Steven Gaal

Kentucky police call killing man with no gun in hail of bullets a 'shoot out,' refuse to answer questions or name the killer cops. (CLICK LINK)

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NYPD Cops threatened with involuntary detainment in "psychiatric emergency departments" if they became whistle-blowers. (CLICK LINK)

Furthermore, I mock any notion that a Mafia pimp like Jack Ruby would be of SERVICE for the US Government..... The US Government clearly used Jack Ruby like a low-level flunky.
Regards,
--Paul Trejo
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? The CIA used the mafia for an ultrasensitive geopolitical operation with worldwide implications in the Castro hit. The CIA using Ruby is no stretch. The CIA used prostitutes with drugs in their MKULTRA operations.Shirley you jest at the suggestion that the CIA "intellectuals" (as you call them) are of high class and impeccable moral rectitude.
If you had read the material you would know that Ruby has been involved in successful smuggling operations for many years. Said smuggling requires long range planning,sophistication,and intelligence. Smuggling is used in CIA operations and thus is a TYPE of intelligence they could/did use with Ruby.

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Originally Posted by Anthony DeFiore

=
At the press conference, with Oswald looking right at him in disgust, Jack Ruby corrected the spokesman as he stumbled on the name and Ruby said clearly, "The Fair Play For Cuba Committee".

JUST HOW IN THE HELL DID THIS OBSCURE DALLAS STRIP CLUB OWNER KNOW THE EXACT NAME OF A PRO CASTRO GROUP LOCATED IN NEW ORLEANS IN WHICH OSWALD (SOMEONE THAT HE HAD NEVER MET) WAS PASSING OUT LEAFLETS IN SUPPORT OF THE GROUP?
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Lee Forman EDFORUM

=
According to an FBI doc dated 12/1/63, a Mrs. Evelyn Harris was told by a Lucy Lopez that Lopez's daughter and some other women who worked in a sewing room across from the TSBD saw Ruby walking up and down the street near the TSBD, and saw him hand Oswald the pistol when he came out of the TSBD. Lopez said the women knew Oswald who apparently spoke Spanish well and ate with them at a nearby restaurant.
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Jack Ruby telephoned a friend on November 22nd and asked if he would "like to watch the fireworks." Unknown to Ruby, his friend was an informant for the criminal intelligence division of the Internal Revenue Service. He and Ruby were standing at the corner of the Postal Annex Building at the time of the shooting. Minutes after the shooting Phil Willis, who knew Jack Ruby, saw and photographed a man who looked like Ruby near the front of the School Book Depository.

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SEE http://harveyandlee.net/Wilcott/Wil_full.htm
==posted at
https://deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/showthread.php?14094-LHO-Please-argue-with-this!!!!!
==
In 1978 former CIA accountant James B. Wilcott swore under oath before the House Select Committee on Assassinations that Lee Harvey Oswald was a "regular employee" of the Central Intelligence Agency, and that Oswald received "a full-time salary for agent work for doing CIA operational work." He testified that he was told by other CIA employees that money he (Wilcott) had personally disbursed to an encrypted account was for "the Oswald project or for Oswald." Wilcott's testimony was kept secret for decades, but can now be read in full by clicking on this link.

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RUBY a CIA MAN or General Walker man ??

Jack Ruby telephoned a friend on November 22nd and asked if he would "like to watch the fireworks."

Stop changing laws behind closed doors, say experts (CLICK)

Video: Cop Arrests Subway Performer For Singing, Despite Cop Reading Aloud Rule Saying It's Permitted

Chris | InformationLiberation

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PEBZReXChoA&feature=player_embedded

A New York subway performer was arrested and violently assaulted by a NYPD officer for the crime of inadvertently making the officer look like a fool. Street performer Andrew Kalleen, 30, was arrested Friday of last week after explaining to the officer he was allowed to sing in the New York City subway the officer was patrolling, pointing to Section 1050.6c of the MTA's transit rules, which specifically says "artistic performances, including the acceptance of donations" are permitted so long as they don't impede transit activities.

Here's the relevant part of the code so you can read it for yourself.

While the officer brings the code up on his phone, he reads it out loud in front of a newly gathering crowd all filming with their phones. When he reads the part showing artistic performance is permitted, the crowd goes wild, yet the officer evidently shows he's one of the cops hired specifically for his low IQ, as he says the code actually says his performance is not "permitted" and instead requires a permit!

As everyone around him knows he's in the right, Kalleen starts to defiantly play his guitar and performs Pink Floyd's "Wish you were here."

The cop, unsure of what to do, decides to violently assault Kalleen by placing his hands on him and tearing his hand away from his guitar. The cop orders him to stop and takes his guitar off and puts it on the ground next to him. Standing up for himself, Kalleen picks his guitar back up and continues to perform, to which the cop responds by again violently assaulting him, ripping his guitar off him once more, then arresting him to boos and "f*ck the police" chants of a now large crowd of onlookers.

The NYPD told The Gothamist after his arrest Kalleen was later charged with loitering, and they say he does require a permit for his performance as he is a "transit recidivist" which The Gothamist says may be "someone having an open ticket or warrant, perhaps related to turnstile jumping or a similar offense."

Of course, all this is is evidence cops can manufacture any reason to charge anyone with anything long after the fact, as it's clear from the video he arrested him based off his misreading of the transit rules.
_
Chris runs the website InformationLiberation.com, you can read more of his articles here. Follow infolib on twitter.

So, now let's talk about Jack Ruby and these alleged, so-called "CIA operations" in which he was supposedly involved. Certainly nobody can suggest that Jack Ruby was a CIA Officer, or anything like it. Jack Ruby was a Mafia punk; a Mafia bag-man; a Mafia pimp; a Mafia drug pusher; perhaps a Mafia hit-man......
To sum up, you've shown nothing to link George White with the CIA. Nothing to link the CIA with the murder of JFK. Nothing to prove that Jack Ruby was working for George White for the CIA to murder JFK.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo
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????? Have you no knowledge of George White ????? He is connected to numerous very TOP HDQ CIA people.
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http://visupview.blogspot.com/2012/12/the-lsd-chronicles-george-hunter-white_25.html
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http://visupview.blogspot.com/2012/12/the-lsd-chronicles-george-hunter-white_14.html
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White was involved in the spy trade since the birth of the modern
US intelligence community at the time of World War II. White was an officer in the Office of Strategic Services, the WWII-era predecessor to the CIA. He was also involved in the highly secretive Division 19, a joint venture of the OSS and the National Defense Research Committee. Division 19 was involved in a host of black op activities, including assassinations, Mafia alliances, and the search for a 'truth drug.' White was a student of Division 19's Camp X, an 'assassination and elimination' training program that he later described as "the school for mayhem and murder."
White later became a trainer himself. Several of his students included Richard Helms, William Colby, Frank Wisner and James Jesus Angelton, among others. Helms and Colby would later become CIA directors while Wisner and Angelton would head several of the CIA's most powerful departments.
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http://mindcontrolblackassassins.com/tag/col-george-hunter-white/

Col. White was recruited for Project Artichoke by CIA counterintelligence agent chief James Jesus Angleton, White established a domestic Artichoke team that operated out of a CIA-funded safe house located in New York’s Greenwich Village. White’s operation was funded by MK-ULTRA Subproject 3.
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Please note + Per the George White Diaries, Ruby and White "met" ,White personally recruited Ruby. THUS one way to think of it is that RUBY was :
one degree of seperation from Angelton,Helms ,Wisner and Colby.

