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Paz Marverde

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Everything posted by Paz Marverde

  1. Hoover: The President wasn’t hit by the second one LBJ: I say if Connally wouldn’t have been in his way. Hoover: Oh yes, yes! The President would of no doubt been hit. LBJ: He would of then been hit three times. Hoover: He would have been hit three times.
  2. Angleton created a CIA inside the CIA. CMC is this: a CIA inside the CIA. It is really evident Angleton's presence inside Clay Shaw's CMC. This explains a lot of things. And speaks volumes about the fact that KGB had nothing to do with a plot to kill JFK
  3. I know, but I am really tired of people still talking about a KGB plot. I am not sure if they are able to use their own brain
  4. Nothing to add. KGB had NOTHING to do with the plot
  5. http://www.lantidiplomatico.it/dettnews-centro_mondiale_commerciale_indegna_censura_canadese_cerca_di_fermare_la_verit/5871_23130/ TRANSLATION (WORK IN PROGRESS) As my readers well know, CMC is branch of the North American Permindex, founded by a Canadian: Louis Bloomfield, whose name also appears inside the exclusive CMC papers in my possession. Bloomfield who, shortly before his death, decided to give his Permindex-CMC documents to the Central Canadian Archives. A less unusual decision than one might think: Edgardo Sogno, the right-wing extremist who heavily crossed his life with that of CMC, he too decided, before dying, to finally reveal many aspects till that moment hidden or denied of his own subversive activity; the CIA Agent Howard Hunt, he too did the same, revealing to his son, just before his death, the involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the assassination of John Kennedy. The looming of the last moment brings some to this kind of choices. The only constraint that Bloomfield imposed was that his papers would have been accessible only after twenty years from his departure. Decision left well clear, to which, however, Bloomfield’s widow made opposition, asking to deny whatever access to the marital bequest. It is here that - we are in 2004 - a courageous researcher, Maurice Phillipps, obtained an important victory recurring to a Court: Bloomfield’s papers, the Court said, must be available. With a “but”. A gigantic one, because that Court added that we can read them only as they become at least 50 years old. Why? Because of a clamorous excuse: inside those papers, there are also letters from or to Ernst Imfeld, a lawyer. It’s invoking the confidentiality in the relationship between a lawyer and his client that the Court made its decision. Decision which is a triple insult: to reality, to intelligence, to law. In fact, Imfeld was in no way Bloomfield's lawyer, but a business partner. But there is more: because of Imfeld, the Court required that such consultation after 50 years would be applied not only to documents actually concerning Imfeld, but to all the documents left by Bloomfield to the Canadian Archives. An already difficult situation, that from today becomes unacceptable: in fact, another courageous researcher contacted me with extreme urgency, begging to report through the L’Antidiplomatico Italian newspaper that, gone to these Archives in order to have access to those documents that in 2018 have matured the famous fifty years of seniority, he received a refuse. In essence, the Archives told him that they will no longer deliver any Bloomfield’s paper. A shameful decision that, above all, arrives exactly, what a coincidence, in the moment Kowalski and I have started a very fruitful collaboration on CMC. Let’s see what I mean. In my latest articles on the subject published by L'Antidiplomatico, I was able to highlight a maneuver carried out by CMC to put under control some very important Italian people. It was an operation of bribery led by the CMC member Georges Mantello, and that involved personalities such as: Giovanni De Lorenzo, fascist, P2 member, and powerful head of the Italian intelligence; Giuseppe Pighini, an admiral under fascism and, eventually, among NATO's top members, since it was head of ComNavSouth, the Command of the Naval Forces of Southern Europe, but also accomplice of subversive activities both alongside the P2 member Sindona and the P2 member Sogno; Gaetano Piccolella, then Head of Rome Police, and then, from 1995 to 1997, Deputy Head of the Italian Police then stumbled into an investigation, christened Phoney Money, in which we also find the name of Pier Francesco Pacini Battaglia related to the investigation of the Ustica massacre. This, due to a company of Pacini: the Mediterranean, gone to make strange geological operations after the slaughter of the plane Itavia, and right in the stretch of sea where this plane felt. Mediterranean whose notary was the very same notary of CMC. Well: Mantello conducted this operation through another company: Marina Reale. What Kowalski had managed to find in the Canadian Archives before the Archives mysteriously informed him that the door was slammed into his face, is a document, written by Bloomfield in July 1961, and sent to Tibor Rosenbaum. A document listing the owners of Marina Reale. These were: Georges Mantello, with 25% of the shares; Enrico Mantello and Tim Pales, holders of another 25%; Dov Biegun, 10%; Joseph Slifka, 15%; Bloomfield, 10%; Max and Moe Pascal, 7.5%; Nate Dolin, 7.5%. It is a resounding document. First of all, in fact, when cross-examined side by side to the CMC papers in my possession, it unmasks the