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Paz Marverde

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Everything posted by Paz Marverde

  1. Jim, thanks as always. What I think is that the Paese Sera 1967 investigation had, behind, somehow, RFK efforts to establish the truth on his brother assassination P.S: I know your book, and it's a masterpiece
  2. I am honored to have this invitation to address the annual meeting of the Dallas Citizens Council, joined by the members of the Dallas Assembly--and pleased to have this opportunity to salute the Graduate Research Center of the Southwest. It is fitting that these two symbols of Dallas progress are united in the sponsorship of this meeting. For they represent the best qualities, I am told, of leadership and learning in this city--and leadership and learning are indispensable to each other. The advancement of learning depends on community leadership for financial and political support and the products of that learning, in turn, are essential to the leadership's hopes for continued progress and prosperity. It is not a coincidence that those communities possessing the best in research and graduate facilities--from MIT to Cal Tech--tend to attract the new and growing industries. I congratulate those of you here in Dallas who have recognized these basic facts through the creation of the unique and forward-looking Graduate Research Center. This link between leadership and learning is not only essential at the community level. It is even more indispensable in world affairs. Ignorance and misinformation can handicap the progress of a city or a company, but they can, if allowed to prevail in foreign policy, handicap this country's security. In a world of complex and continuing problems, in a world full of frustrations and irritations, America's leadership must be guided by the lights of learning and reason or else those who confuse rhetoric with reality and the plausible with the possible will gain the popular ascendancy with their seemingly swift and simple solutions to every world problem. There will always be dissident voices heard in the land, expressing opposition without alternatives, finding fault but never favor, perceiving gloom on every side and seeking influence without responsibility. Those voices are inevitable. But today other voices are heard in the land--voices preaching doctrines wholly unrelated to reality, wholly unsuited to the sixties, doctrines which apparently assume that words will suffice without weapons, that vituperation is as good as victory and that peace is a sign of weakness. At a time when the national debt is steadily being reduced in terms of its burden on our economy, they see that debt as the greatest single threat to our security. At a time when we are steadily reducing the number of Federal employees serving every thousand citizens, they fear those supposed hordes of civil servants far more than the actual hordes of opposing armies. We cannot expect that everyone, to use the phrase of a decade ago, will "talk sense to the American people." But we can hope that fewer people will listen to nonsense. And the notion that this Nation is headed for defeat through deficit, or that strength is but a matter of slogans, is nothing but just plain nonsense. I want to discuss with you today the status of our strength and our security because this question clearly calls for the most responsible qualities of leadership and the most enlightened products of scholarship. For this Nation's strength and security are not easily or cheaply obtained, nor are they quickly and simply explained. There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice. Overwhelming nuclear strength cannot stop a guerrilla war. Formal pacts of alliance cannot stop internal subversion. Displays of material wealth cannot stop the disillusionment of diplomats subjected to discrimination. Above all, words alone are not enough. The United States is a peaceful nation. And where our strength and determination are clear, our words need merely to convey conviction, not belligerence. If we are strong, our strength will speak for itself. If we are weak, words will be of no help. I realize that this Nation often tends to identify turning-points in world affairs with the major addresses which preceded them. But it was not the Monroe Doctrine that kept all Europe away from this hemisphere--it was the strength of the British fleet and the width of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not General Marshall's speech at Harvard which kept communism out of Western Europe--it was the strength and stability made possible by our military and economic assistance. In this administration also it has been necessary at times to issue specific warnings--warnings that we could not stand by and watch the Communists conquer Laos by force, or intervene in the Congo, or swallow West Berlin, or maintain offensive missiles on Cuba. But while our goals were at least temporarily obtained in these and other instances, our successful defense of freedom was due not to the words we used, but to the strength we stood ready to use on behalf of the principles we stand ready to defend. This strength is composed of many different elements, ranging from the most massive deterrents to the most subtle influences. And all types of strength are needed--no one kind could do the job alone. Let us take a moment, therefore, to review this Nation's progress in each major area