New US Congress

[Myra Bronstein]

IMO the major structural flaw in the US political system [of which there are also many lesser ones] is that, for example, if a minority of persons would like a socialist or green party person in office they can NOT get one...as there is no proprtional representation. The system even has special 'tricks' to stop all but the Democrats and Republicans from coming to office. 'Winner Take All' it is called and is unfair and based on the sports game model or War models. So minorities are, with a very few exceptions, not represented unless they join the one party state....the National Security Corporate Party, of which there are two wings IMO.

On the effect on JFK Records, remember LBJ was a Democrat and the effort to keep the real events of Dallas a secret has been a bi-partisan effort [both wings of the National Security State Party / Corporate Party]. While the Democrats are slightly more inclined to let a little more information out the operational word is slightly. Both know that full disclosure would mean an END to the one party state in the USA and a revolution, in effect - the undoing of the Coup d'etat...they can't allow that at any cost and don't count on them participating in their own suicide. The American People will have to fight for it...nothing we have won in the USA has come from the top down....only by fighting from the bottom up. There are a few [operational word = few!] decent Democrats and one very decent Socialist in Congress, but their effect against the Machine will need the People demanding.

IMO a full disclose of the events of 11/22/63 would destroy the current US Government for all time...and they know it too and they will not allow it. America as a nation and the People would survive and thrive, but the Oligarcy that runs the country, made the Coup and covered it up and owns and pulls the strings for BOTH parties on the Party level will NEVER allow the truth to come out without a battle the likes of which I do not [sadly] feel the American People are up for at this time.......sorry to sound so pessimistic. I hope I am wrong.

Only a snowballing effect [like almost got going during Watergate with the Church Report etc] coming from an impeachment of Bush and Co could start the 'ball rolling' on something like this. I'm all in favor of an impeachment and even waterboarding of the Adminsitration to get the truth of their crimes [i appove of torture only for those who advocate it].

Totally agreed on all points. In addition, the deck was stacked against the people right at the start when the elitist electoral college system was installed to keep the riff raff (aka us) from picking the *wrong* president. That would ideally be changed, along with (more realistically) the one party--with two branches of fascists and enablers--system, in order for real change, not just superficial change like the recent election, to take place.

Peter you probably know that people have tried to get referendums on ballots in some cities for "instant runoff" elections. Good idea, very poorly named (George Lakoff would cringe); it should be called "1, 2, 3 voting" or something descriptive. (Of course this is the time for Dems to change the frames on so many issues, but they've been ignoring Lakoff for years. They must not want frames changed...) Anyway, a definition from: http://www.instantrunoff.com/faq.asp:

"What is instant runoff voting?

Instant Runoff Voting is a system that guarantees the winning candidate has a majority of the votes (instead of a plurality) and eliminates the "wasted vote syndrome" caused by third party candidates. It allows voters to rank the candidates by preference on a single ballot (first, second, third choice, etc.), so it can simulate an "instant" runoff election if no candidate has a majority of the votes."

Again, the one party won't want this (or anything like it) as you said, but the actual humanoid type people should know precisely what we want if we're gonna push for change. After that I think the top priority would be election reform to make voting safe (roll back the HAVA corruption then start actually fixing and standardizing voting) and campaign finance reform. (*Then* we can start working on real issues like health care and education and worker's rights and...oh yeah, the war machine.)

And since the powers that be in the post-JFK party won't allow the overall truth to be told then it's still up to us of course. In that case one of our top priorities has to be protection of the internet. The goons in DC recognize it's the biggest best tool we have left.

What is the status of the "net neutrality" bill Sir Tim was rightfully so alarmed about? Hm, I lost track.

Anyway, since all past special congressional committees on the assassinations have been massive cover ups, the architecture of those committees would have to change as well for yet another one to do anything but add another layer to the cover up.

[William Kelly]

Any forum members have a Beverly Hills zip code? Constituents do have greater access to their Representatives than those who don't live and vote in their disctrict, and the man at the wheel of the most pertinent committee is Hank Waxman.

By ERICA WERNER, Associated Press Writer Sat Nov 25, 2:12 PM ET

LOS ANGELES - The lawmaker poised to cause the Bush administration's biggest headaches when Democrats take control of Congress may just be a grocer's son from Watts who's hardly a household name off Capitol Hill.

Rep. Henry Waxman (news, bio, voting record) has spent the last six years waging a guerrilla campaign against the White House and its corporate allies, launching searing investigations into everything from military contracts to Medicare prices from his perch on the Government Reform Committee.

In January, Waxman becomes committee chairman — and thus the lead congressional hound of an administration many Democrats feel has blundered badly as it expanded the power of the executive branch.

Waxman's biggest challenge as he mulls what to probe?

"The most difficult thing will be to pick and choose," he said.

The choices he makes could help define Bush's legacy.

"There is just no question that life is going to be different for the administration," said Rep. Tom Davis, R-Va., the current committee chairman. "Henry is going to be tough. ... And he's been waiting a long time to be able to do this."

Waxman, 67, is in his 16th term representing a Los Angeles district that has migrated west over the years to take in some of the country's most exclusive real estate: Bel Air, Malibu, Beverly Hills. It's worlds from the apartment he grew up in over his father's grocery store, in a predominantly black neighborhood where, he said, "There was one other Jewish kid — my sister."

The glitz of his district hasn't rubbed off. He remarks wryly that Malibu's celebrity beach-access disputes are, luckily, not a federal issue. And he's never been to the Oscars. At first he wasn't invited, and now, "I have this reputation of never having gone." Why ruin it?

Balding, and quiet-spoken, with glasses, a snub-nose and a mustache, the 5-foot-5-inch Waxman isn't an in-your-face political bruiser. But he doesn't shrink from a fight.

At age 28 he challenged and beat a Democratic incumbent to win a seat in the state Assembly. Once in Congress, he muscled aside a more senior lawmaker to become chairman of an Energy and Commerce subcommittee, using the post to summon the heads of big tobacco to the famous 1994 hearing, depicted in the movie "The Insider," at which they testified that nicotine wasn't addictive.

