-
Posts
4,661 -
Joined
-
Last visited
Content Type
Profiles
Forums
Events
Store
Posts posted by Steven Gaal
-
-
PO CHANEY in same TV interview on 11/22/1963 goes on
"When the second shot came I looked back just in time to see the President killed in the face with a bullet. He fell forward into Mrs. KENNEDY's lap."
We also know KENNEDY fell sideways not forward, the statement is untrue and likely with purpose to foster the notion that The President was shot from behind.
What has been neglected is evidence that CHANNEY claimed the second shot hit President KENNEDY in the head causing the fatal head wound.
As a researcher you must come to understand that this statement means something very important and crucial to understanding and unlocking the true nature of the assassination.
Thank You for your valuable research.
When I think of SS in Dallas, I think of the following
- EVERYTHING IS PUSHED BACK IN THE "POTUS PARADE" thus opening up shooting lanes in DP.
- Atomic Suitcase
- News/Photograhic people
- motorcycles
- agents to the sides of the Limo
++++++++++++++++++++
Very ODD to me is that the man in the Z film with the hat surrounded by women later gave approved 'tours' of DP and stated to me ,"...why the limo didnt even slow down." He was very,very very short (under 5' 3") and thus the women around him were very,very short. Thus opening up shooting lanes in DP over them.
SG
What kind of hat was this "really really really short guy surrounded by women" in the Z-film wearing, Steven?
A Hard hat?
A Fedora?
A Cowboy hat?
A Mickey Mouse hat? (LOL Just kidding, Steven)
To whom are you referring, Steven?
--Tommy
He is in 133,134 ect and at least 5 short women to the right of him.
-
Believe it or not, I'm not trying to pick on you.
But I was wondering.....
Could you please make your posts significantly shorter in the future ?
THOMAS GRAVES
+++++++++++++++++
OK BUT I ADDED THISA Certain Arrogance
by George Michael EvicaReviewed by James DiEugenio
=
Evica closes the book with a couple who emerged as character witnesses for the Paines during the Warren Commission inquiry: Frederick and Nancy Osborn. The Osborn family, including his father Frederick Sr., was significantly involved in the American eugenics movement whose intention was to "create a superior Nordic race." (p. 251) Frederick Sr. also worked with Allen Dulles in the organization of the National Committee for a Free Europe. (p. 254) The funding for this group eventually came from Frank Wisner's Office of Policy Coordination in the CIA. (p. 255) These were the connections of the friends of the kindly Quaker couple who befriended Lee and Marina.
AND THIS
Upon searching this house we found stacks of hand bills concerning "Cuba for Freedom" advertising, seeking publicity and support for Cuba. Also found was a set of metal file cabinets containing records that appeared to be names and activities of Cuban sympathizers. All of this evidence was confiscated and turned over to Captain Fritz of the Dallas Police Department and Secret Service Officers at the City Hall.
( BTW Ruth Paine Lee didnt live here)
http://jfkassassination.net/russ/testimony/walther1.htmLater this find was later obfuscated by the WC ,which had as a member ,SUSPECT # 1 Allen Dulles.
Believe it or not, I'm not trying to pick on you.
The Paines,Volkmar Schmidt,Secret Service and George DeMorschildt are part of the Dulles nexus.AND THERE IS A TON OF EVIDENCE THAT SHOWS THIS. THATS WHY THE POST IS SO LONG.THANKS SG -
part 1 = introduction Allen Dulles and his friends====In any case, your case for a CIA plot to kill JFK is based only on political bias, and not on solid evidence. That's my final word on it.
Regards,
--Paul Trejo
====================================================The Paines,Volkmar Schmidt,Secret Service and George DeMorschildt are part of the Dulles nexus.Belief that David Morales could manipulate the above is pure fantasy.===============================================Bill Kelly's excellent article connecting the Hitler assassination attempt and the assassination of JFK:
Dr. Whilhelm Keutemeyer was a professor of psychosomatic medicine and religion at the University of Heidelberg, Germany. Keutemeyer’s son was Volkmar Schmidt’s best friend, and Schmidt looked to Keutemeyer as a surrogate father figure. Keutemeyer was also a colleague of Swiss psychoanalysist Carl Jung, who attempted to use his professional associations in attempts to influence Hitler’s behavior. When that failed they just tried to kill him.
According to Schmidt, Keutemeyer was also associated with Herr Von Halen and Dr. Adam von Trott zu Solz, both of whom were captured, tortured and executed because of their roles in the failed assassination and coup of July 20, 1944. (For details of their roles Peter Hoffman’s the History of German Resistance, 1933-1944, MIT Press, 1977).
Also involved was one Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, a Gestapo officer assigned to Switzerland, who tried to get the OSS chief of Bern, Allen Dulles, to broker a separate peace between Germany and the Western Allies, without Hitler, to fight the Russians together. This plot evolved into the July 20th bomb explosion at the Fuhrer’s “Wolfschanze” bunker headquarters near Rastenburg, Germany.