entire Marina Reale as a structure under full CMC control: Biegun, Georges and Enrico Mantello, (they were father and son, by the way), Slifka, Bloomfield, all they were CMC members. Max and Moe Pascal, instead, were Bloomfield’s relatives. The next aspect is that, if we widen the horizon to Harry Pascal, Bloomfield’s nephew, we see his presence in the BCCI, a Bank so deeply involved in dirty money washing that it was obliged to close in 1991. Well: it is very interesting to note that, to be even more precise, the Bloomfield’s document found by Kowalski is addressed to Tibor Rosenbaum directly at the headquarters of International Crèdit Bank of Geneva, of which Rosenbaum was the heads. ICB which can be considered a progenitor of BCCI. Not only that: when I deepened my research, I discovered that, as stressed by Naylor in his much-appreciated Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, the ICB was totally under Mossad control, the top Israeli intelligence agency. It is so true, Naylor writes, that "at some point 90% of the purchase of weapons abroad by the Israeli Defense Department passed through this [bank]". We are once again before the chilling evidence of the strong role of Mossad within the CMC. A role I already demonstrated by a worldwide exclusive serie of articles I wrote for L'Antidiplomatico. Articles where I described the presence, in the BoD of CMC, of Gershon Peres, brother of the President of Israel Shimon Peres. There’s more: as I had already got to reveal, the Biegun co-owner of the capital of Marina Reale is a character equally attached to the Israeli far-right policies. Putting all the pieces together, it means that Bloomfield, through that document found at Kowalski's Archives of Canada, was reporting to Mossad about the CMC operation of corruption of extremely powerful Italian figures. Another good example of how much synergy arises from crossing my investigative work with what Kowalski was discovering in Canada, is offered by a letter Marina Reale sent to Hans Seligman, a member - reveal my papers - of CMC. Letter of January 1961, and communicating that “powerful” interests may give 200,000,000 lira into CMC: an astonishing amount of money. Another example more: Kowalski also found a document concerning the Trans Israel Pipeline, an even today very important oil pipeline that goes from Eilat, Israeli port on the Red Sea, to Ashkelon, Israeli port on the Mediterranean. It is a further letter from Bloomfield, and this pipeline, then not yet realized, is the subject of conversation with a lawyer: Graham Mattison, of Dominick & Dominick. Bloomfield aimed to convince Mattison to take part in this project. The most intriguing element of this letter is the way in which Bloomfield relates to Mattison. It is with the language a true connoisseur of global geopolitics. Bloomfield, in fact, explained that, with that pipeline, the USA were trying to both offside Soviet appetites and to create a strong oil axis with Israel. Bloomfield also did show extreme familiarity with the State Department. All robust indications that Louis Bloomfield must necessarily belong to some US intelligence apparatus, because this is the only way to explain his very detailed knowledge of so extremely secret US maneuvers. But the last ingredient I want to point out of this letter is that there is a conversation between Mattison and a certain Dulles. It must be - the whole context shouts it - Allen Dulles, director of the CIA, brother of Foster Dulles, and bitter enemy of JFK. I also highlight this because my studies, thanks to my CMC papers, have clearly shown a very strong presence, inside CMC, of both Foster and Allen Dulles. But there is another strong evidence crying loud that that Dulles is Allen Dulles: a series of documents I found at the Princeton University Library. Documents about an offer of collaboration in activities of Intelligence made to Allen Dulles from the Hungarian Tihamér de Fabinyi. Offer absolutely rejected by Dulles. What happens at that point? Those Princeton documents show that to try to make Allen Dulles change his mind is invoked the intervention of Mattison, the recipient of Bloomfield's letter about the pipeline. Mattison explicitly indicated as a good friend of Allen Dulles. All in all, the reading of these documents kept at the prestigious US University, sounds as confirmation of a very precious intuition come from Jim DiEugenio, one of the world's leading experts on the JFK assassination. In praising my own and Kowalski's discoveries, DiEugenio, in fact, said he saw the presence of elements for which we find ourselves thinking that the CMC was a sort of level superior to the CIA itself. That Mattison could be considered as a person capable of modifying the decision taken so clearly by Allen Dulles, actually pushes in this direction. Also because, again at Princeton University, there is another document concerning Mattison. Document that shows how he was already intimate, in the forties of the last century, of Hoyt Vandenberg, a military man at the top of US espionage before the creation of the CIA. I could add much more, but I will stop here, because it is certainly evident in those who read me how important it is that the Archives of Canada will stop their absurd censorship. Especially since, as I already said, this is happening exactly at the beginning of a collaboration between myself and the talented researcher Kowalski. It seems that someone, in the attic of the Power, is scared, a lot scared.
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