"One of the biggest miscalculations of corporate America," Waxman now calls that.

Waxman also protected and strengthened the Clean Air Act, expanded Medicaid coverage for poor children and wrote a landmark AIDS care bill. Then Democrats lost control of Congress in 1994.

The minority party in the House has few rights, and Democrats have complained that GOP leaders completely shut them out from writing legislation.

So, Waxman said, "I recreated myself as an investigator."

The makeover was a success.

When he became top Democrat of the Government Reform Committee in 1997, Waxman realized that he didn't have to settle for playing defense like most in the House minority. He took advantage of the committee's large staff to hire talented investigators to pursue projects large and small.

His targets have ranged from why the Taekwondo Union was allowing 12- and 13-year-olds to kick opponents in the head, to Medicare drug costs and baseball steroid use, to abuse of Iraqi prisoners at

Abu Ghraib and government contracts given to Vice President Dick Cheney's former company, Halliburton.

After agitating by Waxman, the State Department had to revise a report claiming terrorism had decreased in 2003, to reflect that it actually had increased.

Waxman found overbilling on Katrina contracts and overbilling by Halliburton in Top of Form

Iraq. He revealed that seniors wouldn't really save on premiums by switching to the government's Medicare drug plan. With Davis, he issued a report documenting extensive contacts between the White House and convicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff. The Taekwondo Union agreed to prohibit head kicks by anyone under 14.

And when Bush administration resistance meant he didn't get results, Waxman got headlines for trying.

As Government Reform chairman, Waxman will aim to reassert congressional checks on the executive branch. A priority are government contracts: for Hurricane Katrina cleanup, homeland security and the Iraq war.

Contrary to Republican portrayals, Waxman said he doesn't plan to issue scattershot subpoenas. He said he has little interest in revisiting Bush administration failures that are already well known, such as Iraq war intelligence.

He wants to do it all with the help of Republicans.

"We want to return to civility and bipartisanship," Waxman said. "Legislation ought to be based on civility and bipartisanship," Waxman said. "Legislation ought to be based on evidence, not ideology."

[William Kelly]

Rep.Waxman announced this week - December, 2006 - that he is reorganizing the House Reform Committee into five subcommittees: National Security/International Relations; Domestic Poicy; Federal Workforce; Government Management; and Information Policy, Census and National Archives.

This last Committee on IPCNA is the one that will hold the first hearings on oversight and compliance with the JFK Act and FOIA issues.

Those who want to contact Rep. Waxman to encourage him to hold these hearings sooner than later, can contact him at:

Rep. Henry Waxman

2204 Rayburn Office Building

Washington D.C. 20515

(202)-225-3976

(202)-225-4099 -fax

LA - 8436 W. Third St.

LA California, 90048

(323)-651-1040

(323)-655-0502 - fax

Also read his Report: Secrecy in the Bush Administration, available from his web site.

Tuesday, September 14, 2004

Administration Oversight, Open Government

Report: Secrecy in the Bush Administration

Open and accountable government is one of the bedrock principles of our democracy. Yet virtually since inauguration day, questions have been raised about the Bush Administration’s commitment to this principle. News articles and reports by independent groups over the last four years have identified a growing series of instances where the Administration has sought to operate without public or congressional scrutiny.

At the request of Rep. Henry A. Waxman, this report is a comprehensive examination of secrecy in the Bush Administration. It analyzes how the Administration has implemented each of our nation’s major open government laws. The report finds that there has been a consistent pattern in the Administration’s actions: laws that are designed to promote public access to information have been undermined, while laws that authorize the government to withhold information or to operate in secret have repeatedly been expanded. The cumulative result is an unprecedented assault on the principle of open government.

The Administration has supported amendments to open government laws to create new categories of protected information that can be withheld from the public. President Bush has issued an executive order sharply restricting the public release of the papers of past presidents. The Administration has expanded the authority to classify documents and dramatically increased the number of documents classified. It has used the USA Patriot Act and novel legal theories to justify secret investigations, detentions, and trials. And the Administration has engaged in litigation to contest Congress’ right to information.

The records at issue have covered a vast array of topics, ranging from simple census data and routine agency correspondence to presidential and vice presidential records. Among the documents that the Administration has refused to release to the public and members of Congress are (1) the contacts between energy companies and the Vice President’s energy task force, (2) the communications between the Defense Department and the Vice President’s office regarding contracts awarded to Halliburton, (3) documents describing the prison abuses at Abu Ghraib, (4) memoranda revealing what the White House knew about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, and (5) the cost estimates of the Medicare prescription drug legislation withheld from Congress.

There are three main categories of federal open government laws: (1) laws that provide public access to federal records; (2) laws that allow the government to restrict public access to federal information; and (3) laws that provide for congressional access to federal records. In each area, the Bush Administration has acted to restrict the amount of government information that is available.

[William Kelly]

Here's an Op-Ed article that came out in my local daily newspaper - the Camden, N.J. Courier-Post :

Congress must establish more open government[/b]

Post Comment

Now that the Democrats are the majority party in Congress, they control congressional committees and thus have the ability to set agendas, conduct hearings and subpoena witnesses and documents

Congress must establish more open government

By WILLIAM KELLY

For the Courier-Post

Now that the Democrats are the majority party in Congress, they control congressional committees and thus have the ability to set agendas, conduct hearings and subpoena witnesses and documents. With these new powers, they must begin their mandated oversight of the rest of the government, a responsibility ignored by the Republicans.

Two new House Committee chairmen are U.S. Reps. John Conyers, D-Mich., of the House Judiciary Committee and Henry Waxman, D-Calif., of the Government Reform Committee, both expected to play key roles in the new Congress. Conyers was the chairman of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which investigated the assassinations of President Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. in 1979 and then sealed its records for 50 years.

While the JFK Assassination Records Act of 1992 released most of the government records related to the assassination of the president, the King assassination records remain sealed, as are all congressional records.

Waxman, in his investigative reports issued during the last Congress, examined the attempts by the current Bush administration to withdraw and reclassify records already released to the public and to have the Justice Department support any government agency that refuses to abide by the Freedom of Information Act and citizen requests for information.

KEEP RECORDS OPEN

When the Republicans controlled the congressional committee leadership during the Clinton administration, they issued hundreds of subpoenas and called dozens of witnesses to testify about the president's sexual proclivities while ignoring the looming terrorist threat. Rather than focus on the president and his policies, already well known to the public, the new Congress should reopen the government, enforce FOIA and the JFK Act, extend FOIA to include congressional records and the King records, subpoena witnesses who have withheld and destroyed government records and require them to testify under oath in public, so we all know the truth.

True democracy requires an informed public and, as President Kennedy said "The very word "secrecy' is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings.

"There is little value in ensuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. There is a very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment."

The first chore of the new Congress should be to reopen government records to public scrutiny on every important issue and to take seriously their oversight mandate to ensure the government functions honestly in an open society.

[The writer is co-founder of the Committee for an Open Archives and the Coalition on Political Assassination and a resident of Browns Mills.]

Published: January 06. 2007

Edited January 6, 2007 by William Kelly

[William Kelly]

US Congressman Henry Waxman (D.Calf.), head of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, has held one public hearing on the Bush administration's fudging of the scientific reports on global warming.

During that hearing last week, it was documented how Phillip Cooney, the White House policy point man on such enviromental issues, changed key elements of reports to reflect the administration's policy of global warming denial.

Before joining the White House Cooney worked for the American Petrolieum Institute, and after the NYT exposed Cooney's work for oil industry lobbiests, he resigned and took a previously offered but undefined job for ExxxonMobil office in Dallas.

Of course this is just the tip of the iceberg.

Waxman's Committee has its own hearing room, which is booked solid every day next week for hearings on a variety of issues.

The subcommittee on government information, census and the NARA, which will eventually conduct hearings on the FOIA and JFK Acts, is headed by William Lacy Clay, of St. Louis Missouri, whose father was a long time Congressman and original founder of the Congressional Black Caucus. Clay is also big on elections recounts and the new election equipment, so we can expect a hearing on Diebod as well.

Kenn Thomas, of Steamshovel Press, a long time COPA member, is also from St. Louis, and will be asked to be the point man with his representative, and as an actual constitutent, he will be taken more seriously than someone who doesn't vote for Clay.

Any other foum members who are from St. Louis area, and are in Clay's legislative district, should also correspond with him about the seriousness of these issues we want to hold hearings on.

Other Sub-Committee members are Paul E. Kanjorski of Pennsylvania, Carolyn B. Maloney of New York City, John A. Yarmuth of Kentucky and Paul W. Hodes of New Hampshire.

These are the Congressman who will be conducting the hearings we want held, deciding on who to call to testify and will be the asking the questions.

We should know a few weeks in advance before hearings are held, though they sometimes are scheduled and held quickly.

Bill Kelly

[William Kelly]

US Congressman Henry Waxman (D.Calf.), head of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, has held one public hearing on the Bush administration's fudging of the scientific reports on global warming.

During that hearing last week, it was documented how Phillip Cooney, the White House policy point man on such enviromental issues, changed key elements of reports to reflect the administration's policy of global warming denial.

Before joining the White House Cooney worked for the American Petrolieum Institute, and after the NYT exposed Cooney's work for oil industry lobbiests, he resigned and took a previously offered but undefined job for ExxxonMobil office in Dallas.

Of course this is just the tip of the iceberg.

Waxman's Committee has its own hearing room, which is booked solid every day next week for hearings on a variety of issues.

The subcommittee on government information, census and the NARA, which will eventually conduct hearings on the FOIA and JFK Acts, is headed by William Lacy Clay, of St. Louis Missouri, whose father was a long time Congressman and original founder of the Congressional Black Caucus. Clay is also big on elections recounts and the new election equipment, so we can expect a hearing on Diebod as well.

Kenn Thomas, of Steamshovel Press, a long time COPA member, is also from St. Louis, and will be asked to be the point man with his representative, and as an actual constitutent, he will be taken more seriously than someone who doesn't vote for Clay.

Any other foum members who are from St. Louis area, and are in Clay's legislative district, should also correspond with him about the seriousness of these issues we want to hold hearings on.

Other Sub-Committee members are Paul E. Kanjorski of Pennsylvania, Carolyn B. Maloney of New York City, John A. Yarmuth of Kentucky and Paul W. Hodes of New Hampshire.

These are the Congressman who will be conducting the hearings we want held, deciding on who to call to testify and will be the asking the questions.

We should know a few weeks in advance before hearings are held, though they sometimes are scheduled and held quickly.

Bill Kelly

And no need to wonder if Phil Cooney's job paid off, as Friday, Feb. 2nd Business News: Exxon Mobil tops own record. Oil giant retains honor of biggest U.S. profit. By John Porretto AP - HOUSTON. Oil giant Exxon Mobil topped its own record for the biggest annual profit by a U.S. company last year, racking up earings that amouned to $4.5 million an hour for the world's largest publicly traded oil company....

BK

[Bill Cheslock]

Ok, sorry if this is a really thick question but the US system does confuse me a little.

JFK knew the difference in our systems. Here's an explanation from JFK to

Richard Bissell after the Bay of Pigs fiasco:

Within seventy-two hours all the invading troops had been killed, wounded or had surrendered. Bissell had a meeting with John F. Kennedy about the Bay of Pigs operation. Kennedy admitted it was his fault that the operation had been a disaster. Kennedy added: "In a parliamentary government, I'd have to resign. But in this government I can't, so you and Allen (Dulles) have to go." (Spartacus Link to Richard Bissell)

Bill C

[William Kelly]

Waxman to stir debate with transparency subcommittee

By Alexander Bolton

Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.), the chairman of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, has created a new subcommittee that will tackle decisions made by the Bush administration regarding which government records should be made available to the public.