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????? Have you no knowledge of Ruby government connections ?????

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Gunrunner Ruby and the CIA
by Lisa Pease
http://www.ctka.net/pr795-ruby.html

==oooooo+oooooo==

Ruby's Smuggling Operation, 1956-1958
http://jfklancer.com/mobconnections.html

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Jack Ruby by John Armstrong

In the early 1950's Robert Ray McKeown was a 42 year old engineer from Texas who owned and operated a manufacturing plant in Santiago, Cuba, with the blessing of Cuban President Carlos Prio Socarras. On March 10, 1952 General Fulgencio Batista, with army backing, staged a coup, ousted Carlos Prio and took control of Cuba. McKeown soon began working with Prio in an effort to help restore him to power. Prio was a very wealthy man (a fortune estimated at $50 million) and began backing Fidel Castro and his small band of rebels with arms and munitions in their attempts to overthrow Batista.

NOTE: as early as 1952 Robert McKeown was the subject of an FBI Neutrality Act Investigation in connection with arms smuggling to Prio and rebel forces in Cuba. In a letter to J. Lee Rankin of the Warren Commission, Hoover wrote: "The neutrality and registration act investigation related primarily to the activities of Carlos Prio Socarras, who, with a number of others including McKeown, was involved in a conspiracy to ship arms, munitions, and other war materials to Fidel Castro to assist him in his efforts to overthrow the Batista regime in this investigation."

In 1952 Jack Ruby sold the Silver Spur nightclub to Gimpel and Willie Epstein. He then began commuting from Dallas to Daytona, Florida where he became involved in supplying counterfeit currency, guns, and munitions to leftist rebels in Cuba.

NOTE: Ruby was not seen in Dallas for several months in 1952. In an interview with the FBI Ruby said that he went broke in the night club business, was "mentally depressed, hibernated in the Cotton Bowl Hotel for three or four months, and then returned to Chicago for 6 weeks.” Nonsense; Jack Ruby was in Florida.

In Florida Ruby soon became acquainted with former Cuban President Carlos Prio, who was supplying arms and munitions to Castro. It was during this time that Ruby met gun smuggler and CIA operative Donald Edward Browder. The two men contracted with Joe Marrs (Marrs Aircraft, Miami) to transport weapons and munitions to Cuba. Ruby soon purchased an interest in two aircraft that he used to illegally transport the arms, and also acquired partial ownership in a Havana gaming house in which Carlos Prio held majority ownership. Donald Browder knew Jack Ruby well and said, “During the pre-Castro years (pre-1959), the CIA and Customs would not oppose gun shipments to Castro.”

NOTE: Blaney Mack Johnson (FBI informant “T-2”) knew a lot about Ruby's and Browder's gun-running activities in the early 1950s. In 1964 Johnson provided the FBI with detailed information concerning their activities and gave the Bureau the names of three people who he said could corroborate his story: Joe Marrs of Marrs Aircraft, with whom Ruby had contracted to make illegal flights to Cuba; Leslie Lewis, former Chief of Police in Hialeah, Florida, who knew of Ruby's gunrunning and smuggling operations; and pilot Clifton T. Bowes, Jr., formerly a captain with National Airlines in Miami. When questioned by the FBI, following the assassination of JFK and Ruby's nationally televised murder of Oswald, these three individuals denied being involved with the illegal transportation of firearms and, of course, denied knowing Jack Ruby.

On August 1, 1953 Fidel Castro and 123 armed men and women supporters attacked the Moncada military barracks in Santiago (where Robert McKeown lived and worked) in an attempt to begin the overthrow of the Batista regime. Castro was arrested and given a 15 year prison term. Ruby's gun-running activities suddenly came to an end and he returned to Dallas where he re-opened the Silver Spur nightclub, took over the Vegas Club with partners Joe Bonds and Irving Alkana, and was soon operating a third nightclub, “Hermando's Hideaway."

In May, 1954 the United States indicted former Cuban President Carlos Prio and seventeen other persons on charges stemming from their purchase, exportation, and transportation of arms and munitions to Cuba. Prio did not contest the charges, plead “nolo contendere," and was fined a mere $9,000. Jack Ruby, Prio's business partner and gun-running accomplice, was not charged, indicted, nor even questioned by US government authorities.

NOTE: in 1954 one of Donald Browder's contacts was Efrom Pichardo who was charged with conspiracy to ship arms to Cuba on behalf of Carlos Prio. Another co-defendant, Marcos Diaz Lanz, was a close associate of CIA operative Frank Sturgis (Fiorini).

On May 15, 1955 Fidel Castro was released from prison and fled to Mexico where he met Dr. Ernesto “Che” Guevara, a physician from Argentina. Castro soon visited the US in search of wealthy people who he thought would be sympathetic to his cause and offer financial aid to support his coming revolution.

On November 25, 1956 Castro purchased an old yacht, the “Granma," and set sail from Tuxpan, Veracruz to Cuba with 82 armed revolutionaries. Upon landing they were attacked by Batista military forces and many were killed. The Castro brothers and Che Guevara escaped, fled into the Sierra Maestra Mountains, and began recruiting people sympathetic to their cause.

In 1957 Robert McKeown lost his manufacturing business when Cuban President Batista deported him, allegedly for not paying kickbacks, but more likely for helping Carlos Prio supply arms to Castro. By this time Prio, McKeown, and Jack Ruby had known each other for 5 years. But it was McKeown who began to develop a close, personal friendship with Castro as he delivered boatload after boatload of arms and munitions from operations based in Miami, Tampa, and later from Seabrook and Kemah, Tex (where McKeown lived). For his services McKeown was always paid in the office of an attorney who was counsel for Haiti, in cash, with $100 bills bundled in paper wrapping marked “Pan American Bank, Miami."

NOTE: In a letter from Hoover to Rankin on April 17, 1964, the FBI informed the Warren Commission that McKeown was one of the persons "in an extensive investigation conducted by the Bureau since 1952 concerning the activities of Carlos Prio Socarras." The FBI said that Prio, along with others including McKeown, was engaged in assisting Castro in his revolutionary pursuit against Batista. The Bureau also had reports that “Jack Ruby/Rubenstein” was involved in supplying arms to Castro, but never provided those reports to the Commission, thereby helping to conceal any connections Ruby may have had with CIA operatives.

By 1957 Castro and approximately 300 rebels were waging a guerilla campaign against Batista's government troops with weapons and munitions supplied by CIA-sponsored gun-runners. Once again, Browder and Ruby began to smuggle guns from Florida and Texas to Castro, while their activities were being monitored by the CIA and US Customs. The FBI had a 1000 page file on Browder, but in 1964 they released only three to the Warren Commission. The Bureau knowingly helped to conceal Ruby's gun-running with CIA operative Browder from the Commission. In the 1970's Browder testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations and admitted that he used to work for the CIA. He told the Committee that he purchased arms from a CIA-proprietary company, the International Arms Corporation (InterArmco, of Alexandria, VA), and then smuggled the arms to Castro.

