John Dolva

Some resources for dealing with m$ windoze withdrawal symptoms and easing the transition. ( remember always : you are not alone. ) Numerous forums and databases + such as : How you can help Windows users quit One Day at a time... ''... Programs or OS? However, in most cases, people have become accustomed to Windows and a range of programs running on it. The average PC user is unlikely to know the difference between Windows and some of its most popular programs. Anyone who isn’t an enthusiast might have difficulty knowing where Windows ends and Microsoft Office starts. You can turn this to your advantage, as it’s easier to persuade someone to try out a new program than it is to fundamentally change the way their computer works. By gradually replacing the programs on the computer with Windows ports of common Linux applications, you can ease the transition to an open source environment without having to make a drastic change. Think of this as a similar step to cutting down the number of cigarettes smoked prior to giving up. Firefox Swapping Internet Explorer for Mozilla Firefox is a logical first step. Firefox is probably the most popular open source program around and it provides enough similarity to earlier versions of Internet Explorer to provide a painless transition. To install the Windows version of Firefox, browse to www.mozilla.com/firefox and download and install the program. On installation you can transfer Internet Explorer favourites and the default homepage. There are people who have difficulty telling Firefox apart from Internet Explorer 6, especially once the homepage is the same. Assuming that the tentative steps with Firefox have gone OK, you can try pressing the advantage. Select some must-have Firefox add-ons that will improve your subject’s web browsing. You can find a list by choosing Tools > Add-ons > Get Extensions. Try adding Adblock Plus, English Dictionary to work with the inline spell checking, and NoScript. There are loads of others, but these are invaluable in cutting down web irritations and protecting the browser. ...''

WIKI : https://secure.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/wiki/Ubuntu_Enterprise_Cloud#Cloud_computing Ubuntu 11.10 (Oneiric Ocelot) Company / developer Canonical Ltd. / Ubuntu Foundation OS family Unix-like Working state Current Source model Free and open source software (with exceptions)[1][2] Initial release 20 October 2004; 7 years ago Latest stable release 11.10 (Oneiric Ocelot) / 13 October 2011; 2 months ago[3] Latest unstable release 12.04 (Precise Pangolin) Alpha 1 / 1 December 2011; 13 days ago[4] Available language(s) Multilingual (more than 55) Update method APT (front-ends available) Package manager dpkg (front-ends like Synaptic available) Supported platforms i386, AMD64, ARM[5][6] Kernel type Linux (Monolithic) Userland GNU Default user interface : 4.10 to 10.10: GNOME Panel 2.x 11.04: Unity shell on top of GNOME 2.x 11.10: Unity shell on top of GNOME 3.x License Mainly the GNU GPL and various other free software licenses / plus proprietary binary blobs.[1][2] Official website www.ubuntu.com

I agree, but I think the reasons are systemic. ( the scale is a matter of the causes in the sense of expediency.) IOW ultimately irreconcilable by the system. I suggest that the inhumanity is essential for the perpetuation of the system.