Waxman has not released his committee’s agenda for this year, and his panel has yet to organize formally, but his plan to create a subcommittee devoted to government transparency foreshadows what is expected to be a contentious debate with the administration over executive branch documents.

“We have legislative jurisdiction over [the Freedom of Information Act] and some of the other issues that relate to openness in government,” Waxman said yesterday.

While former Republican Committee Chairman Dan Burton (R-Ind.) battled the Bush administration in its first term over access to records, the recent GOP chairman, Rep. Tom Davis (R-Va.), largely let the issue drop.

But by creating a new Information Policy, Census and National Archives Committee, Waxman has signaled that he intends to prioritize allowing public access to the inner workings of the administration.

Waxman also plans to form four other new subcommittees by merging and dividing the seven subpanels that existed under Republican control of Government Reform.

They will be called National Security and International Relations; Domestic Policy; Federal Workforce, Post Office and the District of Columbia; and Government Management, Organization and Procurement.

“We’re going to go to five committees and somewhat more equalize the jurisdiction so each subcommittee is a substantial subcommittee in terms of what it has to do,” Waxman said.

Waxman and the Bush administration have tangled previously over access to sensitive White House information. Waxman has supported lawsuits filed under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to discover the interactions between industry groups and an energy task force headed by Vice President Dick Cheney before the White House unveiled its energy policy.

Waxman also pushed for the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to investigate meetings of Cheney’s task force and criticized the GAO comptroller general for failing to appeal a court decision protecting the task force from the probe.

“This is a tremendous setback for open government,” Waxman said at the time.

In the interests of government transparency, in Democrats’ view — or in the interests of political gain, from a Republican perspective — Waxman also could challenge the recent administration practice of reclassifying portions of the National Archives. The administration’s policy of responding to FOIA information requests could also come under scrutiny.

Access to the National Archives has become a touchy political issue in recent years as some documents have the potential to become big stories, such as the January 2001 memo from former counterterrorism chief Richard Clarke that warned Bush of the threat posed by al Qaeda.

Democrats and the White House could clash about how to handle sensitive documents from the Reagan era, when key Bush allies, such as James Baker III and John Negroponte, served in high government positions.

During its first term, the Bush administration rewrote a Clinton-administration directive to delay the release of documents that would have become automatically declassified after 25 years.

A new focus on government transparency could put Waxman on a collision course with Cheney, who has made expanding presidential prerogatives and executive privilege one of his top priorities in office.

In 2002, Burton, who then chaired Government Reform, challenged an order by the Bush administration to withhold the publication of communications between former President Reagan and his advisers. But Burton stepped down from the panel because of term limits before he could force the issue to a conclusion.

Waxman’s spokeswoman, Karen Lightfoot, at the time criticized the president’s decision to withhold records from the public realm.

“It is another example of the Bush administration undermining the public’s right to know,” she told The Hill in 2002.

[William Kelly]

John Judge reports from DC that he recently met with the new chief of staff of the Subcommittee on NARA, Open Government and the Census (election) of the House Reform and Overisight Committee.

Waxman is head of the whole committee, while Wm. Clay is chair of the subcommittee. The subcommittee will meet tomorrow - Wednesday, Feb. 14, Valentine's Day, and possibly even hold its first public hearing.

The complete committee held its first hearings last week on fudging of global warming intelligence at the White House, which zeroed on Phillip Cooney, former director of the Council on Enviromental Quality and former lobbiest for the American Petroleum Institute. After the NYT did some articles on Cooney, he resigned and went to work at Exxon-Mobil office in Dallas. The day after Waxman held his hearing that discussed this, it was announced that Exxon Mobil made more money this year than ever before.

While Waxman's committee will be busy on many oversight issues, Judge said that Clay's subcommittee will focus on the issues that we are concerned with - strengthing FOIA, oversight of JFK Act and more funding for NARA, for starters.

The Feb. 14 meeting of the subcommittee (2157 Rayburn Office Building) will be its first, so there shouldn't be any fireworks, and organizational matters and agenda discussed. It may be shown live on CSPAN (only if its a slow day), or could be recorded by them for later recablecast. (If anyone can find this meeting on the CSPAN schedule please let me/us know).

Kenn Thomass - who is from St. Louis, and is one of Rep. Clay's consituents, has already made contact with his staff to encourage him to hold the mandated oversight hearings of the JFK Act. Kenn has a new book coming out, and a really neat web site - Steamshovel Press - (All Conspiracy No Theory), and others are encouraged to do what he's done and tell these Congressmen how important oversight of the JFK Act is.

If we get JFK Act Oversight hearings it will be BIG, because it gives us a venue to take all the instances of destroyed, with held and missing records, and there's no place for them to hide.

While tomorrow's hearing will set the tone for the future, and it will be out of the realm for people to attend, John Judge says he will be there and give us a report on what happens.

BK

[William Kelly]

A Citizen's Guide To Politics In America – How the System Works & How to Work the System, by Barry R. Rubin (M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, New York/London; 1997-2000)

p.57: "Beyond Legislation: Implementing the Law"

"For every page of federal laws there are dozens of pages of regulations and administrative interpretations of the law. For every legislator (every member of Congress or state legislature) there are thousands of bureaucrats busily writing regulations and implementing the laws those legislators pass. These bureaucrats toil in the executive or administrative branch of government and are in many ways the source of the greatest power in any government. It is no surprise, therefore, that issue advocates devote considerable attention to influencing and persuading them. But what do bureaucrats do? They, and the agencies and departments and offices for which they work, interpret, enforce, and administer the law."