Browder was a former Lockheed test pilot who, at the time of his HSCA interview, was serving a 25-year prison sentence for "security violations." Browder told the HSCA that one year after the assassination of President Kennedy he leased a B-25 bomber under the name of a non-existent company and flew it to Haiti. He then cashed a check in the amount of $25,000 that was signed by George DeMohrenschildt's Haitian business associate, Clemard Charles. The HSCA used Browder's testimony in their report relating to George DeMohrenschildt. But the HSCA did not use any of ex-CIA operative Donald Browder's testimony in their report that related to Jack Ruby. The HSCA helped to conceal Ruby's connections with CIA operative Browder, just as the FBI had helped to conceal Ruby's gun-running activities from the Warren Commission. The FBI file on Browder contains more than a thousand pages, yet the Bureau released only three to the Warren Commission. The reluctance of government authorities to properly investigate Ruby's connections to CIA operatives during most of the 1950's and early 1960's make sense as we begin to understand the extent of CIA involvement in the assassination of President Kennedy and Ruby's televised murder of Lee Harvey Oswald.

As Castro and his growing number of rebels were attacking Batista's troops, Ruby was commuting between Dallas and the Houston waterfront community of Kemah, TX. James E. Beaird, a poker playing friend of Ruby's, told both The Dallas Morning News and the FBI that Ruby used to store guns and ammunition in a two-story house between the waterfront and railroad tracks in Kemah, TX., in Galveston Bay. On the weekends Beaird personally saw Ruby and his associates load "many boxes of new guns, including automatic rifles and handguns" onto a 50-foot long military-surplus boat. It was Robert McKeown who often piloted the boat to a drop-off point in Mexico, where Castro himself would land his yacht, the Granma, and pick up the arms. As McKeown delivered more and more arms to Castro, these two men developed a close, personal relationship. Their relationship became so close that shortly after Castro took over in Cuba he flew to Houston, TX and met with McKeown in an attempt to persuade his good friend to return to Cuba. Castro promised McKeown that he would be given a high government position or a business concession. When later questioned about Ruby's gun-running activities in Galveston Bay, Beaird said “many people knew all about this because he (Ruby) was so open with it." But unlike Prio, McKeown, and dozens of other people who supplied arms to Castro, Jack Ruby was never charged, indicted nor even questioned by US government authorities. Ruby appeared to have no fear of being arrested for his gun-running activities from 1952 through 1963. Not only did US government agencies overlook Ruby's illegal gun-running activities, but so did the Warren Commission, HSCA, the Church Committee, and the ARRB.

In early 1958 the FBI learned that some of Castro's forces were planning a raid on Cuba from Texas, and it was McKeown who was busy arranging the procurement and shipment of arms. The FBI also documented McKeown's involvement with Mario Villamia, a CIA-connected associate of Carlos Prio who lived in Miami and later participated in the CIA's Bay of Pigs invasion.

On February 18, 1958, the San Antonio FBI office provided information to US Customs that McKeown had purchased a yacht called the “Buddy Dee.” A few days later US Customs officials seized the Buddy Dee while the vessel was cruising from Patterson, La. to Houston with a load of arms and munitions. On February 25 Federal agents arrested McKeown and charged him with conspiracy to smuggle guns and related equipment to Cuba for the benefit and use of Castro. McKeown's co-defendants included Carlos Prio, Jorge Sotus, Manuel Arques, Mario Villamia and Evelyn Archer. On October 24 the U.S. District Court, Southern District of Texas, convicted McKeown and sentenced him to 60 days in jail, fined him $500, and imposed a 5-year probation period, to terminate on December 11, 1963. Carlos Prio plead guilty, but his sentence was soon suspended by authorities. But Jack Ruby, who never tried to conceal or hide his gun-running activities, was never once questioned, charged, nor indicted.

NOTE: Some of Prio's co-defendants were working for the CIA. Mario Villamia, of Miami, FL., participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion and continued to work with the CIA during the 1960's. Juan Orta, while secretly working for the CIA, was director of Castro's ministerial office in Havana.

In March, 1958 the US government announced the suspension of arms sales to Batista. It was now just a matter of time before Castro and his growing army of rebels (now numbering around 3000) succeeded in overthrowing Batista.

While Prio and McKeown were facing charges for conspiracy to smuggle guns to Cuba, Jack Ruby was once again commuting between Dallas and Florida. In May (1958) Dolores Rhoads, her husband Richard Rhoads, and her mother (Mrs. Mary Thompson) visited her aunt and uncle, James and Mary Lou Woodard, in Islamorada, Florida. Dolores and Richard spent the first night in a small two-unit motel operated by “Jack” and “Isabel” who were acquaintances of her uncle. “Jack”, who was originally from Chicago, said his first name was “Leon” but he went by “Jack." Jack Ruby's middle name was Leon. Mrs. Woodard said that Jack had a trunk full of guns that he was going to supply to the Cubans. Mrs. Thompson was told there were supplies of guns hidden in the marshes near Islamorada that were to be sold and delivered to the Cubans. Mary Thompson and her daughter said that “Jack” was driving a late model grey colored Buick with Texas license plates. Dolores recalled that when drunk one evening her uncle, James Woodard, said he was going to help Jack run guns to Cuba.

NOTE: Charles G. Watters was a CPA and worked for an accounting firm that kept Ruby's books until early 1960. Watters told the FBI that Ruby drove a second-hand Buick automobile.

The FBI interviewed James Woodard in September, 1963. Woodard said that he had participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion and had furnished ammunition and dynamite to both Castro and his anti-Castro forces. On October 8, 1963, Woodard was questioned again, this time concerning dynamite found at his residence in South Dade County, Florida. He said the dynamite was to be used by Cuban exile forces fighting the Castro regime. Apparently the FBI did not ask Woodard if he knew or associated with Jack Ruby, “Leon," or “Rubenstein."

Following the assassination of President Kennedy, and the murder of Oswald by Jack Ruby, James Woodard's sister said that her brother had been in Texas a lot, and that she had asked James if he ever knew Ruby. He said no, but then promptly disappeared and hasn't been seen since November 25, 1963.

In 1958 a boat load of Cubans came ashore at a dock in Marathon Shores, Florida, and a young American placed a telephone call to a man in Dallas named “Ruby."

In 1958 the Oklahoma State Crime Commission linked “Abe Rubenstein," owner of a night club in Dallas, to a carload of guns and ammunition destined for Cuba.

In 1958 “Jack Rubenstein” wrote a letter to the Office of Munitions Controls requesting permission to negotiate the purchase of firearms and ammunition from an Italian firm.

In 1959 an Army Intelligence Report, related to importers of armaments (11/26/62), listed “Jack Rubenstein” as the representative for Saunders Import Company, New York, NY. (click here)

NOTE: It is interesting, and noteworthy, that while multi-millionaire and former Cuban President Carlos Prio Socarras, Robert McKeown, and numerous CIA connected co-defendants were arrested and convicted for running guns from 1953 through 1958, Jack Ruby was never once questioned, detained, nor arrested for the very same activities. Ruby never seemed concerned about his gun-running activites, but following the assassinations of President Kennedy and Oswald, Ruby was deeply concerned. Ruby warned his attorney (Tom Howard) about his CIA connections, and feared that if these connections were revealed it would expose the CIA's role in JFK’s assassination. A year later Tom Howard died, allegedly of a heart attack, at age 48; but reporters and friends thought he had been murdered.

In the summer of 1958, while awaiting trial for gun-running, McKeown entered into a partnership with a “Mr. Jarrett” and opened the J and M Drive-In on Red Bluff Road near Kemah, TX. His good friend Carlos Prio funded their venture with a loan. According to McKeown, Prio had also promised him a one-half interest in the Seria Biltmore, a hotel in Havana. After his arrest, Prio's days of securing and arranging shipments of arms and munitions to Castro were over, and the multi-millionaire and former Cuban President turned his attention to developing real estate in Miami and Puerto Rico.