of strength. I. First, as Secretary McNamara made clear in his address last Monday, the strategic nuclear power of the United States has been so greatly modernized and expanded in the last 1,000 days, by the rapid production and deployment of the most modern missile systems, that any and all potential aggressors are clearly confronted now with the impossibility of strategic victory--and the certainty of total destruction--if by reckless attack they should ever force upon us the necessity of a strategic reply. In less than 3 years, we have increased by 50 percent the number of Polaris submarines scheduled to be in force by the next fiscal year, increased by more than 70 percent our total Polaris purchase program, increased by more than 75 percent our Minuteman purchase program, increased by 50 percent the portion of our strategic bombers on 15-minute alert, and increased by too percent the total number of nuclear weapons available in our strategic alert forces. Our security is further enhanced by the steps we have taken regarding these weapons to improve the speed and certainty of their response, their readiness at all times to respond, their ability to survive an attack, and their ability to be carefully controlled and directed through secure command operations. II. But the lessons of the last decade have taught us that freedom cannot be defended by strategic nuclear power alone. We have, therefore, in the last 3 years accelerated the development and deployment of tactical nuclear weapons, and increased by 60 percent the tactical nuclear forces deployed in Western Europe. Nor can Europe or any other continent rely on nuclear forces alone, whether they are strategic or tactical. We have radically improved the readiness of our conventional forces--increased by 45 percent the number of combat ready Army divisions, increased by 100 percent the procurement of modern Army weapons and equipment, increased by 100 percent our ship construction, conversion, and modernization program, increased by too percent our procurement of tactical aircraft, increased by 30 percent the number of tactical air squadrons, and increased the strength of the Marines. As last month's "Operation Big Lift"--which originated here in Texas--showed so clearly, this Nation is prepared as never before to move substantial numbers of men in surprisingly little time to advanced positions anywhere in the world. We have increased by 175 percent the procurement of airlift aircraft, and we have already achieved a 75 percent increase in our existing strategic airlift capability. Finally, moving beyond the traditional roles of our military forces, we have achieved an increase of nearly 600 percent in our special forces--those forces that are prepared to work with our allies and friends against the guerrillas, saboteurs, insurgents and assassins who threaten freedom in a less direct but equally dangerous manner. III. But American military might should not and need not stand alone against the ambitions of international communism. Our security and strength, in the last analysis, directly depend on the security and strength of others, and that is why our military and economic assistance plays such a key role in enabling those who live on the periphery of the Communist world to maintain their independence of choice. Our assistance to these nations can be painful, risky and costly, as is true in Southeast Asia today. But we dare not weary of the task. For our assistance makes possible the stationing of 3-5 million allied troops along the Communist frontier at one-tenth the cost of maintaining a comparable number of American soldiers. A successful Communist breakthrough in these areas, necessitating direct United States intervention, would cost us several times as much as our entire foreign aid program, and might cost us heavily in American lives as well. About 70 percent of our military assistance goes to nine key countries located on or near the borders of the Communist bloc--nine countries confronted directly or indirectly with the threat of Communist aggression--Viet-Nam, Free China, Korea, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Greece, Turkey, and Iran. No one of these countries possesses on its own the resources to maintain the forces which our own Chiefs of Staff think needed in the common interest. Reducing our efforts to train, equip, and assist their armies can only encourage Communist penetration and require in time the increased overseas deployment of American combat forces. And reducing the economic help needed to bolster these nations that undertake to help defend freedom can have the same disastrous result. In short, the $50 billion we spend each year on our own defense could well be ineffective without the $4 billion required for military and economic assistance. Our foreign aid program is not growing in size, it is, on the contrary, smaller now than in previous years. It has had its weaknesses, but we have undertaken to correct them. And the proper way of treating weaknesses is to replace them with strength, not to increase those weaknesses by emasculating essential programs. Dollar for dollar, in or out of government, there is no better form of investment in our national security than our much-abused foreign aid program. We cannot afford to lose it. We can afford to maintain it. We can surely afford, for example, to do as much for our 19 needy neighbors of Latin America as the Communist bloc is sending to the island