Mineral profits fuel Congo violence Sunday, December 4, 2011 By Tony Iltis Electoral workers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. “Preliminary results from Congo’s presidential election show incumbent Joseph Kabila leading,” Associated Press reported on December 3. For several reasons, this is not surprising news from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The reasons include election-related violence, in which the police and army were not neutral, and electoral fraud. Violence escalated in the final days before the November 28 poll. AP said the DRC “remains on edge after days of violence which left at least 18 dead and seriously wounded 100 more, with most of the deaths caused by troops loyal to Kabila, Human Rights Watch said”. “The violence peaked on [November 26] when tens of thousands of people descended on Kinshasa’s airport to welcome home [opposition candidate Etienne] Tshisekedi … “In the government crackdown that followed, at least 14 people were killed … Soldiers fired into the crowd, hitting a 27-year-old mother of five in the head.” Senior HRW Africa researcher Anneke Van Woudenberg said: “Elections don’t give soldiers an excuse to randomly shoot at crowds. The authorities should immediately suspend those responsible for this unnecessary bloodshed and hold them to account.” Fraud alleged All four main opposition candidates have alleged fraud, and international observers reported routine irregularities. These were widely predicted. Congolese University of North Carolina academic Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja said on Al Jazeera on November 27: “The Independent National Electoral Commission has no autonomy, as it works closely with the government of President Joseph Kabila, who is seeking re-election. “Pastor Daniel Ngoy Mulunda, the Methodist minister who heads the commission, is a relative of the president and a founding member of the ruling party … His performance so far has not shown any signs of impartiality. “The electoral commission has refused to allow for an independent audit of the voters’ roll, which is known to include minors, Rwandan citizens and ghost voters, while real voters have in many instances found their names deleted from it. “The commission did belatedly release a map of polling stations, but many of these have been found to be non-existent.” However, these are not the main reasons preventing democratic elections in the DRC. Much of the country, particularly the north-east, is still being devastated by a genocidal war that since 1996 has, in a country with a population of about 72 million, killed more people than any conflict since World War II. This multi-sided war involving local and international participants is partly responsible for the extreme poverty of the Congolese people. Its cause is the DRC’s extreme wealth in minerals. Poverty The November 26 Guardian said: “Despite $24 trillion of known mineral deposits, Congo sits bottom of the latest UN human development index: 60% of people live on less than $1.25 a day.” Life expectancy is 48. This paradox is the result of over a century of the violent plunder of the country’s resources and exploitation of the people’s labour. The war that has raged since the 1996 overthrow of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko is fuelled by the rocketing global demand for coltan, a mineral used in electronic devices such as mobile phones and laptops. During the Mobutu dictatorship ― and in the violent years preceding its establishment in 1965, during which the US, Belgium and other powers overthrew and assassinated independence leader Patrice Lumumba ― copper was the main prize. Congo’s long nightmare began in 1877, when it became a personal fiefdom of King Leopold II of Belgium. At that time, rubber was the coveted industrial raw material. It was obtained by a labour regime that used amputation of limbs to discipline Congolese rubber harvesters not considered productive enough. Such was the brutality of King Leopold’s Congo Free State (so named because it was based on the principals of “free trade”) that it generated opposition in Europe, despite this being at the height of Europe’s “scramble for Africa”. In 1908, after a solidarity campaign led by Sir Roger Casement (who was later hanged by the British for his role in the 1916 Irish uprising), administration was transferred from King Leopold’s Free State to the Belgian government. By this time, about 13 million Congolese had been killed. Patrice Lumumba, who led the DRC to independence in 1960, remains an immensely popular symbol in the DRC and throughout Africa. However, his vision of development controlled by, and for the benefit of, the Congolese people themselves was immensely unpopular with the resource-hungry Western powers. In an intervention involving Belgian paratroopers, the CIA, Western mercenaries and several coups and separatist movements, Lumumba was overthrown and assassinated in 1961. Mobutu, the head of the armed forces, was installed in 1965. By the time of his overthrow in 1996, Mobutu had accumulated $5 billion in personal wealth. He did this by skimming the profits of the booming foreign-owned mining industry and the military aid that flooded in from the US and France, for whom Mobutu was a key Cold War ally. Mobutu plundered aid intended for development in its entirety. Infrastructure disappeared ― not only social services such as education and health but that necessary for normal commerce, such as transport. Mobutu’s overthrow was accomplished by a broad coalition of external and internal forces. The leader of the coalition, Laurent Kabila, commanded a small guerrilla group ― a remnant of the pro-Lumumba resistance of the 1960s. However, by 1965, when Latin American revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara linked up with them, they had already degenerated through corruption and involvement in smuggling to such an extent that Che wrote them off and left. Kabila became president in 1996, and remained so until 2001, when he was assassinated by his bodyguard. His son Joseph took over. Several of the DRC’s neighbours got involved, including Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Angola and Zimbabwe. For some, the motivation was cleaning up loose ends from the Cold War when Mobutu was the conduit for US and French assistance to several rebel movements. For example, Angola, a Cold War opponent of the US but by 1996 on better terms, took the opportunity to eliminate the remnants of formerly US-supported guerrillas. Profit-fuelled war Angolan soldiers remain in the DRC, enabling access by international diamond interests. The main foreign forces were from Rwanda and Uganda (both US allies). They have been operating in the coltan-rich east and north-east. Rwandan forces initially entered the DRC in pursuit of the French-backed forces responsible for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. However, coinciding with the huge global proliferation of electronic devices containing coltan, the economic opportunities proved too tempting. Rwanda, Uganda, the Kabila government and a bewildering array of proxy militias fell out with each other in competition for the spoils. Local militia groups, known as mai mai emerged to defend communities but they too often turned predatory. The result has been an escalation of violence and a continuation of the underdevelopment of Mobutu years. “GDP per person was 50% higher at independence in 1960 than it is today,” the November 26 Economist said. Estimates of those killed in the post-Mobutu conflict range between 5 million and 9.5 million. The United Nations has described the DRC as the “rape capital of the world”. Like the violence of King Leopold’s rubber collectors, mass rape is used as a means of labour discipline. This is why rape typically occurs with the community being forced to line up and watch. Huge profits are being made from coltan mining. “Armed groups earn an estimated $8 million a year,” Planetgreen.com reported in April last year. Ugandan and Rwandan military and business interests are making profits in the billions, says litigation by the DRC government. But the biggest profits are made by Western corporations. The October 30, 2008, Independent said: “The UN named the international corporations it believed were involved: Anglo-America, Standard Chartered Bank, De Beers and more than 100 others. (They all deny the charges.) But instead of stopping these corporations, our governments demanded that the UN stop criticising them.” From GLW issue 906