NOTE: On April 5, 1977, while being sought for questioning by the HSCA, Carlos Prio was found lying on the ground outside the garage of his luxurious Miami Beach home, dead from gunshot wounds. He allegedly committed suicide—one week after George DeMohrenschildt allegedly committed suicide by gunshot, and three months after CIA asset and former US Ambassador William Pawley allegedly committed suicide on January 7, 1977. The HSCA could have asked Prio to explain how and where he acquired arms and munitions, how they were transported to Cuba, how and by whom he was paid, and his connection with Ruby, McKeown, and numerous CIA operatives including the notorious Frank Fiorini/Sturgis. Prio's testimony would have shown that Jack Ruby had been involved with CIA operatives and CIA gun-running operations for many years.

On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro and his rebels finally succeeded in overthrowing Batista, and there was no need for Ruby to continue supplying arms and munitions to Castro. But concerns over political conditions in Cuba began to surface and did not appear to be in the best interests of the USA.

Four months prior to Castro's takeover Robert Welch, founder of the John Birch Society, wrote in the September 1958 issue of American Opinion that Castro “is a Communist agent carrying out Communist orders...." Soon after taking over Cuba, Castro's communist tendencies began to surface. There were confiscations of U.S. Property; banks and large industries were nationalized; schools became propaganda factories; civil liberties were suspended; free elections were dismissed; the courts were overtaken. As soon as the anti-Batista forces laid down their arms “revolutionary justice" began and purges with mass executions followed. Years later Castro explained, “back in 1959 the U.S. wanted us to make a strategic and tactical error and proclaim a doctrine as a communist movement. In fact, I was a communist .... (however) I think that a good Marxist-Leninist would not have proclaimed a socialist revolution in the conditions that existed in Cuba in 1959. I think I was a good Marxist-Leninist in not doing that, and we did not make known our underlying beliefs." (Le Figaro magazine, June 1986).

On March 31, 1959, deep undercover CIA agent Frank Sturgis (real name Frank Fiorini) was interviewed by FBI SA Krant and SA V.H. Nasca, upon referral from the Director's Office of the FBI. Fiorini was then a Captain of Cuban Rebel Army, and was on a confidential mission to the US at the behest of the head of the Cuban Air Force. The real purpose of his trip was not known to Fidel Castro or his supporters. Sturgis/Fiorini identified members and leaders of the Cuban Government who were either communists or communist sympathizers. He also furnished information concerning Cuban plans for potential revolutions in Caribbean countries. Sturgis/Fiorini, without revealing that he was working for the CIA, offered his services to the FBI as an "agent" in the fight against infiltration of Cuban Government by communists. He then requested aid in fighting communism in the Cuban Government (click here to view the FBI report on Fiorini).

NOTE: the HSCA asked Robert McKeown if he knew Frank Sturgis (CIA agent). McKeown answered, “I seen him one time over at Prio's house....” McKeown, Carlos Prio, Ruby, and others who supplied armaments to Castro were constantly surrounded and monitored by CIA operatives and US Customs.

In response to the growing threat of a possible Communist government within 90 miles of the US, the CIA began training and arming thousands of former Batista supporters, anti-Castro Cubans, and Cuban refugees who fled their homeland and were living in south Florida. Donald Edward Browder told the HSCA, “During the pre-Castro years, the CIA and Customs would not oppose gun shipments to Castro. After Castro turned Communist, the CIA and Customs encouraged shipments to anti-Castro forces.” People were beginning to fear that Castro was, as many had suspected, a communist, and should be removed.

On March 11, 1959, Dallas FBI agent Charles Flynn wrote, "on the basis of preliminary contacts and information developed to date, I recommend the captioned individual (Jack Ruby) for informant development." Flynn further wrote, "PCI [Potential Criminal Informant] advised he was willing to assist Bureau by supplying criminal information, on a confidential basis, which comes to his attention. On November 6, 1959, Flynn wrote, "contacts (with Ruby) have been negative to date, it is felt that further attempts to develop this man would be fruitless."

On March 15, 1959 Ruby telephoned and met with CIA-connected gun-runner Thomas Eli Davis III in Beaumont, TX. A year earlier, in June, 1958, Davis received a sentence of five years of probation for robbing a bank. While on probation Davis worked for the Agency training anti-Castro units in Florida. Soon, Ruby and Davis were supplying arms and munitions to Anti-Castro Cubans, apparently without the fear of arrest.

NOTE: When JFK was assassinated, Davis was in jail in Algiers, charged with running guns to a secret army terrorist movement then attempting to assassinate French President Charles de Gaulle. Davis was released from jail through the intervention of the CIA’s foreign agent code-named “QJ/WIN," who was identified by the top-secret CIA Inspector General’s Report as the “principle asset” in the Agency’s assassination program known as ZR/RIFLE.

After Ruby's arrest for killing Oswald, his defense attorney (Tom Howard) asked Ruby if he could think of anything that might damage his defense. Ruby responded and said there would be a problem if a man by the name of "Davis" should come up. Davis was later identified as Thomas Eli Davis III, a CIA-connected gun-runner and “soldier of fortune." In December, 1963 the Moroccan National Security Police informed the US State Department that Davis was arrested for an attempted sale of firearms to a minor. When Davis was searched, the police found “a letter in his handwriting which referred in passing to Oswald and to the Kennedy assassination.” Ruby told Howard that “he had been involved with Davis, who was a CIA connected gunrunner entangled in anti-Castro efforts and that he (Ruby) had intended to begin a regular gun-running business with Davis”. Ruby warned Howard about this connection, and feared that if it were to be revealed by either an investigative reporter or a witness it would blow open the CIA's role in JFK’s assassination. IT IS MPORTANT TO REMEMBER THAT RUBY TOLD TOM HOWARD ABOUT HIS RELATIONSHIP WITH A CIA OPERATIVE. Tom Howard died of a heart attack within a year at age 48. The doctor, without an autopsy, said that he may have suffered a heart attack. But some reporters and friends thought Howard had been murdered.

The HSCA, under Robert Blakey, was intent on covering up any CIA connection or gun-running activities connected with Ruby and failed to investigate the Ruby/Davis connection. They explained, in typical government prose, “Due to limitations of time and resources... it was not possible to confirm these (Seth Kantor's) allegations."

In April, 1959 Fidel Castro flew to the United States and met for three hours with Vice President Richard Nixon in Washington, DC. Following their meeting Nixon wrote a confidential memorandum in which he expressed concern over Castro's communist leanings. The memo was sent to the CIA, the State Department, and to the White House. The CIA soon began to organize and train anti-Castro groups in Florida, while Ruby and Davis helped to supply them with arms and munitions.

After leaving Washington, DC Castro flew to Houston and met Robert McKeown at the airport. A photograph on the front page of the Houston Chronicle titled “Castro and the Gunrunner" recorded the event. An article accompanying the photograph quoted Castro as saying that if McKeown would return with him to Cuba, he would be given a high post in the government, a franchise.....whatever he wanted. McKeown politely told Castro that he could not legally leave the United States because of his probation. Castro said not to worry because US authorities would not bother him in Cuba. But McKeown declined his offer and Castro departed for Havana.