Col. Claus Schenk Grav von Stauffenberg planted a briefcase bomb under the map table next to Hitler, left the bunker, witnessed the explosion and the flew back to Berlin where he met with Gisevius. Together they drew up press releases to counter Goebel’s propaganda, but when it became clear that the bomb failed to kill Hitler (the heavy wooden table leg saved his life), those responsible were rounded up and executed. Many hundreds, some say thousands were eventually implicated, but somehow, Gisevius went underground and eventually escaped using false identification provided to him by Allen Dulles, though his personal assistant Mary Bancroft.
Mary Bancroft, the stepdaughter of the publisher of the Wall Street Journal, was also Dulles’ mistress at the time, and served as a intermediary between Dulles and Gisevius. She also helped Gisevius translate his history of the Third Rich, later published as “Bis zum bittern Ende.” (two volumes, Fretz & Wasmuth, Zurich, 1946, 1954; To the Bitter End,” Richard and Clara Winston, Jonathan Cape, London, 1948; Rutten & Loening, Hamburg, (1964).
As related in her own “Autobiography of a Spy” (William Morrow, 1983), Mary Bancroft was a close personal friend of Michael Paine’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young. Their intimate friendship dated from the 1920s when Ruth Forbes Paine was married to New York architect Lyman Paine, one of the founders of the Trotyskite movment in the U.S. and father of Michael Paine. Bancroft and Ruth Forbes Paine traveled extensively overseas and were together on board an ocean liner when Bancroft met her future husband, a Zurich businessman.
Hans Bernd Gisevius was called to testify for the defense at the Nurenberg trials, but instead of aiding them, he helped send the Nazis to the gallows. He then came to America where Allen Dulles provided him with a $5,000 a month retainer and set him up in the home of his CIA deputy Tom Braden. At the time Braden was head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), and his assistant was Cord Meyer, Jr., who would later take his place. Cord Meyer, Jr. was the co-founder of the World Federalists, which also included it’s Philadelphia adherents, Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young and Priscilla Johnson McMillan, when she was a student at Bryn Mawr.
So there you have it - Dr. Wilhelm Keutemeyer, Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles, four direct participants in the July 20, 1944 Hitler assassination attempt and failed coup d’etat, who also became related to the events that culminated in what happened on November 22, 1963.
====
Douglass
PAINES
His mother, Ruth Forbes Paine Young, was descended from the Boston Brahmin Forbes family -- one of the oldest in America. She was a close friend of Mary Bancroft. Mary Bancroft worked with Allen Dulles as a spy during World War II in Switzerland. This is where Dulles got many of his ideas on espionage, which he would incorporate as CIA Director under Eisenhower. Bancroft also became Dulles' friend and lover. She herself called Ruth Forbes, "a very good friend of mine." (p. 169) This may explain why, according to Walt Brown, the Paines were the most oft-questioned witnesses to appear before the Commission.Ruth Paine's father was William Avery Hyde. Ruth described him before the Warren Commission as an insurance underwriter. (p. 170) But there was more to it than that. Just one month after the Warren Report was issued, Mr. Hyde received a three-year government contract from the Agency for International Development (AID). He became their regional adviser for all of Latin America. As was revealed in the seventies, AID was riddled with CIA operatives. To the point that some called it an extension of the Agency. Hyde's reports were forwarded both to the State Department and the CIA. (Ibid)
Ruth Paine's older sister was Sylvia Hyde Hoke. Sylvia was living in Falls Church, Virginia in 1963. Ruth stayed with Sylvia in September of 1963 while traveling across country. (p. 170) Falls Church adjoins Langley, which was then the new headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency, a prized project of Allen Dulles. It was from Falls Church that Ruth Paine journeyed to New Orleans to pick up Marina Oswald, who she had been introduced to by George DeMohrenschildt. After she picked Marina up, she deposited her in her home in Irving, Texas. Thereby separating Marina from Lee at the time of the assassination.
Some later discoveries made Ruth's itinerary in September quite interesting. It turned out that John Hoke, Sylvia's husband, also worked for AID. And her sister Sylvia worked directly for the CIA itself. By the time of Ruth's visit, Sylvia had been employed by the Agency for eight years. In regards to this interestingly timed visit to her sister, Jim Garrison asked Ruth some pointed questions when she appeared before a grand jury in 1968. He first asked her if she knew her sister had a file that was classified at that time in the National Archives. Ruth replied she did not. In fact, she was not aware of any classification matter at all. When the DA asked her if she had any idea why it was being kept secret, Ruth replied that she didn't. Then Garrison asked Ruth if she knew which government agency Sylvia worked for. The uninquiring Ruth said she did not know. (p. 171) This is the same woman who was seen at the National Archives pouring through her files in 1976, when the House Select Committee was gearing up.
When Marina Oswald was called before the same grand jury, a citizen asked her if she still associated with Ruth Paine. Marina replied that she didn't. When asked why not, