must help build a world peace. They, too, as we all are, are dependent on the United Nations for security, for an equal chance to be heard, for progress towards a world made safe for diversity.

The peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations cannot work without the help of the smaller nations, nations whose forces threaten no one and whose forces can thus help create a world in which no nation is threatened. Great powers have their responsibilities and their burdens, but the smaller nations of the world must fulfill their obligations as well.

A great Irish poet once wrote: "I believe profoundly . . . in the future of Ireland . . . that this is an isle of destiny, that that destiny will be glorious . . . and that when our hour is come, we will have something to give to the world."

Remarks at Shannon Airport Upon Leaving for England, June 29th, 1963

I want to express my thanks to the County Council and this is where we all say goodbye.

I want to express our greatest thanks to the President of your country, your great President, to your Prime Minister, and to all the members of the government, and especially to all the people of Ireland who have taken us in.

Ireland is an unusual place. What happened 500 or 1000 years ago is yesterday, where we on the other side of the Atlantic 3000 miles away, we are next door. While there may be those removed by two or three generations from Ireland, they may have left 100 years ago their people, and yet when I ask how many people may have relatives in America nearly everybody holds up their hands.

So Ireland is a very special place. It has fulfilled in the past a very special role. It is in a very real sense the mother of a great many people, a great many millions of people, and in a sense a great many nations. And what gives me the greatest satisfaction and pride, being of Irish descent, is the realization that even today this very small island still sends thousands, literally thousands, of its sons and daughters to the ends of the globe to carry on an historic task which Ireland assumed 1400 or 1500 years ago.

So this has been really the high point of our trip. Last night I sat next to one of the most extraordinary women, the wife of your President, who knows more about Ireland and Irish history. So I told her I was coming to Shannon, and she immediately quoted this poem, and I wrote down the words because I thought they were beautiful:

'Tis it is the Shannon's brightly glancing stream,

Brightly gleaming, silent in the morning beam,

Oh, the sight entrancing,

Thus returns from travels long,

Years of exile, years of pain,

To see old Shannon's face again,

O'er the waters dancing.

Well, I am going to come back and see old Shannon's face again, and I am taking, as I go back to America, all of you with me.

Thank you.

NOTE: The President spoke at 1:15 p.m. In his opening remarks he referred to the Clare County Council, whose members presented him with a gift of old Irish silver.

Hi, Bill

Thanks for this above 1963 inspiring information by JFK while in Ireland.

Harry

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" "...The major forum for your nation's greater role in world affairs is that of protector of the weak and voice of the small, the United Nations. From Cork to the Congo (ed add : Che'), from Galway to the Gaza Strip, from this legislative assembly to the United Nations, Ireland is sending its most talented men to do the world's most important work--the work of peace.

In a sense, this export of talent is in keeping with an historic Irish role--but you no longer go as exiles and emigrants but for the service of your country and, indeed, of all men. Like the Irish missionaries of medieval days, like the "wild geese" after the Battle of the Boyne, you are not content to sit by your fireside while others are in need of your help. Nor are you content with the recollections of the past when you face the responsibilities of the present.

Twenty-six sons of Ireland have died in the Congo; many others have been wounded. I pay tribute to them and to all of you for your commitment and dedication to world order. And their sacrifice reminds us all that we must not falter now.

The United Nations must be fully and fairly financed. Its peace- keeping machinery must be strengthened. Its institutions must be developed until some day, and perhaps some distant day, a world of law is achieved.

Ireland's influence in the United Nations is far greater than your relative size. You have not hesitated to take the lead on such sensitive issues as the Kashmir dispute. And you sponsored that most vital resolution, adopted by the General Assembly, which opposed the spread of nuclear arms to any nation not now possessing them, urging an international agreement with inspection and controls. And I pledge to you that the United States of America will do all in its power to achieve such an agreement and fulfill your resolution.

I speak of these matters today--not because Ireland is unaware of its role--but I think it important that you know that we know what you have done. And I speak to remind the other small nations that they, too, can and must help build a world peace. They, too, as we all are, are dependent on the United Nations for security, for an equal chance to be heard, for progress towards a world made safe for diversity.

The peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations cannot work without the help of the smaller nations, nations whose forces threaten no one and whose forces can thus help create a world in which no nation is threatened. Great powers have their responsibilities and their burdens, but the smaller nations of the world must fulfill their obligations as well.