Paul, is there any correspondence there between Ned Touchstone or John Sullivan (memory name, head of Louisiana Sovereignty Commission. Even, while I'm at it, Eastland, Birdsong, Beckwith, Van Landringham, etc: in that milieu, in the archive? edit add : http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=18063&view=findpost&p=233221 http://mdah.state.ms...43|1|1|1|43755| search button down the bottom for Ned Touchstone. Look out for "The Councilor" edition that reports the arrival in Shreveport as well as the reporting (in German and translation and some commentary) about the German article re Oswald. Perhaps there is a way to track these guys in the days following the assassination too.

A POV well worth studying, Norman. I find it hard to articulate my thoughts on this. I think an important consideration is what is the mechanism at work. We don't do these things on such a grand scale to our 'own'. It's always some 'other' that in being other is somehow less and in being less both parties are dehumanised. Inevitably I think one must consider racism. this article imo goes some way in looking for an understanding. http://www.answers.com/topic/family scroll down > ... Oedipal family model and fascism The model, common in the western societies, of the family triangle, husband-wife-children isolated from the outside, is also called the oedipal model of the family, and it is a form of patriarchal family. Many philosophers and psychiatrists analyzed such a model. One of the most prominent of such studies is Anti-Œdipus by Deleuze and Guattari (1972). Michel Foucault, in its renowned preface, remarked how the primary focus of this study is the fight against contemporary fascism.[30] " And not only historical fascism, the fascism of Hitler and Mussolini [...] but also the fascism in us all, in our heads and in our everyday behavior, the fascism that causes us to love power, to desire the very thing that dominates and exploits us. " In the family, they argue, the young develop in a perverse relationship, wherein they learn to love the same person who beats and oppresses them. The family therefore constitutes the first cell of the fascist society, as they will carry this attitude of love for oppressive figures in their adult life.[30][31] Fathers torment their sons.[17][32] Deleuze and Guattari, in their analysis of the dynamics at work within a family, "track down all varieties of fascism, from the enormous ones that surround and crush us to the petty ones that constitute the tyrannical bitterness of our everyday lives".[30] As it has been explained by Deleuze, Guattari and Foucault, as well as other philosophers and psychiatrists such as Laing and Reich, the patriarchal-family conceived in the West tradition serves the purpose of perpetuating a propertarian and authoritarian society.[33] The child grows according to the oedipal model, which is typical of the structure of capitalist societies,[9][10] and he becomes in turn owner of submissive children and protector of the woman.[32][34][35][36][37] Some argue that the family institution conflicts with human nature and human primitive desires and that one of its core functions is performing a suppression of instincts,[9][10] a repression of desire commencing with the earliest age of the child.[33] As the young undergoes physical and psychological repression from someone for whom they develop love, they develop a loving attitude towards authority figures. They will bring such attitude in their adult life, when they will desire social repression and will form docile subjects for society.[33] Michel Foucault, in his systematic study of sexuality, argued that rather than being merely repressed, the desires of the individual are efficiently mobilized and used,[30] to control the individual, alter interpersonal relationships and control the masses. Foucault believed organized religion, through moral prohibitions, and economic powers, through advertising, make use of unconscious sex drives. Dominating desire, they dominate individuals.[38] According to the analysis of Michel Foucault, in the west: the [conjugal] family organization, precisely to the extent that it was insular and heteromorphous with respect to the other power mechanisms, was used to support the great "maneuvers" employed for the Malthusian control of the birthrate, for the populationist incitements, for the medicalization of sex and the psychiatrization of its nongenital forms. —Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality vol I, chap. IV, sect. Method, rule 3, p. 99 Read more: http://www.answers.c...y#ixzz1g8sun5km edit format