McKeown's close friendship with Castro prompted many people to ask him for assistance in affairs pertaining to Cuba. On one occasion McKeown's brother asked him to contact Castro and attempt to obtain the release of three friends who were being detained because they were caught fishing in Cuban waters. McKeown personally telephoned and spoke with Castro and the men were quickly released. On another occasion Jack Porter, a campaign manager for Eisenhower, contacted McKeown about approaching Castro.

In early 1959 Ruby made preliminary inquiries concerning the possible sale to Cuba of some surplus jeeps located in Shreveport, La., and asked about the possible release of prisoners from a Cuban prison. The jeeps, the prisoners, and Ruby's visit to Cuba in August, 1959 all suggest that his activities were sponsored and directed by others.

Prior to visiting Cuba, Ruby asked McKeown to write a personal letter of introduction to Castro so that he could talk with Castro about releasing some unnamed friends that were being detained in Havana. McKeown also said that Ruby "had a whole lot of jeeps he wanted to get to Castro."

In 1959 Cuban travel records show that Jack Ruby entered Cuba from New Orleans on August 8, left Cuba on September 11, re-entered Cuba from Miami on September 12, and returned from Cuba to New Orleans on September 13, 1959. But bank records, Dallas police records, and FBI records show that Ruby was in Dallas on August 10, 21, 31, and September 4. Someone was helping Ruby to get into and out of Cuba without going through Cuban customs and immigration.

NOTE: The reluctance of the FBI, Warren Commission, HSCA, etc to properly investigate Ruby's connections to Prio, McKeown, Davis, and his various gun-runnings makes sense when one realizes that Jack Ruby's activities had been monitored by the CIA, FBI, and US Customs for years. In 1959 Ruby did not travel to Cuba for pleasure.

At the time of Ruby's visit, Santo Trafficante was being held at the Trescornia detention center in Cuba. English journalist John Wilson Hudson (a.k.a. John Wilson) was detained with Trafficante, and said that Ruby came to see Trafficante in Trescornia. After Ruby shot Oswald, Wilson contacted the American Embassy and reported, "An American gangster called Santo.....was visited by an American gangster type named Ruby." If Ruby was trying to sell jeeps to Castro, as McKeown said, was he trying to negotiate Trafficante's release? Trafficante, as it turns out, was released from the detention center on August 18, 1959, just after Ruby arrived in Cuba.

NOTE: Santo Trafficante was a mafia “Don” and was also one of the gangsters who participated in the CIA's attempt to assassinate Fidel. Trafficante appeared before the HSCA and was questioned by chief counsel Richard Sprague as follows:

Mr. Trafficante, have you at any time been an employee, a contract employee, or in any manner been in the service of the Central Intelligence Agency, or any other agency of the Federal Government of the United States?
Mr. Trafficante, did you know John Rosselli?
Mr. Trafficante, did you know Sam Giancana?
Mr. Trafficante, do you know Robert Maheu?
Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you have information that President Kennedy was going to be assassinated?
Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you advise other people of the assassination of President Kennedy?
Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you know Jack Ruby
Mr. Trafficante, have you ever met with representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency to discuss the assassination of various world leaders, including Fidel Castro?
Mr. Trafficante, is any agency of the U.S. Government giving you any immunity with regard to any plans to assassinate any world leaders?
Mr. Trafficante, did you ever discuss with any individual plans to assassinate President Kennedy prior to his assassination?
Mr. Trafficante, while you were in prison in Cuba, were you visited by Jack Ruby?
Mr. Trafficante, as a result of your appearance here today, have you been threatened by anyone, any group or agency? Has your life been threatened in any way?
Mr. Trafficante, have you been contacted by any agency in the executive branch, say the CIA or FBI, in connection with your possible testimony before or after you received formal subpoena to appear before this committee?"

Not one of Richard Sprague's questions concerned Trafficante's mob connections, but instead were focused on either Jack Ruby or the CIA. To each of these questions Trafficante's response was, "I respectfully refuse to answer that question pursuant to my constitutional rights under the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 14th amendments." This is the legal response to questions that would otherwise be self-incriminating. Sprague, because his focus of attention was on the CIA, was soon forced to resign as chief counsel and replaced by Robert Blakey, who managed through selective testimony and questioning to shift blame for the assassination of President Kennedy to the mafia.

Due to his focus on CIA involvement, Richard Sprague was removed as the HSCA's chief counsel and replaced by Robert Blakey. Blakey worked very hard to sell the American people on how the “mob” was responsible for the Kennedy assassination. Blakey occasionally asserted that “rogue elements” of the CIA may have been involved, but always directed attention to the "mob." In 1981 Blakey wrote a book titled, The Plot to Kill the President—Organized Crime Assassinated JFK. Most of the evidence and witness testimony presented to the HSCA pointed to individuals at the highest level of the CIA as the principal planners of the assassination, but Blakey cleverly and deceptively ignored the obvious and blamed the "mob."

In 1961 Ruby was involved in a plan to sell British Enfield rifles, obtained from Mexico, to anti-Castro-Cubans in Florida. Nancy Perrin Rich told the Warren Commission about a group running Enfield rifles from Mexico to Cuba in 1961 and returning with Cuban refugees to Florida. Ruby was evidently the “paymaster." During the 10 years preceding the assassination of President Kennedy there is a considerable amount of information that shows the FBI, CIA, and US Customs were very familiar with “Jack Rubenstein” and his gun-running activities. The Warren Commission requested a written response from the CIA for any and all “information on Jack Ruby (aka Jack Rubenstein)." The CIA responded by stating, “Examination of CIA records failed to produce information on Jack Ruby or his activities," but the CIA provided no information whatsoever for “Jack Rubenstein." ****

===========

****Guess when the CIA kills POTUS then its childsplay for the CIA to play a name game with Congress.

TREJO BELOW

=

Let's see here -- according to Doug Valentine:

(1) In 1947 in Chicago, George White of the CIA used Jack Ruby as an INFORMANT.

(2) Also, in 1948, George White of the CIA used Jack Ruby as an INFORMANT to spy on Bugsy Siegel's Mafia operation in Mexico -- although nobody was arrested.

Now, based on this somebody is jumping to the conclusion that George White of the CIA was Jack Ruby's BOSS?

What, did George White pay Jack Ruby a fortune for giving him street Information on Mafia figures? Did Jack Ruby never have to work for anybody else? This was a full-time career for Jack Ruby?

This is what Valentine suggests -- that the CIA was controlling Jack Ruby from 1947 and forever, and that Jack Ruby didn't make a move without checking in with his CIA BOSS.

But that's exactly what Doug Valentine needs to PROVE! He can't just ASSUME it!

Then, on top of THAT, Steven, you imply (only by assumption) that GEORGE WHITE was somehow connected with the JFK murder! How? Well, simply by being a CIA Officer!

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

##################################

Not according to Doug Valentine but from the diaries of George White himself as interpreted by Peter Dale Scott.

On pgs 169-170 of Peter Dale Scott's DEEP POLITICS and THE DEATH OF JFK. In his, Scott's, analysis of the diaries.

George White, "met with Ruby" and made him FBN INFORMANT.

Greorge White is not CIA but the head of the FBN,however, it seems he did a lot of work for the CIA, so much so it seems he wanted to be CIA.Whites CIA patron at the CIA was none other than James Jesus Angleton.

Ruby was a INFORMANT from 1946 (not 1947) at "25/week" per diaries.(per Valentine Ruby still working with FBN in Dallas).