A great Irish poet once wrote: "I believe profoundly . . . in the future of Ireland . . . that this is an isle of destiny, that that destiny will be glorious . . . and that when our hour is come, we will have something to give to the world." "

http://irelandyoutube.blogspot.com/2007/12...to-ireland.html (youtube)

Che' dropped into Dublin in dec 1964.

"Ernesto Guevara de la Serna was born in Rosario, Argentina, the eldest of five children in a family of Spanish and Irish descent; both his father and mother were of Basque ancestry. One of Guevara's forebears, Patrick Lynch, was born in Galway, Ireland, in 1715. He left for Bilbao, Spain, and traveled from there to Argentina. Francisco Lynch (Guevara's great-grandfather) was born in 1817, and Ana Lynch (his grandmother) in 1868. Her son, Ernesto Guevara Lynch (Guevara's father) was born in 1900. Guevara Lynch married Celia de la Serna y Llosa in 1927 (one of her non-lineal ancestors was José de la Serna e Hinojosa, Spanish viceroy of Peru), and they had three sons and two daughters."

http://searchwarp.com/swa398670.htm

and march '65.

"Ernesto Che' Guevara was born on 14 June, 1928 in Rosario, Argentina, the eldest of five children into a family of Spanish, Basque and Irish descent. His father Ernesto Guevera Lynch said of his son, that his veins flowed with the blood of Irish rebels. His great-grandfather, Patrick Lynch allegedly left Galway, Ireland during the devastating famine in the 1840's. The name Lynch is one of the most common surnames in Ireland. The origin of the name comes from the Norman, de Lench, they established themselves in Galway becoming one of the fourteen tribes that dominated the city. Dr. Che Guevara arrived at Shannon Airport on Saturday, 13 March 1965. He was onboard a Cuban Airlines Britannia aircraft which had encountered mechanical difficulties during their flight from Prague, Czechoslovakia (present day Czech Republic) to Havana in Cuba. He was returning to Cuba after a three month tour, that had included China, Egypt, Algeria, Ghana, Mali, Dahomey, Congo-Brazzaville and Tanzania. In Algiers, on 24 February, he made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he delivered a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian solidarity. Guevara was accompanied by another revolutionary Dr. Osmani Cienfuegos, the Cuban Minister for Construction along with some other minor government officials. An Irish journalist named Alan Quinlan, working on a tip-off went to meet Che at Shannon airport. Upon first meeting him, the Commadante pretended that he did not speak English, however Quinlan coaxed him into speaking with him. Guevara remained tight-lipped about anything got to do with politics, but he did speak about his Irish connections and the name Lynch. Later that day he went into Limerick City, going to Hanratty's hotel on Glenworth St. He left Ireland the following day after the plane had been repaired, returning to Havana on 14 March 1965."

(Lots of Lynchs' settled in Massachusetts)

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  • 2 years later...

Barry O'Bama visits ancestor's hometown.

Obama's visit greeted with jubilation in Moneygall | World news | The Guardian

Afterwards, they were jubilant; high as kites. "The greatest day this village has ever had, ever will have," said a flushed Henry Healy, 26, an eighth cousin no less, who escorted the visitors down crowded Main Street, across to the souvenir shop and into Ollie Hayes's pub.

"I shook his hand," exclaimed Valerie Young. "I said to him 'You're very welcome, Mr President,' and I thought he was going to fly straight on past, but he looked me in the eye and he said 'Well, thank you'. He's a fine looking fella, you know."

It had been worth it, Valerie said. Worth the weather, worth the six weeks of hassle, the secret service "men in black", the Garda who since Friday had insisted even on escorting her brother Nigel to milk the cows.

He was "so warm, so genuine", she added, the Obamas made a lovely couple, and stayed so long – the ash cloud had yet to rear its head on the itinerary – over an hour, in this tiny village no one outside County Offaly had ever heard of.

Moneygall, blink-and-you-miss-it birthplace of the great-great-great-grandfather of the 44th president of the United States, was briefly the centre of the world yesterday. At least, that's what it felt like if you lived there. "He was so cool," said Sam Baker, 11, on the flag-bedecked, spruced-up Main Street. "We did get a bit wet. But it was brilliant."