"The thousand daily decisions bureaucrats make administering laws can cause issue advocates more consternation – and require more time and attention – than the legislative process. Hard-fought legislative success can turn to pyrrhic victories in the hands of an unfriendly or unresponsive bureaucracy. Indeed, issue advocates who win legislative battles barely have time to pop the champagne corks before they must turn their attention to how the law, for which they fought so hard, will be implemented. Or those who thought they had tamed the legislative process may learn that the executive branch has implemented policy changes that accomplish the goals they sought to avoid. As one commentator observed: 'Nothing in law ever seems finally settled because there is always one more step in the process where both winners and losers may try to negotiate different terms.'"

p. 60: "Administrative discretion may be broad, but it is far from absolute. First, administrative action is limited to the authority afforded the agency by the legislative branch. By contrast, Congress is limited in its lawmaking activities only by the Constitution."

"Second, agencies afford the public opportunities to make their views known to, and considered by, the agency. Congressional committees may choose to hold public hearings on legislation, but they need not do so, and they are free to ignore all the witnesses and all the evidence presented to them."

"Third, agency action, as we saw in the last section, can be reviewed by the courts to ensure the actions comply with all applicable laws and procedures. When Congress passes a law, it can be challenged in court only on the grounds that it violates the Constitution."

"The main vehicle to control agency discretion at the federal level is the Administrative Procedures Act. The law requires agencies to make most decisions in the open and to afford the public meaningful opportunities to comment on proposed agency actions. It also allows those who disagree with the agency decisions to ask courts to invalidate them if they are not in accordance with applicable law and procedure or if they are not solidly grounded on the facts and the law."

"These limitations on administrative discretion reflect the fact that agencies can exercise their discretionary powers by issuing rules or regulations. These 'minilaws' codify administrative interpretations and establish clear guidelines for bureaucrats and the public."

"….The broad policy discretion afforded bureaucrats provides issue advocates good reasons to attempt to influence how laws are enforced and administered. And the processes of administrative decision making – the requirement that, for the most part, it be open to the public and subject to judicial review – provide advocates important tools to accomplish that goal…."

"…The courts are most often the last resort of those who seek to influence public policy. Litigation is costly and time-consuming, appeals can drag on for years, and tangible results are often hard to achieve. Yet, the federal and state courts provide critical outlets – safety valves – for issue advocates who are unable to get a full and fair hearing before the administrative or legislative branch of government."

"The doors of the courthouse are open to all. Legislatures are accountable only to the electorate and only at the ballot box. Bureaucracies can be slow and unresponsive. But advocates who seek redress in the courts are guaranteed a hearing by an impartial arbiter who will decide a case on its merits."

p. 76: "…Would public support for sending American troops pass what Senator John Glenn termed the 'Dover test'? Dover Air Force Base in Delaware would be the point of return for the bodies of American troops who died on foreign soil. Would American's, who initially supported sending troops, maintain their support after American soldiers died? How reliable were polls that showed people supporting these actions? No American politician wanted to rely on poorly formed public opinion that did not recognize and accept that Americans might die in Somalia or Haiti. The quality and reliability of the public's opinion mattered."

p. 126: "Finding Words that Work."

"Words and symbols can shape public attitudes about issues. The right ones can position an issue so that it favorably resonates with prevailing public concerns and attracts a broad and deep base of diverse supporters."

p. 132: "A coalition is an alliance, usually limited in time and purpose, between organizations with different agendas, working together for a common policy advocacy goal. The term coalition encompasses a great diversity of alliances formed to advance a shared public policy goal. Coalitions can be formal or informal, permanent or temporary."

"Coalitions can unite diverse civil rights or environmental groups as they formulate and advance complex, long-term agendas. Or they can provide a mechanism to coordinate short-term activities, such as opposing a Supreme Court nomination…or supporting the balanced budge amendments to the Constitution…"

"Networks often precede coalitions, just as individuals or organizations sharing information and common concerns may gradually coalesce into an association or organization – an interest group – designed to influence policy."

"A coalition is an alliance between organizations, each of which brings its own agenda and decision-making processes to the coalition table. Since coalition members are organizations, not individuals, they do not have the same freedom of movement that individuals have. Interest groups that join coalitions must be sure that the coalition shares the fundamental goals of the organization and its members."

"…Coalitions are at the mercy of their members and can achieve only what the members permit them to achieve. Their only resources-people and money – are those that members provide."

"Large, permanent coalitions, such as trade associations, have permanent staff, office space, and resources, all dedicated to achieving the coalition's goals. Member organizations pay substantial dues to support the coalition and its infrastructure."

"But most coalitions are ad hoc, voluntary assemblages of organizations, with little power to compel the member organizations to commit time and resources to the coalition or to fulfill their coalition commitments. They are usually staffed by 'volunteers' from the member organizations, some of whom may even be detailed to work exclusively on coalition projects."

"The all coalitions are composed of different organizations with different agendas working together, there are numerous ways to organize and manage coalitions. The best coalitions are flexible enough to adapt to their members' needs and the common goal that has brought them together…"

p.140: "Coalitions begin with organizations whose issue agendas largely overlap. The initial recruitment process locates those whose agendas, while different, still show substantial areas of agreement. Finally, coalitions attempt to recruit organizations whose agendas rarely overlap with those of core coalition members. In some cases, core coalition members may even try to persuade other organizations to stretch their issue agendas to include the coalition's issue."

"Why would coalitions recruit so widely for allies, even going so far as to include organizations with whom they have never worked on any issue? Just imagine the reaction of a legislator who opens his office door only to find lobbyists on both sides of the abortion issue working together on another issue. 'Unlikely alliances' make decision makers and the public sit up and take notice: If people who disagree on so many things agree on this issue, then maybe there's some merit in their position."

BK Notes: Peter Dale Scott and Gerald Posner, in the course of their radio debate on the assassination, agreed in the end that all the government records should be released, and the diversity of signatures on the Jeff Morley letters suggests there is some merit int heir position.

Edited February 17, 2007 by William Kelly

[William Kelly]

ONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT OF JFK ACT – Waxman Committee

Representative Henry A. Waxman represents California's 30th Congressional District, which includes the complete cities of Santa Monica, Beverly Hills, Agoura Hills, Calabasas, Hidden Hills, Malibu, Westlake Village and West Hollywood, as well as such areas of Los Angeles as Beverly-Fairfax, Pacific Palisades, Brentwood, Beverlywood, Topanga, Agoura, Chatsworth and Westwood.