Ruby couldnt get out of the INFORMANT position not because of the "25/week" but because White could put a murder wrap on Ruby. Per the interpretation Of White's diaries by Scott ,Ruby was part of the mob Ragen killing and White had the 'goods' on Ruby. This was no ordinary killing but was a significant part of a major organized crime 'reorganization'.

• Valentine never suggested that CIA was controlling Ruby from 1947. From the Armstrong link (which you do not address) it shows Ruby in CIA operations. The best interpretation of know facts is that Ruby was handed over to the CIA thus having CIA deniability per Ruby's Mob operations as cover. White seemed to want to ingratiate himself with the CIA and sharing assets was part of his modus operandi to do this.
• RUBY would check with both his FBN and CIA controllers before going into any POTUS killing schemes. Morales would know this. Thus its illogical to assume that RUBY wouldn't be in any assassination plan without CIA HDQ approval. Ruby is attached to TWO intel agencies and thus no ROGUE would use him because of the risk of being caught.

Well Steven, Paul T expressed his position on Dulles and the nazis on a previous post somewhere here. It was all in the name of fighting Communism, and a necessary evil. For me it was a deal with the devil, and the price we have paid has been enormous.

Steven, in that entire long excerpt that you quoted from that link, Jack Ruby's name wasn't mentioned even once. This is what I mean when I say that your logic makes leaps. You're connecting dots with generalities. ......

The narrative you provided fails to show a connection. It subsists on innuendo -- the way most CIA theories of the JFK murder subsist

==============

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

FBN Ruby connections. Your response is disingenuous.

++++++++++++++++++
RUBY WOULD CHECK WITH HIS CIA and FBN CONTROL BEFORE HELPING MORALES KILL THE POTUS. THIS IS COMMON SENSE.

These grandiose theories of writers like Peter Dale Scott, however, who paint broad portraits of a "Secret Government," or an "Invisible Government," or a "Shadow Government," are too general to get down to the details of life in Dallas on the 22nd of November 1963.

Regards,

--Paul Trejo

======================

If Ruby FBN asset and FBN & CIA worked together in 1950-1960s yes there is a confluence to future events.

=

THE CIA AND DRUG-TRAFFICKING BY CONTRA SUPPORTERS

Affidavit by Peter Dale Scott, Ph.D.

=

My name is Peter Dale Scott. I am an author with a doctorate in Political Science from McGill University. After four years as a diplomat in the Canadian Foreign Service I taught for thirty-three years at the University of California, Berkeley.

Four of my books have dealt with the problem of drug-traffickers who owe their prominence and protection to their involvement with CIA-backed covert operations. The most relevant of these books is Cocaine Politics, co-authored with Jonathan Marshall and published in 1991 by the University of California Press. (Four of the chapters dealt with the subject of Contras and drug-trafficking, including the California network of Norwin Meneses.) (1)

At various times I have taken leave from teaching to conduct full-time research into covert politics. In 1970 I was a Guggenheim Fellow for a year. In 1973 I took leave again for six months, for part of which I was a Visiting Fellow at the Center for International Studies at M.I.T. In 1987 I served in Washington for six months as a Senior Fellow at, and drug consultant to, the Center for International Development Policy, gathering information in support of the investigation into Drugs and Foreign Policy conducted at that time by Senator John Kerry. In that capacity I consulted with a number of experts in Washington inside and outside government. I was also a personal eyewitness to the falsity of a story published in the Washington Post (and subsequently retracted) which exonerated the Contras from involvement in drug-trafficking (2).

My researches into U.S. government involvement with drug-traffickers date back to 1970, when I wrote a book, The War Conspiracy, about the origins of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. I returned to this topic yet again in 1986, when I noticed that certain Cuban exiles I had already written about, some of them indicted or convicted drug-traffickers were involved in the Contra support movement in Costa Rica. (3)

After twenty-five years of research, I have come to believe, as I wrote in 1992, that “governments themselves, and the links they develop with major traffickers, are the key both to the drug-trafficking problem and to its solution.” (4)

The United States Government is by no means the only example of such involvement, but it is the one with the most deleterious impact on its own citizens.

One can see this impact in the efforts in the 1980s by the CIA, and later Oliver North, to arrange for extra-governmental support for the Contras. These arrangements led to documented U.S. government involvement with, and often support to, top-level drug-traffickers in Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Panama, as well as with domestic traffickers in the states of Florida, Arkansas, Louisiana, Kentucky, Michigan, and California. This recurring pattern of involvement with those who dominated the drug traffic cannot be dismissed as an accidental or coincidental aberration.

In a few cases, Contras and their supporters became traffickers after their contact with CIA officers. This was the case with Ricky Ross’s supplier, Danilo Blandon Reyes. The CIA might argue in its defense that Blandon, and others like him, were not traffickers at the time contact was made. But one hears recurring reports that such recruits were given to understand that funds should be raised for the Contras by any means, which was taken to include drug-trafficking. Blandon has testified that he heard this from a leading U.S. protégé in the Contras, Enrique Bermudez. Other, more senior Contra officials are said to have heard the same indirect guidance from at least one high-ranked CIA officer.

It is a matter of record that the CIA has also established contacts with those already known to the U.S. government as major narcotics traffickers. This was the case with Blandon’s supplier, Norwin Meneses, a highly publicized Contra supporter who had been listed as a trafficker in DEA records since the 1970s.

Officials in at least four law enforcement agencies have confirmed that Meneses was untouchable in this country in the era of Contra support. A key illustration of this was the so-called Frogman case in 1983, at that time the largest cocaine seizure ever made on the U.S. West coast.

Although 150 agents and police rounded up members of Meneses’ network, and over thirty of them were ultimately convicted, Meneses himself (so I have been personally told by one of his contacts, a fellow Contra supporter), was warned by law enforcement officials to leave town to escape arrest. Other sources in law enforcement have complained that Meneses was protected for reasons of “national security” (5). The protection given to Meneses was given to other traffickers as well. Jorge Morales in Miami testified under oath that he agreed to fly arms-for-drugs flights for the Contras after he was promised legal protection for them by two Nicaraguans, Marcos Aguado and Octaviano Cesar, who represented themselves to him as CIA agents (6).

Leslie Cockburn subsequently corroborated Cesar’s CIA status from no less than eight sources, including high-level administration officials in Washington (7).

Marcos Aguado was close to two other CIA-linked Contra supporters later indicted in Central America for drug-trafficking: John Hull in Costa Rica, and Norwin Meneses in California (8). (Neither Hull nor Meneses was ever prosecuted in the United States.) It remains to be established whether the cocaine introduced into Florida by Morales found its way to his friend and future drug-trafficking partner Norwin Meneses in California.

Morales made a point of letting CIA personnel know of his Contra-related drug-trafficking, to ensure his protection. Government behavior for two years confirmed that he was protected. Despite a previous indictment, and DEA objections, a court order permitted him to enter and leave the country on his drug business (9).

He was directed to land his drug planes at two government controlled airports, Ilopango Air Force Base in El Salvador and Fort Lauderdale Executive Airport in Florida; and thereafter for two years arms and drugs were loaded and unloaded at Fort Lauderdale in broad daylight without any problems. Morales heard from one of his own informants that Florida law enforcement knew of at least one of his 1985 drug flights, but did not act on it (10). (Morales was ultimately indicted and arrested in 1986, after the Contra-drug story had been broken by AP.) (11)

In a 1990 drug case against Jose Abello in Oklahoma, one of Morales’ pilots, Fabio Carrasco, testified under oath that he had delivered millions of dollars of cocaine earnings to Octaviano Cesar and another Contra leader. He said that he had personally supervised flights of arms to Costa Rica which had returned [to Fort Lauderdale] with cocaine. He added that he believed this to have been done with CIA knowledge and approval. In this trial Carrasco was a federal prosecution witness (12).