Barack Obama's whistlestop tour of Ireland and his roots began shortly after 9.30, when Air Force One landed at Dublin airport. Buffeted by a gale and dodging heavy showers, the first couple were greeted by Irish foreign minister Eamon Gilmore and flew straight to Phoenix Park in the White House helicopter, Marine One.

There he planted a tree and posed with schoolchildren before a meeting with the Irish president, Mary MacAleese, and her husband Martin. Then it was on swiftly to Farmleigh House, the Irish government guesthouse where the Queen and Prince Philip stayed last week, for talks with Taoiseach Enda Kenny. Northern Ireland's peace process was "a ripple of hope", he pronounced.

Moneygall, a couple of hours south-west, was always going to be the high point. It was from here that a 19-year-old shoemaker called Falmouth Kearney set out for one of the so-called coffin ships that left Ireland for the new world during the Great Famine. He landed in New York on 20 March 1850.

Falmouth was following his father Joseph, who had abandoned Ireland almost exactly a year earlier; his mother Phoebe, brother William and sister Mary came a year later. Two years after he settled in the US, Falmouth married Charlotte Holloway. In 1860 they were living in Deerfield, Ohio; the 1870 census has them in Tipton County, Indiana.

Charlotte Kearney died in 1877, followed by her husband a little over a year later. They left three sons, and five daughters. One of those girls, Mary Anne, had a grandson called Stanley Armour Dunham. His daughter gave birth in August 1961 to a boy called Barack Hussein Obama.

The connection was uncovered in 2007, when Obama was a rising Democratic star, and the village's 298 inhabitants had been preparing for this moment since he was elected president. "This really is the culmination of four years' very hard work," said Stephen Neill, the Church of Ireland rector who with Healy confirmed the link. Neill said he received an email from a US geneologist suggesting a connection between Offaly and Obama: "I was lucky, the parish records had been indexed quite recently. There's no doubt." So yesterday was "an amazing moment," he said.

"To see him and Michelle walking into this pub, in this little village, and such a lovely man, such a lovely couple. I showed him the parish records; he got the White House photographer to photograph them. He was genuinely interested."

Moneygall had spent most of the day in lockdown. "Best take a map," the wit in car hire said. "I hear they've taken Moneygall off the satnavs." He might not have been joking: the village – one street, two pubs, five shops, church, school and police station – was effectively cut off from the world. Residents weren't allowed out, and no one who had not been vetted and bearing one of 2,000 official tickets was allowed in.

The two nearest motorway exits were coned off and closed to all traffic. Gardai in fluorescent jackets manned roadblocks, scanned the road from bridges, and stood watch in fields. At a checkpoint two miles outside, on the other road into the village, only police cars were allowed to pass.

Patiently though, between bright sunshine and fierce showers, the crowd gathered from mid-morning, waiting until shortly after 3pm when Marine One landed on a sodden sports field. To cheers and much waving of Irish and American flags, the president and first lady shook hands, embraced, cooed over babies. They plunged briefly into the modest two-storey ancestral home, owned now by a shyly grinning John Donovan, and then into the shop.

Hastily-produced souvenirs on sale in the village included Barack Obama teapots, fridge magnets, cigarette lighters and T-shirts proclaiming What's the Craic, Barack, and Obama Is Feidir Linn (Gaelic for Obama, Yes We Can.)

"They spent €50," said Aidan Faning, behind the counter. "They bought loads – posters, mugs, place mats, keyrings. Masses. With their own money." The presidential couple stopped short, though, of snapping up a CD of one of the songs recorded in their honour: "O'Leary, O'Reilly, O'Hare and O'Hara/There's no-one as Irish as Barack Obama. From the old Blarney stone to the green hills of Tara/There's no-one as Irish as Barack Obama."

The village was pristine, thanks in no small part to the generosity of Dulux, which gave 3,500 litres of paint to smarten up every house — at least one painted in the Stars and Stripes. Potholes had been filled in, pavements patched up, floral displays hund from lamposts and flags hoisted the length of Main Street.

Then it was into Ollie Hayes's pub, recently equipped with a particularly fine bust of the president, to meet assorted distant relatives to the strains of an Irish fiddle, and down the obligatory pint – a few sips anyway – of Guinness. After a sip and a "Slainte", and the popular observation that the black stuff tastes "so much better here" than it does anywhere else, Obama slapped a note down on the bar and declared: "I just want you guys to know, the president pays his tab."