In 2007, Rep. Waxman became Chairman of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, the principal investigative committee in the House. From 1997 to 2006, Rep. Waxman served as Ranking Member of the Committee, conducting investigations into a wide range of topics from the high cost of prescription drugs to waste, fraud, and abuse in government contracting. He formed a Special Investigations Division that prepared hundreds of investigative reports on local and national topics for Members of Congress.

Since 2001, Rep. Waxman has worked to oppose efforts by the Bush Administration to block congressional oversight and roll back health and environmental laws. He has launched investigations of White House ties to Enron, contract abuses in Iraq, and the politicization of science. He has also fought for disclosure of the names of the energy industry lobbyists who shaped the White House energy plan and filed suit to force the Administration to released "adjusted" data from the 2000 Census that corrects for the undercount of minorities. In addition, Rep. Waxman has repeatedly fought efforts by EPA to relax important air pollution and drinking water protections and by FDA to weaken enforcement of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act.

A leader on health and environmental issues, Rep. Waxman has fought for universal health insurance, comprehensive Medicare and Medicaid coverage, tobacco regulation, AIDS research and treatment, air and water quality standards, pesticide regulations, nursing home quality standards, women's health research and reproductive rights, affordable prescription drugs, and community rights to know about pollution levels.

Rep. Waxman has been involved in health issues since 1969, when he was appointed to the California State Assembly Health Committee. In Congress, Rep. Waxman has sponsored a long list of health bills that have been enacted into law. These measures include the Ryan White CARE Act, the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act, the Breast and Cervical Cancer Mortality Prevention Act, the Safe Medical Devices Act, the Patent Term Restoration and Drug Competition Act, and the Orphan Drug Act.

Rep. Waxman has also passed legislation that improves the quality of nursing homes and home health services and that sets policy for childhood immunization programs, vaccine compensation, tobacco education programs, communicable disease research, community and migrant health centers, maternal and child health care, family planning centers, health maintenance organizations, and drug regulation and reform.

Throughout the 1980s, Rep. Waxman championed national health care reform and improvements in the Medicare and Medicaid programs. He successfully led the fight for improved prenatal and infant care for low-income families, for protection against impoverishment for the spouses of persons in nursing homes, and for more services in the community for people needing long-term care. He has also been an advocate for prescription drug coverage in Medicare for people with high drug expenses.

A longtime defender of the environment, Chairman Waxman most recently introduced the Safe Climate Act of 2006, which would set emissions targets to avoid dangerous, irreversible global warming. He was one of the primary authors of the 1990 Clean Air Act, which sets out a comprehensive program to combat smog, acid rain, toxic air emissions, and ozone depletions. Rep. Waxman also sponsored the 1986 and 1996 Safe Drinking Water Act Amendments, the 1996 Food Quality Act (which regulates pesticides), the Radon Abatement Act, and the Lead Contamination Control Act.

Chairman Waxman is a leader in efforts to assist the elderly by providing them with opportunities for better health care through such programs as improved long-term nursing care and better housing and nutrition. A strong defender of the Social Security System, he fought moves to reduce benefits and to increase the retirement age. He was a co-author of legislation that abolished mandatory retirement for Federal employees and raised the retirement age in the private sector from 65 to 70.

From 1979 to 1994, Rep. Waxman chaired the Commerce Committee's Subcommittee on Health and the Environment. He served as the Subcommittee's Ranking Member in 1995 and 1996. Rep. Waxman has also served on the Energy and Commerce Committee and sat on the Subcommittee on Health, the Subcommittee on Energy and Air Quality, and the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.

Chairman Waxman has been a leading supporter of the right of women to have freedom of choice with respect to safe and legal abortions, including the full extension of this right to lower-income women who depend on the Medicaid program for health care. He has been at the forefront of efforts to stop any limitations on this right and strongly opposes the prohibition of federally funded clinics from offering abortion information and counseling.

Since coming to Congress, Chairman Waxman has earned the reputation of being an expert on Middle East policy and an effective proponent of American aid to guarantee Israel's security and survival.

Prior to his election to Congress, Rep. Waxman served three terms in the California State Assembly, where he was chairman of the Health Committee, the Committee on Elections and Reapportionment, and the Select Committee on Medical Malpractice. He was the author of such major legislation as the Fair Campaign Practices Act, the Fair Credit for Women Law, and the legislation establishing standards for Health Maintenance Organizations in California.

Henry Waxman was born September 12, 1939, in Los Angeles, and holds a bachelor's degree in political science from UCLA and a J.D. from the UCLA Law School. He and his wife, the former Janet Kessler, have a daughter and son-in-law, a son and daughter-in-law, and three grandchildren.

http://oversight.house.gov/

Henry A. Waxman, California, Chairman

Rep. Tom Lantos, California

Rep. Edolphus Towns, New York

Rep. Paul E. Kanjorski, Pennsylvania

Rep. Carolyn B. Maloney, New York

Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, Maryland

Rep. Dennis J. Kucinich, Ohio

Rep. Danny K. Davis, Illinois

Rep. John F. Tierney, Massachusetts

Rep. Wm. Lacy Clay, Missouri

Rep. Diane E. Watson, California

Rep. Stephen F. Lynch, Massachusetts

Rep. Brian Higgins, New York

Rep. John A. Yarmuth, Kentucky

Rep. Bruce L. Braley, Iowa

Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton, District of Columbia

Rep. Betty McCollum, Minnesota

Rep. Jim Cooper, Tennessee

Rep. Chris Van Hollen, Maryland

Rep. Paul W. Hodes, New Hampshire

Rep. Christopher S. Murphy, Connecticut

Rep. John P. Sarbanes, Maryland

Rep. Peter Welch, Vermont

Republicans

Rep. Tom Davis, Virginia, Ranking Minority Member

Rep. Dan Burton, Indiana

Rep. Christopher Shays, Connecticut

Rep. John M. McHugh, New York

Rep. John L. Mica, Florida

Rep. Mark E. Souder, Indiana

Rep. Todd Russell Platts, Pennsylvania

Rep. Chris Cannon, Utah

Rep. John J. Duncan, Jr., Tennessee

Rep. Michael Turner, Ohio

Rep. Darrell E. Issa, California

Rep. Kenny Marchant, Texas

Rep. Lynn A. Westmoreland, Georgia

Rep. Patrick T. McHenry, North Carolina

Rep. Virginia Foxx, North Carolina

Rep. Brian Bilbray, California

Rep. Bill Sali, Idaho

Vacancy ?