CIA knowledge of drug-trafficking in support of the Contras was possibly admitted by Alan Fiers, in the mid-1980s the Chief of the CIA’s Central American Task Force. In a sworn deposition to the Congressional Iran-Contra Committees, the Task Force Chief said, “We knew that everybody around [Contra leader Eden] Pastora was involved in cocaine… His staff and friends [redacted] they were drug smugglers or involved in drug smuggling.” (13)

Whether or not they were named in the redaction to his deposition, we know that Octaviano Cesar and Marcos Aguado were top aides to Pastora, Aguado being the chief of his Air Force. Inasmuch as drug-trafficking in Costa Rica (where Pastora was based) was conducted almost exclusively by airplane, Fiers’ statement corroborates the claim of others that the CIA had knowledge of Aguado’s activities.

Major international drug traffickers who supported the Contras enjoyed the same kind of protection. A flagrant case in 1983-87 was that of the top drug trafficker or kingpin in Honduras, Juan Ramon Matta Ballesters. Matta was an integral part of the Contra support apparatus in that country. As Senator Kerry’s drug investigation revealed, Matta’s airline SETCO received supply contracts not just from the CIA-funded Contras, but from Oliver North and the U.S. State Department (14).

Newsweek (5/15/85) cited official estimates that Matta was responsible for perhaps one third of the cocaine reaching the United States. Yet the DEA station in Honduras was closed in 1983, as it was moving in on Matta. Matta himself remained untouchable until 1988, after Congressional support for the Contras was terminated altogether (15).

By this time Matta Ballesteros was sought by the DEA for the murder in Mexico of DEA Agent Enrique Camarena. Two of his associates and co-defendants in that murder case, Rafael Caro Quintero and Miguel Felix Gallardo of the then dominant Mexican Guadalajara cartel, have been identified in U.S. government records as major drug-traffickers who were also Contra supporters. A DEA Debriefing Report of their top informant Lawrence Harrison, introduced into a U.S. Federal Court in Los Angeles, reported how CIA-sponsored training of Contra guerrillas was conducted at a drug ranch owned by Rafael Caro Quintero near Veracruz. This training activity had been reported by two Mexican journalists in 1984, after which both journalists were murdered within a day of each other (16). Though a CIA spokesman at the time dismissed these charges as “nonsense,” they are corroborated from other sources (17).

According to the DEA Debriefings of Harrison and of Werner Lotz, another pilot for the Guadalajara cartel, Caro’s drug-trafficking partner, Miguel Felix Gallardo, was also a “big supporter” of the Contras; and advanced Lotz $150,000 to pass on to the Contras (18).

These coordinated drug-trafficking and Contra-supporting activities of Matta, Caro, and Felix Gallardo, all members of the Guadalajara cartel, were mirrored by the Contra-supporting drug-trafficking originating in Colombia and protected in Panama by Manuel Noriega. A witness in the Noriega trial testified that the Medellin cartel gave $10 million to the Contras (19).

The first drug case for which Noriega was indicted in Miami in 1988 involved flights of a Miami-based air company, DIACSA, owned by two convicted drug-traffickers, Floyd Carlton and Alfredo Caballero (the latter a veteran of the CIA’s Bay of Pigs). These drug flights, which eventually led to the conviction of all three men, were simultaneously Contra support flights. This no doubt explains why in 1986 the State Department chose to contract for “humanitarian assistance” to the Contras with the drug airline DIACSA, at the same time as it allotted a similar contract to the Matta-owned drug airline SETCO (20).

These State Department contracts are but one reminder that the U.S. Government assistance and protection for Contra-supporting drug traffickers was not confined to the CIA. Perhaps the most flagrant and undeniable case of such official assistance and protection was the opening to traffickers of the Ilopango Air Force Base in El Salvador.

Cocaine for the Meneses connection came from the Ilopango Air Force base in El Salvador, a closed base totally under government control, and virtually under control of the U.S. Department of Defense. In 1985 this control was exercised by Col. James Steele, who in 1985 was chief of the U.S. Military Advisory Group in El Salvador, and in that capacity oversaw the Contra supply operation at Ilopango at first hand. (Oliver North’s notebooks record a meeting on September 10, 1985, with Colonel Steele and former CIA officer Donald Gregg of Vice-President Bush’s staff, to discuss logistic support for the Contras.) (21)

This was at a time when Celerino Castillo, the Drug Enforcement Agent in Charge of Honduras, El Salvador and Costa Rica, was reporting to DEA HQ about a huge drug and gun smuggling operation that was run out of the Ilopango military airport by the ‘North Network’ and the CIA. According to Castillo’s later book,

“my reports contained not only the names of traffickers, but their destinations, flight paths, tail numbers, and the date and time of each flight. Hundreds of flights each week delivered cocaine to the buyers and returned with money headed for the great isthmus laundering machine in Panama (22).”

According to Castillo, the entire program was run out of Ilopango’s Hangars 4 and 5: “The CIA owned one hangar and the National Security Council ran the other.” (23)

Castillo also reported that the CIA in El Salvador requested a U.S. visa for one Contra pilot listed by the DEA as a trafficker, while his attempt to arrest another was forestalled by intervention from Washington (24). (Like other whistle-blowers inside the DEA, Castillo was eventually reprimanded and threatened with suspension.)

These are only some of the documented links between the U.S. Government and Contra-supporting drug traffickers. I hope that they are enough to demonstrate a systematic pattern of U.S. Government assistance and protection, involving the CIA but by no means limited to it.

September 30, 1996

————————————————– Footnotes

1. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies and the CIA in Central America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott, and Jane Hunter, The Iran-Contra Connection (Boston: South End Press, 1987); Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy (New York: Bobbs Merrill, 1972).

2. Cocaine Politics, 179-81.

3. Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott, and Jane Hunter, The Iran-Contra Connection, 42-49.

4. Peter Dale Scott, “Honduras, the Contra Support Networks, and Cocaine: How the U.S. Government Has Augmented America’s Drug Crisis;” in War on Drugs: Studies in the Failure of U.S. Narcotic Policy, edited by Alfred W. McCoy and Alan A. Block. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992, 126.

5. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 106-09.

6. Kerry Hearings, I, 54-55; III, 278-80; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 112-14.

7. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987), 170.

8. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 113 (Hull); San Jose Mercury , August 18, 1996 (Meneses).

9. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics , 115, 231; Eddy, Cocaine Wars, 332: “To the chagrin of the DEA, Morales was allowed bond…and he was given extraordinary freedom by the court to travel abroad.”

10. Kerry Hearings, III, 361-68, 300-03. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics , 115.

11. Kerry Report, 53; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 117.

12. Tulsa World , April 7, 1990; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 115-16.

13. Iran-Contra Committees, Appendix B, Volume 3, pp. 1121, 1230; reprinted in Kerry Report, p. 38; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 8-9.14. Kerry Report, 44-45; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 56-58.

15. Christian Science Monitor , 3/7/88; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 63-64.

16. DEA Debriefing of Lawrence Harrison, 2/13/90; Los Angeles Times , 7/5/90; 7/8/90; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 41.