of Cuba alone. IV. I have spoken of strength largely in terms of the deterrence and resistance of aggression and attack. But, in today's world, freedom can be lost without a shot being fired, by ballots as well as bullets. The success of our leadership is dependent upon respect for our mission in the world as well as our missiles--on a clearer recognition of the virtues of freedom as well as the evils of tyranny. That is why our Information Agency has doubled the shortwave broadcasting power of the Voice of America and increased the number of broadcasting hours by 30 percent, increased Spanish language broadcasting to Cuba and Latin America from I to 9 hours a day, increased seven-fold to more than 3-5 million copies the number of American books being translated and published for Latin American readers, and taken a host of other steps to carry our message of truth and freedom to all the far corners of the earth. And that is also why we have regained the initiative in the exploration of outer space, making an annual effort greater than the combined total of all space activities undertaken during the fifties, launching more than 130 vehicles into earth orbit, putting into actual operation valuable weather and communications satellites, and making it clear to all that the United States of America has no intention of finishing second in space. This effort is expensive--but it pays its own way, for freedom and for America. For there is no longer any fear in the free world that a Communist lead in space will become a permanent assertion of supremacy and the basis of military superiority. There is no longer any doubt about the strength and skill of American science, American industry, American education, and the American free enterprise system. In short, our national space effort represents a great gain in, and a great resource of, our national strength--and both Texas and Texans are contributing greatly to this strength. Finally, it should be clear by now that a nation can be no stronger abroad than she is at home. Only an America which practices what it preaches about equal rights and social justice will be respected by those whose choice affects our future. Only an America which has fully educated its citizens is fully capable of tackling the complex problems and perceiving the hidden dangers of the world in which we live. And only an America which is growing and prospering economically can sustain the worldwide defenses of freedom, while demonstrating to all concerned the opportunities of our system and society. It is clear, therefore, that we are strengthening our security as well as our economy by our recent record increases in national income and output--by surging ahead of most of Western Europe in the rate of business expansion and the margin of corporate profits, by maintaining a more stable level of prices than almost any of our overseas competitors, and by cutting personal and corporate income taxes by some $ I I billion, as I have proposed, to assure this Nation of the longest and strongest expansion in our peacetime economic history. This Nation's total output--which 3 years ago was at the $500 billion mark--will soon pass $600 billion, for a record rise of over $too billion in 3 years. For the first time in history we have 70 million men and women at work. For the first time in history average factory earnings have exceeded $100 a week. For the first time in history corporation profits after taxes--which have risen 43 percent in less than 3 years--have an annual level of $27.4 billion. My friends and fellow citizens: I cite these facts and figures to make it clear that America today is stronger than ever before. Our adversaries have not abandoned their ambitions, our dangers have not diminished, our vigilance cannot be relaxed. But now we have the military, the scientific, and the economic strength to do whatever must be done for the preservation and promotion of freedom. That strength will never be used in pursuit of aggressive ambitions--it will always be used in pursuit of peace. It will never be used to promote provocations--it will always be used to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes. We in this country, in this generation, are--by destiny rather than choice--the watchmen on the walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of "peace on earth, good will toward men." That must always be our goal, and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our strength. For as was written long ago: "except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain."
  3. Jim, here it is Metta's article on the subject translated on Medium. There's also your name, by the way Shameful Canadian Censorship As my readers well know, CMC is branch of the North American Permindex, founded by a Canadian: Louis Bloomfield, whose name also appears inside the exclusive CMC papers in my possession. Bloomfield who, shortly before his death, decided to give his Permindex-CMC documents to the Central Canadian Archives. A less unusual decision than one might think: Edgardo Sogno, the right-wing extremist who heavily crossed his life with that of CMC, he too decided, before dying, to finally reveal many aspects till that moment hidden or denied of his own subversive activity; the CIAAgent Howard Hunt, he too did the same, revealing to his son, just before his death, the involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in the assassination of John Kennedy. The looming