The Obamas, after a genuinely joyful 90 minutes in Moneygall that people here will remember for a long, long time, flew back to Dublin for a public party on College Green. "My name is Barack Obama, of the Moneygall O'bamas," the president said. "I've come home to find the apostrophe that we lost somewhere along the way."

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" "...The major forum for your nation's greater role in world affairs is that of protector of the weak and voice of the small, the United Nations. From Cork to the Congo (ed add : Che'), from Galway to the Gaza Strip, from this legislative assembly to the United Nations, Ireland is sending its most talented men to do the world's most important work--the work of peace.

In a sense, this export of talent is in keeping with an historic Irish role--but you no longer go as exiles and emigrants but for the service of your country and, indeed, of all men. Like the Irish missionaries of medieval days, like the "wild geese" after the Battle of the Boyne, you are not content to sit by your fireside while others are in need of your help. Nor are you content with the recollections of the past when you face the responsibilities of the present.

Twenty-six sons of Ireland have died in the Congo; many others have been wounded. I pay tribute to them and to all of you for your commitment and dedication to world order. And their sacrifice reminds us all that we must not falter now.

The United Nations must be fully and fairly financed. Its peace- keeping machinery must be strengthened. Its institutions must be developed until some day, and perhaps some distant day, a world of law is achieved.

Ireland's influence in the United Nations is far greater than your relative size. You have not hesitated to take the lead on such sensitive issues as the Kashmir dispute. And you sponsored that most vital resolution, adopted by the General Assembly, which opposed the spread of nuclear arms to any nation not now possessing them, urging an international agreement with inspection and controls. And I pledge to you that the United States of America will do all in its power to achieve such an agreement and fulfill your resolution.

I speak of these matters today--not because Ireland is unaware of its role--but I think it important that you know that we know what you have done. And I speak to remind the other small nations that they, too, can and must help build a world peace. They, too, as we all are, are dependent on the United Nations for security, for an equal chance to be heard, for progress towards a world made safe for diversity.

The peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations cannot work without the help of the smaller nations, nations whose forces threaten no one and whose forces can thus help create a world in which no nation is threatened. Great powers have their responsibilities and their burdens, but the smaller nations of the world must fulfill their obligations as well.

A great Irish poet once wrote: "I believe profoundly . . . in the future of Ireland . . . that this is an isle of destiny, that that destiny will be glorious . . . and that when our hour is come, we will have something to give to the world." "

http://irelandyoutube.blogspot.com/2007/12...to-ireland.html (youtube)

Che' dropped into Dublin in dec 1964.

"Ernesto Guevara de la Serna was born in Rosario, Argentina, the eldest of five children in a family of Spanish and Irish descent; both his father and mother were of Basque ancestry. One of Guevara's forebears, Patrick Lynch, was born in Galway, Ireland, in 1715. He left for Bilbao, Spain, and traveled from there to Argentina. Francisco Lynch (Guevara's great-grandfather) was born in 1817, and Ana Lynch (his grandmother) in 1868. Her son, Ernesto Guevara Lynch (Guevara's father) was born in 1900. Guevara Lynch married Celia de la Serna y Llosa in 1927 (one of her non-lineal ancestors was José de la Serna e Hinojosa, Spanish viceroy of Peru), and they had three sons and two daughters."

http://searchwarp.com/swa398670.htm

and march '65.