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Don't worry about it, James, you'll get over it.

That's a pretty good description of the invasion of North America and the slaughter of the buffalos, the infecting of natives with tainted cloth, the herding into reservations, the massacres, etc etc.

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African Americans and Occupy: Convergence of interests Wednesday, December 7, 2011 By Malik Miah, San Francisco What's striking about the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) Movement and its popular slogan “We are the 99%” is how much the central demand of the movement resonates with the Black community. African Americans, with few exceptions, are in the bottom 20% of income and wealth. Double digit unemployment is the norm in “good” economic times. Yet the social composition of most OWS occupations (some 10,000 including college campuses) has had few Black faces including in urban areas with large Black populations. The reality of high unemployment, few job opportunities, poverty and inadequate health care has most poor people trying to survive. It is why African Americans are not visible in large numbers. In many cases, however, African Americans are taking to the streets. They are using civil action to protest police brutality and the shutdown of community schools, hospitals and obvious acts of discrimination. These protests, while widely known in the Black community and Black-oriented media, rarely get prominence in the mainstream newspapers and networks. In Oakland, for example, at the same time Occupy Oakland was center stage with cop violence against protesters, there were community actions to protest plans to shut down local schools. Taking a leadership role Historically, African Americans will march and rally around issues of racism that directly affect them. There is little faith that politicians or the legal and political structures will act without facing extra-parliamentary and civil disobedience pressure. The most energised and committed group in unions ready to take on the bosses are African American workers, because of their understanding of how change is won. Disproportionate to their numbers, Blacks have taken leadership roles in fightbacks. Their actions have inspired and mobilised others to fight for their own interests and join in broader coalitions, as occurred in the 1960s and '70s. Blacks understand from their history the inequality and social injustice of American capitalism -- it’s what African Americans have lived under before the Great Recession and continue to suffer today. The OWS movement is a convergence of African American reality with the broad working class and “middle class” concerns due to the housing crisis and demise of “good” paying jobs. Temporary jobs with no benefits are increasingly what the wealthy “job creators” offer even to educated whites. The key point is that the social injustice and inequality gap that fuels the OWS movement is the reality that Blacks have experienced for four centuries. The ruling class counteroffensive against the gains of the civil rights revolution of the '60s and '70s hit African Americans and unionized workers the hardest. Nearly 6 million manufacturing jobs have disappeared since 2000. More than 40,000 factories have closed. Outsourcing of better-paying jobs is still rampant. African Americans have endured what has been described as the greatest loss of collective assets in their history. Millions have been thrown into severe poverty and desperation. What’s called “the Black middle class” is not based primarily upon small business owners, entrepreneurs and professionals. It is actually the better-off working class group, largely employed in government jobs or blue collar union jobs that are in decline or under attack. Labour joining the Occupy movement reflects a fundamental coming together of unions with high Black memberships and issues that reflect the broad interests of the African American community. Attack on postal service A case in point is the United States Postal Service (USPS) that the right wing has targeted during the past decade. The adoption of law by Congress in 2006 makes the United States Postal Service (USPS, a self-financing body but under the Congress’s direction) put aside billions of dollars in 10 years’ time to cover health and pension benefits for the next 75 years. No other government agency or private sector company has a similar obligation. The goal is the destruction of the postal service as we know it. It is the only government agency authorised under the US Constitution and thus can't be eliminated without an amendment to the Constitution. A radical restructuring of the USPS will mean the elimination of Saturday mail service, closing of post offices and reduction of 200,000 jobs -- one-third of the workforce. About 25% of the USPS workers are African Americans. Many other employees are Latinos and Pacific Islanders. These jobs are the backbone of stable families in most urban Black communities. In addition, they are unionised; relatively better paying jobs with good benefits. Conservatives have targeted the public sector (federal, state and local) since the so called Reagan Revolution that began in 1981, when Reagan declared the “government as the problem”. Reagan began the three-decade redistribution of wealth from the bottom 80% to the top 1%. Corporate taxes were slashed and the top personal income taxes sharply reduced for the top 1%. Recent studies by the Brookings Institution and the Center for Labor Research and Education at the University of California note the great impact of this class warfare to public sector jobs. About one in five Black workers have a public sector job, and African Americans workers are one third more likely than white ones to be employed in the public sector. “The reliance on these jobs has provided African Americans a path upward,” said Robert H. Zieger, emeritus professor of history at the University of Florida, a November 29 New York Times article entitled “Public Sector Sheds Jobs; Blacks are Hit Hardest” reported. “But it is also vulnerability.” Robber barons old and new The power of the demand of defending the 99% against the one-tenth of the 1% is that it unifies all races and ethnic groups suffering what African Americans have endured for decades. From a historical point of view, there has been a link between the rise of new progressive movements and the state of Black America. That convergence has helped to build powerful protest campaigns against the capitalist system and its elites, including the ruling Republican and Democratic parties. The wealthy elites respond with violence and use racism to divide suffering whites from oppressed Blacks. It is still a widely used weapon today especially in the Old South. It targets not only African Americans but Latino immigrants. The objective is to reverse gains and reestablish old white dominant relationships. In the long run, as demographics change, it cannot last -- but in the short run can delay change and roll back important social gains. The first major counteroffensive occurred in the 1880s and '90s with the defeat of post-civil war Radical Reconstruction Period in the south that began to bring some equality to freed slaves. Both ruling parties, like today, served the interests of the corporate robber barons in this Gilded Age of US history. A progressive movement arose after the 1893 financial crisis. The backlash against the elites resulted in popular campaigns that led to antitrust laws, labour laws and the women’s suffrage moment. It included, in 1913 following a series of financial panics, the creation of the Federal Reserve that the libertarian right has attacked as undermining free markets. Black civil rights, however, made little progress even though African Americans backed the progressive movement. The second gilded age came in the 1920s. Again it came after the rightward push against immigrants, Black civil rights and labor unions. The decline of organised labour was drastic in the 1920s. Unions were crushed; Black militants such as Marcus Garvey and his urban-based movement came under fierce government attack. Thousands of Blacks who migrated from the Caribbean during World War I were arrested and deported. White vigilante violence escalated. The “Roaring 20s” was the heyday of the new rich, and hell for Blacks and the working class. In the 1930s, African Americans began to push for social justice during the Great Depression. The white unemployed fought back and the rise of the trade unions as a fighting force occurred. Legal racism still reigned, but the unity of Black and white workers in the north occurred to a degree never seen up to that time. Although still rampant, racism began to recede as industrial unions emerged in the north. Some of the most significant labour laws and restrictions on the robber barons occurred as the 99% gain more power. It shook the super-rich and Wall Street to their core. The socialist and communist left joined the anti-racist campaigns and helped integrate the trade unions. The retreats after WWII and rise of McCarthyism did not wipe out the gains of the 1930 and '40s. The growing post-war influence of the civil rights movement inspired organised labour, helped to radicalised students and energised the '60s social movements. The big gains for Blacks and other social groups weakened the 1% and its supporters. New reaction, new response The counteroffensive that opened in the Reagan era came at a time when African Americans had already won some of their greatest gains. Many of the movement’s leaders had become prominent elected officials, and others won seats at the table including on Wall Street. But the steady decline of the social movements set the stage for the rise of the new Gilded Age that we live in today. Labour lost tens of thousands of members, a re-segregation of big urban cities and schools accelerated, and much of the new Black professional class moved to the suburbs. No groups stood up to the far right’s ideological offensive that the public sector was “evil” and had to be cut down to a size that it could be “drowned in the bathtub”. African Americans have always played an objectively vanguard role in responding to the 1% -- raising protest on behalf their own interests, and making demands on the state and system. What’s happening now with the OWS movement is the convergence of African American interests and the broader community, shaking up the political system. Blacks are not the “leaders” of OWS, but the example African Americans have played in US history shows the potential of the new social movement. It also explains why the political and economic elites are so concerned about their brutal class warfare against the oppressed and exploited: The fear of Wall Street is that the masses will not stop with simply demanding higher taxes on the rich, but will demand political power for the 99%. [Malik Miah is an editor of Against the Current.] From GLW issue 906