Subcommittee on Information Issues, Census and NARA Chairmman Wm. Lacy Clay.

Wm. Lacy Clay was first elected to the U. S. House of Representatives in 2000, succeeding his father, the Honorable Bill Clay, who served for 32 years and was a founding Member of the Congressional Black Caucus. Congressman Clay serves on the Financial Services Committee, which has broad jurisdiction over banking, insurance, investment firms, pensions, consumer credit and capital markets. Mr. Clay also serves on the Government Reform Committee, where he is the Ranking Member on the Subcommittee on Federalism & the Census. The Government Reform Committee has wide-ranging oversight responsibilities over the operations and policies of the federal government.

Congressman Clay is a tireless defender of the voting rights of every citizen. He has been an outspoken advocate for reforming our nation's electoral process to ensure that elections are conducted fairly and that every vote is counted accurately. Mr. Clay is working to make certain that any new electronic voting system includes a paper trail for the purpose of verifying the results. He is also working to expand voter registration and to eliminate procedural obstacles that make it harder for minority and disabled voters to take part in the democratic process.

In Congress, Mr. Clay has become a recognized leader in helping minority and low-income families create wealth through home ownership. He has also co-sponsored legislation that would crack down on predatory lending practices. Mr. Clay is a strong supporter of including financial literacy as part of the standard educational curriculum in Kindergarten through High School.

Prior to his election to the U.S. House of Representatives, Mr. Clay served 17 years in both chambers of the Missouri Legislature. Among his many accomplishments was the establishment of Missouri's landmark Hate Crimes Law, which covers crimes committed on the basis of race, gender, religion, ethnic origin, disabilities and sexual orientation. He also stood up to threats from the Ku Klux Klan to sponsor and pass a bill that designated a portion of Interstate 55 in St. Louis County as the Rosa Parks Highway.

Additionally, hundreds of young people are receiving job training through YouthBuild, a program enacted under his Youth Opportunities and Violence Prevention Act. Mr. Clay also created a new statute that required the inclusion of the history of the Civil Rights Movement in all primary and secondary school curriculums. One of Mr. Clay's most significant successes was a bill that led to the settlement of the 27-year-long battle over desegregating the public schools in the City of St. Louis.

Wm. Lacy Clay is a native St. Louisan. After graduation from Springbrook High School in Silver Spring, Maryland in 1974, he worked as an Assistant Doorkeeper in the U. S. House of Representatives while attending the University of Maryland where he earned a Bachelor of Science degree in government and politics. He also attended Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and holds Honorary Doctorate of Laws Degrees from Lincoln University and Harris-Stowe State University.

Congressman Clay is a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, the Progressive Caucus and serves on the Boards of Directors of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation and the William L. Clay Scholarship and Research Fund.

Congressman Clay and his wife, Ivie Lewellen Clay, reside in St. Louis. They are the proud parents of two children: Carol and William III. The Clays attend St. Nicholas' Catholic Church

Subcommitee Jurisdiction and Members: Jurisdiction will include public information and records laws such as the Freedom of Information Act, the Presidential Records Act, and the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the Census Bureau, and the National Archives and Records Administration.

Wm. Lacy Clay, Chairman

Paul E. Kanjorski

Carolyn B. Maloney

John A. Yarmuth

Paul W. Hodes

Michael Turner, Ranking Member

Chris Cannon

Bill Sali

Thursday, May 12, 2005

<A href="http://oversight.house.gov/investigations.asp?Issue=Open+Government">Open Government

Rep. Waxman Introduces Legislation to Restore Transparency and Open Government Laws

Rep. Waxman introduced legislation to reverse the Bush Administration's assault on open government by restoring laws promoting transparency. The Restore Open Government Act of 2005 (H.R. 2331) requires public disclosure of government information and presidential documents, promotes timely declassification of information, and prohibits secret advisory meetings between government officials and private parties.

Summary of THE RESTORE OPEN GOVERNMENT ACT OF 2005 (H.R. 2331):

Restoring the Presumption of Public Disclosure of Information: The bill overturns the "Ashcroft Memo," which restricts release of information under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), and the "Card Memo," which urges agencies to stretch FOIA exemptions to withhold any "sensitive" information. The bill restores the policy that agencies should release requested information absent some finding of harm.

Eliminating Unnecessary Pseudo-Classification Designations: The bill calls on the Archivist of the United States to report on the use of pseudo-classification designations, such as "sensitive but unclassified" and "for official use only." Unnecessary pseudo-classification designations are banned, and the use of other information control designations is restricted.

Restoring Public Access to Presidential Records: The bill repeals President Bush's executive order on presidential records, which severely curtailed release of these important historical documents, and restores President Reagan's executive order on presidential records.

Prohibiting Secret Advisory Committees: The bill prevents the White House from establishing advisory committees of government employees that meet secretly with industry groups, as did the Vice President's energy task force. Under the bill, these advisory committees must reveal their meetings and communications with private parties.

Promoting Timely Declassification of Government Documents: The bill promotes public access to information and helps prioritize declassification by funding the Public Interest Declassification Board. The bill calls on the Archivist of the United States to levy a fee on agencies to pay for the operations of the Board.

Improving the Operations of the Freedom of Information Act: The bill restores the integrity of FOIA by limiting the broad FOIA exemption for critical infrastructure information created in the Homeland Security Act of 2002. The bill further creates transparency in agency compliance with FOIA and makes it more feasible for citizen groups to challenge the improper withholding of government information.