"Ernesto Che' Guevara was born on 14 June, 1928 in Rosario, Argentina, the eldest of five children into a family of Spanish, Basque and Irish descent. His father Ernesto Guevera Lynch said of his son, that his veins flowed with the blood of Irish rebels. His great-grandfather, Patrick Lynch allegedly left Galway, Ireland during the devastating famine in the 1840's. The name Lynch is one of the most common surnames in Ireland. The origin of the name comes from the Norman, de Lench, they established themselves in Galway becoming one of the fourteen tribes that dominated the city. Dr. Che Guevara arrived at Shannon Airport on Saturday, 13 March 1965. He was onboard a Cuban Airlines Britannia aircraft which had encountered mechanical difficulties during their flight from Prague, Czechoslovakia (present day Czech Republic) to Havana in Cuba. He was returning to Cuba after a three month tour, that had included China, Egypt, Algeria, Ghana, Mali, Dahomey, Congo-Brazzaville and Tanzania. In Algiers, on 24 February, he made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he delivered a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian solidarity. Guevara was accompanied by another revolutionary Dr. Osmani Cienfuegos, the Cuban Minister for Construction along with some other minor government officials. An Irish journalist named Alan Quinlan, working on a tip-off went to meet Che at Shannon airport. Upon first meeting him, the Commadante pretended that he did not speak English, however Quinlan coaxed him into speaking with him. Guevara remained tight-lipped about anything got to do with politics, but he did speak about his Irish connections and the name Lynch. Later that day he went into Limerick City, going to Hanratty's hotel on Glenworth St. He left Ireland the following day after the plane had been repaired, returning to Havana on 14 March 1965."

(Lots of Lynchs' settled in Massachusetts)

University to examine JFK's life

University to examine JFK's life - Northern Ireland, Local & National - Belfasttelegraph.co.uk

Edited by Bernice Moore
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  • 2 months later...

JUST RAN ACROSS THIS ARTICLE. NOTE IT WAS AFTER the American University Speech. And look at the level of security. Geez if this is what you call home field advantage makes you wonder if General Walker wasn't the Gipper!! [some kind of contrast with the Big D!]

NOTE ESPECIALLY:"Costigan said his officers would use binoculars to monitor rooftops along the route of the presidential motorcade. He said an unspecified number of police officers would be armed with handguns, rifles and submachine guns - an exceptional measure in a country with a largely unarmed police force - to engage any would-be sniper."

How do these numbers compare with those on duty in Dallas, a town where Liberal Democrats had recently had a different kind of enthusiastic reception?

The documents indicated that 6,404 police officers were on duty the night Kennedy arrived and that 2,690 lined the U.S. president's route from Dublin airport to the Phoenix Park mansion of Irish President Eamon de Valera.

RELAND

Death threats preceded JFK's '63 visit

Police documents newly declassified

By Shawn Pogatchnik / The Associated Press

December 29, 2006

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President John F. Kennedy was the subject of three separate death threats during his visit to Ireland in 1963, according to newly declassified police documents released today.

The documents released by the Irish Justice Department said the police received two anonymous telephoned warnings in the weeks before the arrival of the United States's first Irish Catholic president. A third threat went to the newsroom of the Irish Independent newspaper.

Kennedy's June 26 to 29 visit went ahead trouble free as he was greeted by adoring crowds in Dublin, Cork, Galway and at his family homestead in County Wexford, in southeast Ireland.

He was assassinated in Dallas five months later.

One threat claimed a sniper would target Kennedy as his motorcade traveled from Dublin Airport to the residence of the Irish president at the start of his visit. The second warned a bomb at Shannon Airport, in southwest Ireland, would detonate as Air Force One was about to depart.

According to the documents, the third threat, phoned to the newspaper, indicated that Kennedy would be attacked at Dublin Airport, although the method wasn't specified.

The documents detailed police security concerns - and also reflected officials' desire to impress U.S. visitors and onlookers in Britain, Ireland's colonial master until 1922.

In a letter, Commissioner Daniel Costigan, the commander of Ireland's national police force in 1963, described the Kennedy tour as "the most important visit to this country since the establishment of the state, with worldwide publicity. British journalists are likely to be ready to criticize any fault in arrangements."

He wrote that although unlikely, "we cannot overlook the possibility" of an assassination attempt.

Costigan said his officers would use binoculars to monitor rooftops along the route of the presidential motorcade. He said an unspecified number of police officers would be armed with handguns, rifles and submachine guns - an exceptional measure in a country with a largely unarmed police force - to engage any would-be sniper.

The documents indicated that 6,404 police officers were on duty the night Kennedy arrived and that 2,690 lined the U.S. president's route from Dublin airport to the Phoenix Park mansion of Irish President Eamon de Valera.

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JUST RAN ACROSS THIS ARTICLE. NOTE IT WAS AFTER the American University Speech. And look at the level of security. Geez if this is what you call home field advantage makes you wonder if General Walker wasn't the Gipper!! [some kind of contrast with the Big D!]

NOTE ESPECIALLY:"Costigan said his officers would use binoculars to monitor rooftops along the route of the presidential motorcade. He said an unspecified number of police officers would be armed with handguns, rifles and submachine guns - an exceptional measure in a country with a largely unarmed police force - to engage any would-be sniper."

How do these numbers compare with those on duty in Dallas, a town where Liberal Democrats had recently had a different kind of enthusiastic reception?

The documents indicated that 6,404 police officers were on duty the night Kennedy arrived and that 2,690 lined the U.S. president's route from Dublin airport to the Phoenix Park mansion of Irish President Eamon de Valera.

RELAND

Death threats preceded JFK's '63 visit

Police documents newly declassified

By Shawn Pogatchnik / The Associated Press

December 29, 2006

SHARE THIS

Email

Comments (0)

Print

0

President John F. Kennedy was the subject of three separate death threats during his visit to Ireland in 1963, according to newly declassified police documents released today.

The documents released by the Irish Justice Department said the police received two anonymous telephoned warnings in the weeks before the arrival of the United States's first Irish Catholic president. A third threat went to the newsroom of the Irish Independent newspaper.

Kennedy's June 26 to 29 visit went ahead trouble free as he was greeted by adoring crowds in Dublin, Cork, Galway and at his family homestead in County Wexford, in southeast Ireland.

He was assassinated in Dallas five months later.

One threat claimed a sniper would target Kennedy as his motorcade traveled from Dublin Airport to the residence of the Irish president at the start of his visit. The second warned a bomb at Shannon Airport, in southwest Ireland, would detonate as Air Force One was about to depart.

According to the documents, the third threat, phoned to the newspaper, indicated that Kennedy would be attacked at Dublin Airport, although the method wasn't specified.

The documents detailed police security concerns - and also reflected officials' desire to impress U.S. visitors and onlookers in Britain, Ireland's colonial master until 1922.

In a letter, Commissioner Daniel Costigan, the commander of Ireland's national police force in 1963, described the Kennedy tour as "the most important visit to this country since the establishment of the state, with worldwide publicity. British journalists are likely to be ready to criticize any fault in arrangements."

He wrote that although unlikely, "we cannot overlook the possibility" of an assassination attempt.

Costigan said his officers would use binoculars to monitor rooftops along the route of the presidential motorcade. He said an unspecified number of police officers would be armed with handguns, rifles and submachine guns - an exceptional measure in a country with a largely unarmed police force - to engage any would-be sniper.

The documents indicated that 6,404 police officers were on duty the night Kennedy arrived and that 2,690 lined the U.S. president's route from Dublin airport to the Phoenix Park mansion of Irish President Eamon de Valera.

Yea, security was high in Ireland and JFK was not permitted to go to the pub and have a Guinness, as the rest of the Irish Mafia did, and Obama did when he visited his family's homestead.

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Death Threats Preceded JFK's 1963 Visit To Ireland

DUBLIN, Ireland (AP) =E2=80=95 President John F. Kennedy was the subject =

of three separate death threats during his visit to Ireland in 1963, =

according to newly declassified police documents released Friday.

The documents released by the Irish Justice Department said police =

received two anonymous telephoned warnings in the weeks before the =

arrival of the United States' first Irish Catholic president. A third =

threat went to the newsroom of the Irish Independent newspaper.

Kennedy's June 26-29 visit went ahead trouble free as he was greeted by =

adoring crowds in Dublin, Cork, Galway and at his family homestead in =

County Wexford, in southeast Ireland.

He was assassinated in Dallas five months later.

One threat claimed a sniper would target Kennedy as his motorcade =

traveled from Dublin Airport to the residence of the Irish president at =

the start of his visit. The second warned a bomb at Shannon Airport, in =

southwest Ireland, would detonate as Air Force One was about to depart.

According to the documents the third threat, phoned to the newspaper, =

indicated that Kennedy would be attacked at Dublin Airport, although the =

method wasn't specified.

The documents detailed police security concerns -- and also reflected =

officials' desire to impress both U.S. visitors and onlookers in =

Britain, Ireland's colonial master until 1922.

In a letter, Commissioner Daniel Costigan, the commander of Ireland's =

national police force in 1963, described the Kennedy tour as "the most =

important visit to this country since the establishment of the state, =

with worldwide publicity. British journalists are likely to be ready to =

criticize any fault in arrangements."

He wrote that although unlikely, "we cannot overlook the possibility" of =

an assassination attempt.

Costigan said his officers would use binoculars to monitor rooftops =

along the route of the presidential motorcade. He said an unspecified =

number of police would be armed with handguns, rifles and submachine =

guns -- an exceptional measure in a country with a largely unarmed =

police force -- to engage any would-be sniper.

The documents indicated that 6,404 police officers were on duty the =

night Kennedy arrived, and 2,690 lined the U.S. president's route from =

Dublin airport to the Phoenix Park mansion of Irish President Eamon de =

Valera.=20

(=C2=A9 2006 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material =

may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.)

http://cbs11tv.com/politics/John.F.Kennedy.2.498233.html#btn_mc

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The Irish Times - Saturday, August 27, 2011

JFK's report on Dev's dream

MICHAEL PARSONS

FIFTY years after he became US President, John F Kennedy continues to intrigue. One of best-selling books of the last 12 months has been JFK in Ireland: Four Days that Changed a President by broadcaster Ryan Tubridy which shed light on Kennedy’s visits to Ireland – and interest in the country’s history and politics – long before he entered the White House.

In 1945, after being honourably discharged from the US Navy – he served in Asia during the second World War – Kennedy worked briefly as a journalist and was sent to London by Hearst Newspapers to report on the British general election.

He also visited Ireland and wrote a now famous article for the New York Journal American (a since defunct evening newspaper) about Taoiseach Éamon de Valera’s ambitions to bring about a United Ireland.

The original five-page typescript, right, signed by Kennedy, in which he misspelt “Éire” as ‘Erie’ and “Éamon” as “Emon” – is now for sale from Kenny’s in Galway (kennys.ie) with an asking price of €17,500.

The bookseller acquired it in a private transaction from a dealer in New York after it failed to sell at auction there last year.

In the article, dated Sunday, July 29, 1945 Kennedy wrote: “Ireland at the present time is divided into two distinct political units – the 26 counties of the south, which comprise present-day Erie, and the six counties, known as Ulster, which are attached directly to the British Crown.

“De Valera is determined to end this partition, as it is called, and to that cause he has dedicated his life.”

http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2011/0827/1224303055860.html

Tubridy's book: http://www.independent.ie/entertainment/books/review-jfk-in-ireland-four-days-that-changed-a-president-by-ryan-tubridy-2439267.html

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Barry O'Bama visits ancestor's hometown.

Obama's visit greeted with jubilation in Moneygall | World news | The Guardian

Afterwards, they were jubilant; high as kites. "The greatest day this village has ever had, ever will have," said a flushed Henry Healy, 26, an eighth cousin no less, who escorted the visitors down crowded Main Street, across to the souvenir shop and into Ollie Hayes's pub.

"I shook his hand," exclaimed Valerie Young. "I said to him 'You're very welcome, Mr President,' and I thought he was going to fly straight on past, but he looked me in the eye and he said 'Well, thank you'. He's a fine looking fella, you know."

It had been worth it, Valerie said. Worth the weather, worth the six weeks of hassle, the secret service "men in black", the Garda who since Friday had insisted even on escorting her brother Nigel to milk the cows.

He was "so warm, so genuine", she added, the Obamas made a lovely couple, and stayed so long – the ash cloud had yet to rear its head on the itinerary – over an hour, in this tiny village no one outside County Offaly had ever heard of.

Moneygall, blink-and-you-miss-it birthplace of the great-great-great-grandfather of the 44th president of the United States, was briefly the centre of the world yesterday. At least, that's what it felt like if you lived there. "He was so cool," said Sam Baker, 11, on the flag-bedecked, spruced-up Main Street. "We did get a bit wet. But it was brilliant."

Barack Obama's whistlestop tour of Ireland and his roots began shortly after 9.30, when Air Force One landed at Dublin airport. Buffeted by a gale and dodging heavy showers, the first couple were greeted by Irish foreign minister Eamon Gilmore and flew straight to Phoenix Park in the White House helicopter, Marine One.