17. Washington Post, 7/6/90 (“nonsense”). A later written denial from the CIA asserted that the CIA “never used Mexico as a training site for the Nicaraguan contras or for Guatemalan guerrillas, nor did it use Mexican drug traffickers or territory as a conduit for support of any type to the contras” (Washington Post, 7/18/90, emphasis added). Note that this lawyerly language evades the charge made by defense attorneys who introduced the Harrison debrief: namely, that the CIA knew of the drug and training activities and tolerated them, in exchange for the drug lords’ support of the Contras. Cf. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 41.

18. DEA Debriefing of Werner Lotz, 11/20/87, introduced into Federal Court in August 1988; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 41.

19. New York Times, 11/26/91.

20. Kerry Report, 47-48; Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 11, 70, 110, 116.

21. Peter Dale Scott, in War on Drugs: Studies in the Failure of U.S. Narcotic Policy, ed. Alfred W. McCoy and Alan A. Block, cf. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 120.

22. Celerino Castillo III and Dave Harmon, Powder Burns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War (Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 1994), 138.

23. Ibid.

24. Castillo and Harmon, 144, 155-77.

#################################################

.

SEE POST ABOVE

19-Year-Old Dies Naked On Cell Floor Of Gangrene; Lawsuits Target Deaths In Madison County Jail

By Challen Stephens

HUNTSVILLE, Alabama -- Three times last year Madison County jailers watched small-time criminals die before their eyes, according to a series of three lawsuits filed in federal court.

Each argues that Madison County withholds the most basic medical care in order to save money, banking on the insurance of the medical contractor to cover any resulting lawsuits.

The lawsuits are filled with maladies long ago conquered by modern medicine. Death by gangrene, from broken bones, from constipation.

Deundrez Woods, a 19-year-old from Huntsville, was arrested for shoplifting Star Wars DVDs at Wal-Mart in June of 2013 and then for passing a phony $100 bill in July. He was sent to jail, the suit asserts, where a wound in his foot became infected and he died.

At first, he behaved normally. The suit states as gangrene took hold, he suffered a "severe and sudden change in mental functioning," began hallucinating and could no longer communicate.

"Woods' mental status change was due to that infection, and he ultimately died from a blood clot that originated in his gangrenous foot," reads the complaint filed in U.S. District Court on Tuesday.

Instead of receiving treatment, the suit states, Woods was placed in a "medical observation cell" on Aug. 6, 2013. He had no access to water after Aug. 12. There is no record of him eating after Aug. 14. No nurses visited him after Aug. 14.

The suit contends that as his rotting foot began to stink, guards dragged him from the cell on Aug. 17, sprayed him down with water and placed him in a new cell.

"Still, no correction officer or ACH nurse did anything to even check Woods, let alone help him," reads the complaint. The suit contends that jail records show no one took his temperature, checked his blood sugar or assessed his condition. "The gangrenous wound on top of his right foot was clearly visible had anyone bothered to look."

"Woods went from normal, to aggressive and disruptive, to barely responsive, to all but dead as correction and medical staff watched."

Read More

#####################

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Juvenile Detainees Locked in Controversial Device 'When Verbal Deescalation is Not Working posted 10/17/2014, 12:48 AM (Police State USA)
[Category: Tyranny/Police State]
Scott Tanner, Juvenile Detention Ombudsman, experiences the WRAP restraint system in the Yell County Juvenile Detention Center in Danville, AR. (Photos obtained via Freedom of Information Act.)

ARKANSAS — Juvenile detention facilities across the state are coming under fire for using a disturbing restraint device that some are calling “torture.”

The device is known as the “WRAP” system. According to state officials, the device is used to restrain minor deta... (more)

Woman Sentenced to Jail Time for Having a Messy Yard posted 10/17/2014, 12:48 AM (The Free Thought Project)
[Category: Tyranny/Police State]
Lenoir City, TN — Karen Holloway and her husband have two kids and both work full-time, with only one vehicle, they are trying their best to just get by.

Over the summer, the city sent Holloway a citation because her yard wasn’t properly maintained. Unable to trim the over grown shrubs because of their hectic schedule, the city enforced this citation the only way the state knows how, with force.

Last week, Judge Terry Vann handed down a 5 day prison sentence for poo... (more)

TO FOLLOW THIS THREADS TOPIC

http://www.copblock.org/

see post # 20 above

We the undersigned demand a revote of the Scottish Referendum

see http://coldcaseupdate.blogspot.com/2012_03_21_archive.html

&

see http://teri.nicedriving.org/2012/01/outsourcing-the-war-on-drugs/

+++++++++++++++

Gee maybe McCombs School of Business is part of the hidden government .........................................

THE BIGGER THE LIE - Media Bias in the Scottish Independence ... www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ajd4R-9BEIwAug 8, 2014 - 14 min - Uploaded by Phantom Power
An exclusive look into mainstream media bias and the techniques they use to influence the ...

=============

BBC bias and the Scots referendum - new report | openDemocracy

Part 6 = What are some of the motivations of suspect # 1 Allen Dulles ?

Regards,
--Paul Trejo
==
SUSPECT # 1 Allen Dulles. (Gaal,That's my final word on it.)

"That little Kennedy," he spat out. "He thought he was a god." (Quote Suspect #1)

=================================================================

• Per thread above /// Fletcher Prouty stated Dulles wanted to penetrate all areas of the government in a great power grab.
• Per thread above /// While CIA Director Dulles also had created his own private CIA which had as members Edwin Pauley,Edward Lansdale, George Mohrenschildt (via CBS Paley), William Casey (who had via law partner Secret Service connections)
• Per thread above /// Dulles used the CIA for his own financial gain. When Casey became Director CIA ,Casey's account showed an absolutely astounding 50 out of 51 correct Oil Futures positions. Does the CIA Director have 'insider/advanced' knowledge of oil prices ??
• AS CIA Director Dulles would to be able to control information about his clients WWII Nazi connections. (SEE BELOW)

• Allen Dulles, the Nazis, and the CIA
  
  http://www.enter.net/~torve/trogholm/secret/rightroots/dulles.html

  Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg once stated that "The Dulles brothers were traitors." Some historians believe that Allen Dulles became head of the newly formed CIA in large part to cover up his treasonous behavior and that of his clients.

  
  -- Christian Dewar, Making a Killing

  Just before his death, James Jesus Angleton, the legendary chief of counterintelligence at the Central Intelligence Agency, was a bitter man. He felt betrayed by the people he had worked for all his life. In the end, he had come to realize that they were never really interested in American ideals of "freedom" and "democracy." They really only wanted "absolute power."

  Angleton told author Joseph Trento that the reason he had gotten the counterintelligence job in the first place was by agreeing not to submit "sixty of Allen Dulles' closest friends" to a polygraph test concerning their business deals with the Nazis. In his end-of-life despair, Angleton assumed that he would see all his old companions again "in hell."

  -- Michael Hasty, Paranoid Shift

################################################

Still No Charges 3 Months After Eric Garner's Chokehold Death

SEE POST ABOVE

Scottish Independence Campaigners and Conspiracy Theorists Gathered in Glasgow on Sunday

The crowd in George Square is still upset that Scotland voted to remain in the UK, and some people's grief has clearly turned into an obsession with the idea that the election was rigged.

AUDIO INTERVIEW & ARTICLE: Former Federal Prosecutor Reveals DoJ Corruption in New Book (click link)

Sleeping 7-year-old girl shot in head during no-knock police raid on wrong home