Tuesday, September 14, 2004

Administration Oversight, Open Government

Report: Secrecy in the Bush Administration

Open and accountable government is one of the bedrock principles of our democracy. Yet virtually since inauguration day, questions have been raised about the Bush Administration's commitment to this principle. News articles and reports by independent groups over the last four years have identified a growing series of instances where the Administration has sought to operate without public or congressional scrutiny. Committee Schedule

Unless otherwise noted, Full Committee hearings will be broadcast on the web.

Upcoming Hearings and Meetings

Full Committee business meeting on the Executive Branch Reform Act of 2007 and the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2007

UPDATE -- Wednesday, February 14, 2007, 1:00 p.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Subcommittee on Information Policy, Census, and National Archives hearing on The State of FOIA: Assessing Agency Efforts to Meet FOIA Requirements

Wednesday, February 14, 2007, 2:00 p.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Full Committee hearing on Iraq Reconstruction: An Overview

Thursday, February 15, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Recent Hearings and Meetings

Full Committee hearing on the Executive Branch Reform Act of 2007 and the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2007

Tuesday, February 13, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Allegations of Waste, Fraud, and Abuse in Pharmaceutical Pricing: Financial Impacts on Federal Health Programs and the Federal Taxpayer

Friday, February 9, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Management of Large Homeland Security Contracts: Deepwater and SBInet

Thursday, February 8, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Iraqi Reconstruction: Reliance on Private Military Contractors and Status Report

Wednesday, February 7, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

The Impact of CPA Decision-Making on Iraq Reconstruction

Tuesday, February 6, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Allegations of Political Interference with the Work of Government Climate Change Scientists

Tuesday, January 30, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

Organizational Meeting of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee

Thursday, January 18, 2007, 10:00 a.m., in 2154 Rayburn House Office Building

At the request of Rep. Henry A. Waxman, this report is a comprehensive examination of secrecy in the Bush Administration. It analyzes how the Administration has implemented each of our nation's major open government laws. The report finds that there has been a consistent pattern in the Administration's actions: laws that are designed to promote public access to information have been undermined, while laws that authorize the government to withhold information or to operate in secret have repeatedly been expanded. The cumulative result is an unprecedented assault on the principle of open government.

The Administration has supported amendments to open government laws to create new categories of protected information that can be withheld from the public. President Bush has issued an executive order sharply restricting the public release of the papers of past presidents. The Administration has expanded the authority to classify documents and dramatically increased the number of documents classified. It has used the USA Patriot Act and novel legal theories to justify secret investigations, detentions, and trials. And the Administration has engaged in litigation to contest Congress' right to information.

The records at issue have covered a vast array of topics, ranging from simple census data and routine agency correspondence to presidential and vice presidential records. Among the documents that the Administration has refused to release to the public and members of Congress are (1) the contacts between energy companies and the Vice President's energy task force, (2) the communications between the Defense Department and the Vice President's office regarding contracts awarded to Halliburton, (3) documents describing the prison abuses at Abu Ghraib, (4) memoranda revealing what the White House knew about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, and (5) the cost estimates of the Medicare prescription drug legislation withheld from Congress.

There are three main categories of federal open government laws: (1) laws that provide public access to federal records; (2) laws that allow the government to restrict public access to federal information; and (3) laws that provide for congressional access to federal records. In each area, the Bush Administration has acted to restrict the amount of government information that is available.

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform

U.S. House of Representatives

2157 Rayburn House Office Building

Washington, D.C. 20515

(202) 225-5051

Edited February 17, 2007 by William Kelly

[Guest John Woods]

I can still recall my very first FOIA with just happen to be with the National Archives.

A short time later, it would be the Interagency Classification Review Committee

(ICRC) which was based at the National Archives (CD 729). Robert Wells was

the chairman of the ICRC. This panel would vote as to accepting/declining a

request for declassification. After the ICRC was terminated, the Information

Security Oversight Office (ISOO) was created as the ICRC replacment. And

once again Robert was the director.

Sorry to say, but I did not attain Robert's retirement party back in DC.

He pass away with in two years. Steve G. heads up the ISOO, but it has been

several years since my last contact.

johnw

[William Kelly]

I can still recall my very first FOIA with just happen to be with the National Archives.

A short time later, it would be the Interagency Classification Review Committee

(ICRC) which was based at the National Archives (CD 729). Robert Wells was

the chairman of the ICRC. This panel would vote as to accepting/declining a

request for declassification. After the ICRC was terminated, the Information

Security Oversight Office (ISOO) was created as the ICRC replacment. And

once again Robert was the director.

Sorry to say, but I did not attain Robert's retirement party back in DC.

He pass away with in two years. Steve G. heads up the ISOO, but it has been

several years since my last contact.

johnw

Hi Johnw.

While Waxman's committee will now be conducting oversight, there are many more important issues requiring their overview than the JFK Act, not a priority.

Apparently I am the only one pushing for the oversight of the JFK Act, as Jim Lesar is apparently pushing for another type of ICRC/ISSO ARRB review board type set up, and John Judge is trying to get the MLK Act reintroduced.

Judge says that it is unlikely the full committee will review the JFK Act alone, but only consider it in league with FOIA and other issues, while Jeff Morley said he doesn't know why they would want to oversee the JFK Act at all.

Maybe I'm barking up the wrong tree after all,

BK

[John Geraghty]

Maybe I'm barking up the wrong tree after all,

BK

I'll try to bark with you Bill.

John

[William Kelly]

Maybe I'm barking up the wrong tree after all,

BK

I'll try to bark with you Bill.

John

Thanks John,

I know you've been there and know how frustrating it can be.

I am quite confident that if we hit up the Sub Committee members they will hold hearings on the JFK Act and sturr up the pot, and put those who destroyed files on the hot seat, subpoena those who failed to comply with the Act and pry loose some records that have been wrongfully with held.

Maybe there's more foreigners interested than Americans.

BK