An odd factoid : apparently the guy who formed the format the FBI was structured from was a USPO worker. An old magazine article (parade reprints?) has him as the 'father' of the FBI.

Yeah. I guess habit, > John - Don. I do it too from time to time. PM was just for some clarification.

Don: I sent you a private message. Hope you go it. Your "email me" is not working. DSL Yeah, I got it. I've got the email function disabled. Thanks for the reply.

http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=11626&relPageId=7

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Which is why, I think, that control of the internet is crucial. In fact all means of communication. The shutting down of a communications network is ultimately essential to maintain control when people overwhelmingly want those in control to cease and desist. Once separated we are vulnerable. Imo it is essential to escalate an attempt to drive the agenda. Take the Power Back. Peace.

David. I've been considering for some time any means whereby an alteration could have happened (as well as extent) and there don't seem to be that many opportunities to consider. I've been considering various apparently unrelated events, that imo if could be connected may provide such an answer, namely an in depth look at Bell, particularly the brief glimpse of a couple walking away from the scene, Harry Holmes, and his apparent handling of the SS copies pre one being sent to Washington, and various other film involvements. Even such obscurities as looking at Simms and Co through the MSC files. Can you recount any hypotheses that you or others have developed?

Give it a rest... As far as addressing your point about the Secret Service - did the conspiracy go all the way up and all the way down the chain of command in the SS? Did everyone know about it? And tell everybody who within the Dallas Police Department shouldn't be exonerated? Give us some names, David. And the name of Witt's dentist wouldn't go amiss either. Yes, tho possibly for different reasons, it could be interesting to know.

Was not meant in any other way than written, tho the tea bit was more of a 'clue'. It's a pity such a possibly interesting minutae goes by the way through (the understandable) mis-readings. I don't think an ordinary Geisha would be of such interest and would such a Geisha be interested in someone like Oswald? In what circumstances could such a one be?

Very interesting (as usual) Robert. Is this document 1231 online, awa the label list?

Lots of ideas there to pursue for an answer. (Duke) Franz, I've been giving this a rest since you posted a copy of the original you worked from and I can see straight away that that original itself is 'compromised'. One could just as well take a part of the sky and zoom in and do color splits of all kinds and generate images that show often what is rightly called rosarch tests afa seeing is in the eye of the beholder. Still, I think that it's good that you pursue this afa you can because in the process much can be learned, tho often not exactly that what one may expect.. I encourage you to continue.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=42OTO7v1WJw ♫♫Bob Marley - One Drop Live Oakland USA 1979♫♫

Ay