of the last moment brings some to this kind of choices. The only constraint that Bloomfield imposed was that his papers would have been accessible only after twenty years from his departure. Decision left well clear, to which, however, Bloomfield’s widow made opposition, asking to deny whatever access to the marital bequest. It is here that -we are in 2004- a courageous researcher, Maurice Phillipps, obtained an important victory recurring to a Court: Bloomfield’s papers, the Court said, must be available. With a “but”. A gigantic one, because that Court added that we can read them only as they become at least 50 years old. Why? Because of a clamorous excuse: inside those papers, there are also letters from or to Ernst Imfeld, a lawyer. It’s invoking the confidentiality in the relationship between a lawyer and his client that the Court made its decision. Decision which is a triple insult: to reality, to intelligence, to law. In fact, Imfeld was in no way Bloomfield’s lawyer, but a business partner. But there is more: because of Imfeld, the Court required that such consultation after 50 years would be applied not only to documents actually concerning Imfeld, but to all the documents left by Bloomfield to the Canadian Archives. An already difficult situation, that from today becomes unacceptable: in fact, another courageous researcher contacted me with extreme urgency, begging to report through the L’Antidiplomatico Italian newspaper that, gone to these Archives in order to have access to those documents that in 2018 have matured the famous fifty years of seniority, he received a refuse. In essence, the Archives told him that they will no longer deliver any Bloomfield’s paper. A shameful decision that, above all, arrives exactly, what a coincidence, in the moment Kowalski and I have started a very fruitful collaboration on CMC. Let’s see what I mean. In my latest articles on the subject published by L’Antidiplomatico, I was able to highlight a maneuver carried out by CMC to put under control some very important Italian people. It was an operation of bribery led by the CMCmember Georges Mantello, and that involved personalities such as: Giovanni De Lorenzo, fascist, P2 member, and powerful head of the Italian intelligence; Giuseppe Pighini, an admiral under fascism and, eventually, among NATO’s top members, since it was head of ComNavSouth, the Command of the Naval Forces of Southern Europe, but also accomplice of subversive activities both alongside the P2 member Sindona and the P2 member Sogno; Gaetano Piccolella, then Head of Rome Police, and then, from 1995 to 1997, Deputy Head of the Italian Police then stumbled into an investigation, christened Phoney Money, in which we also find the name of Pier Francesco Pacini Battaglia related to the investigation of the Ustica massacre. This, due to a company of Pacini: the Mediterranean, gone to make strange geological operations after the slaughter of the plane Itavia, and right in the stretch of sea where this plane felt. Mediterranean whose notary was the very same notary of CMC. Well: Mantello conducted this operation through another company: Marina Reale. What Kowalski had managed to find in the Canadian Archives before the Archives mysteriously informed him that the door was slammed into his face, is a document, written by Bloomfield in July 1961, and sent to Tibor Rosenbaum. A document listing the owners of Marina Reale. These were: Georges Mantello, with 25% of the shares; Enrico Mantello and Tim Pales, holders of another 25%; Dov Biegun, 10%; Joseph Slifka, 15%; Bloomfield, 10%; Max and Moe Pascal, 7.5%; Nate Dolin, 7.5%. It is a resounding document. First of all, in fact, when cross-examined side by side to the CMC papers in my possession, it unmasks the entire Marina Reale as a structure under full CMC control: Biegun, Georges and Enrico Mantello, (they were father and son, by the way), Slifka, Bloomfield, all they were CMCmembers. Max and Moe Pascal, instead, were Bloomfield’s relatives. The next aspect is that, if we widen the horizon to Harry Pascal, Bloomfield’s nephew, we see his presence in the BCCI, a Bank so deeply involved in dirty money washing that it was obliged to close in 1991. Well: it is very interesting to note that, to be even more precise, the Bloomfield’s document found by Kowalski is addressed to Tibor Rosenbaum directly at the headquarters of International Crèdit Bank of Geneva, of which Rosenbaum was the heads. ICB which can be considered a progenitor of BCCI. Not only that: when I deepened my research, I discovered that, as stressed by Naylor in his much-appreciated Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, the ICB was totally under Mossad control, the top Israeli intelligence agency. It is so true, Naylor writes, that at some point 90% of the purchase of weapons abroad by the Israeli Defense Department passed through this bank. We are once again before the chilling evidence of the strong role of Mossad within the CMC. A role I already demonstrated by a worldwide exclusive serie of articles I wrote for L’Antidiplomatico. Articles where I described the presence, in the BoD of CMC, of Gershon Peres, brother of the President of Israel Shimon Peres. There’s more: as I had already got to reveal, the Biegun co-owner of the capital of Marina Reale is a character equally attached to the Israeli far-right policies. Putting all the pieces together, it means that Bloomfield, through that document found at Kowalski’s