There he planted a tree and posed with schoolchildren before a meeting with the Irish president, Mary MacAleese, and her husband Martin. Then it was on swiftly to Farmleigh House, the Irish government guesthouse where the Queen and Prince Philip stayed last week, for talks with Taoiseach Enda Kenny. Northern Ireland's peace process was "a ripple of hope", he pronounced.

Moneygall, a couple of hours south-west, was always going to be the high point. It was from here that a 19-year-old shoemaker called Falmouth Kearney set out for one of the so-called coffin ships that left Ireland for the new world during the Great Famine. He landed in New York on 20 March 1850.

Falmouth was following his father Joseph, who had abandoned Ireland almost exactly a year earlier; his mother Phoebe, brother William and sister Mary came a year later. Two years after he settled in the US, Falmouth married Charlotte Holloway. In 1860 they were living in Deerfield, Ohio; the 1870 census has them in Tipton County, Indiana.

Charlotte Kearney died in 1877, followed by her husband a little over a year later. They left three sons, and five daughters. One of those girls, Mary Anne, had a grandson called Stanley Armour Dunham. His daughter gave birth in August 1961 to a boy called Barack Hussein Obama.

The connection was uncovered in 2007, when Obama was a rising Democratic star, and the village's 298 inhabitants had been preparing for this moment since he was elected president. "This really is the culmination of four years' very hard work," said Stephen Neill, the Church of Ireland rector who with Healy confirmed the link. Neill said he received an email from a US geneologist suggesting a connection between Offaly and Obama: "I was lucky, the parish records had been indexed quite recently. There's no doubt." So yesterday was "an amazing moment," he said.

"To see him and Michelle walking into this pub, in this little village, and such a lovely man, such a lovely couple. I showed him the parish records; he got the White House photographer to photograph them. He was genuinely interested."

Moneygall had spent most of the day in lockdown. "Best take a map," the wit in car hire said. "I hear they've taken Moneygall off the satnavs." He might not have been joking: the village – one street, two pubs, five shops, church, school and police station – was effectively cut off from the world. Residents weren't allowed out, and no one who had not been vetted and bearing one of 2,000 official tickets was allowed in.

The two nearest motorway exits were coned off and closed to all traffic. Gardai in fluorescent jackets manned roadblocks, scanned the road from bridges, and stood watch in fields. At a checkpoint two miles outside, on the other road into the village, only police cars were allowed to pass.

Patiently though, between bright sunshine and fierce showers, the crowd gathered from mid-morning, waiting until shortly after 3pm when Marine One landed on a sodden sports field. To cheers and much waving of Irish and American flags, the president and first lady shook hands, embraced, cooed over babies. They plunged briefly into the modest two-storey ancestral home, owned now by a shyly grinning John Donovan, and then into the shop.

Hastily-produced souvenirs on sale in the village included Barack Obama teapots, fridge magnets, cigarette lighters and T-shirts proclaiming What's the Craic, Barack, and Obama Is Feidir Linn (Gaelic for Obama, Yes We Can.)

"They spent €50," said Aidan Faning, behind the counter. "They bought loads – posters, mugs, place mats, keyrings. Masses. With their own money." The presidential couple stopped short, though, of snapping up a CD of one of the songs recorded in their honour: "O'Leary, O'Reilly, O'Hare and O'Hara/There's no-one as Irish as Barack Obama. From the old Blarney stone to the green hills of Tara/There's no-one as Irish as Barack Obama."

The village was pristine, thanks in no small part to the generosity of Dulux, which gave 3,500 litres of paint to smarten up every house — at least one painted in the Stars and Stripes. Potholes had been filled in, pavements patched up, floral displays hund from lamposts and flags hoisted the length of Main Street.

Then it was into Ollie Hayes's pub, recently equipped with a particularly fine bust of the president, to meet assorted distant relatives to the strains of an Irish fiddle, and down the obligatory pint – a few sips anyway – of Guinness. After a sip and a "Slainte", and the popular observation that the black stuff tastes "so much better here" than it does anywhere else, Obama slapped a note down on the bar and declared: "I just want you guys to know, the president pays his tab."

The Obamas, after a genuinely joyful 90 minutes in Moneygall that people here will remember for a long, long time, flew back to Dublin for a public party on College Green. "My name is Barack Obama, of the Moneygall O'bamas," the president said. "I've come home to find the apostrophe that we lost somewhere along the way."

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