Archives of Canada, was reporting to Mossad about the CMC operation of corruption of extremely powerful Italian figures. Another good example of how much synergy arises from crossing my investigative work with what Kowalski was discovering in Canada, is offered by a letter Marina Reale sent to Hans Seligman, a member -reveal my papers- of CMC. Letter of January 1961, and communicating that “powerful” interests may give 200,000,000 lira into CMC: an astonishing amount of money. Another example more: Kowalski also found a document concerning the Trans Israel Pipeline, an even today very important oil pipeline that goes from Eilat, Israeli port on the Red Sea, to Ashkelon, Israeli port on the Mediterranean. It is a further letter from Bloomfield, and this pipeline, then not yet realized, is the subject of conversation with a lawyer: Graham Mattison, of Dominick & Dominick. Bloomfield aimed to convince Mattison to take part in this project. The most intriguing element of this letter is the way in which Bloomfield relates to Mattison. It is with the language a true connoisseur of global geopolitics. Bloomfield, in fact, explained that, with that pipeline, the USA were trying to both offside Soviet appetites and to create a strong oil axis with Israel. Bloomfield also did show extreme familiarity with the State Department. All robust indications that Louis Bloomfield must necessarily belong to some US intelligence apparatus, because this is the only way to explain his very detailed knowledge of so extremely secret US maneuvers. But the last ingredient I want to point out of this letter is that there is a conversation between Mattison and a certain Dulles. It must be — the whole context shouts it — Allen Dulles, director of the CIA, brother of Foster Dulles, and bitter enemy of JFK. I also highlight this because my studies, thanks to my CMC papers, have clearly shown a very strong presence, inside CMC, of both Foster and Allen Dulles. But there is another strong evidence crying loud that that Dulles is Allen Dulles: a series of documents I found at the Princeton University Library. Documents about an offer of collaboration in activities of Intelligence made to Allen Dulles from the Hungarian Tihamér de Fabinyi. Offer absolutely rejected by Dulles. What happens at that point? Those Princeton documents show that to try to make Allen Dulles change his mind is invoked the intervention of Mattison, the recipient of Bloomfield’s letter about the pipeline. Mattison explicitly indicated as a good friend of Allen Dulles. All in all, the reading of these documents kept at the prestigious US University, sounds as confirmation of a very precious intuition come from Jim DiEugenio, one of the world’s leading experts on the JFK assassination. In praising my own and Kowalski’s discoveries, DiEugenio, in fact, said he saw the presence of elements for which we find ourselves thinking that the CMC was a sort of level superior to the CIA itself. That Mattison could be considered as a person capable of modifying the decision taken so clearly by Allen Dulles, actually pushes in this direction. Also because, again at Princeton University, there is another document concerning Mattison. Document that shows how he was already intimate, in the forties of the last century, of Hoyt Vandenberg, a military man at the top of US espionage before the creation of the CIA.
  4. Thank you. Yes. I have to add that there is a lot more in Metta's article. Angleton-Mantello-Mossad-Shaw-CIA is the keychain he found
  5. In a new article, the Italian journalist Michele Metta shows CIA documents exist strongly connecting, from day one, Clay Shaw's Centro Mondiale Commerciale, the Italian branch of Permindex, to the Israeli Intelligence http://www.lantidiplomatico.it/dettnews-centro_mondiale_commerciale_nuovi_dirompenti_documenti_cia_confermano_i_legami_tra_cmc_e_israele/82_23303/
  6. Cliff, I admire Salandria. That said, I frankly do not understand why, in your mind, there is a sort of "Salandria vs. Thompson"
  7. Thank you very much indeed. Sent my email message just few seconds ago
  8. Very interesting. Keep us informed, please. P. S: I tried to send a PM, but I discovered you can not receive messages, so I'm posting my message here: Is it please possible to have, by PM, Thompson's email address? An Italian journalist and friend would like to interview him. Thanks in advance for your answer. This journalist is the author of this documentary, by the way:
  9. I disagree. I believe Bloomfield made his donation to the Canadian Archives in order to "clean" his soul before dying. I agree, instead, with Jim DiEugenio: there is for sure something memorable in Bloomfield's papers. If not, no reason then for his wife to make whatever effort to block the access to them. If not, no reason for this so strange, all of a sudden censorship
  10. https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=83#relPageId=545&tab=page
  11. I understand your point of view, but Pinchot's assassination is very important to understand what really happened to JFK
  12. I believe she deserves a lot of attention, instead
  13. Gosh, good to know. Thanks, Steve
  14. Site Notice: March 3: We apologize for the website outage from the early evening of March 2 until a little before 5 pm on March 3. The website was down due to a New England power outage caused by a major storm. We're sorry for for the inconvenience.
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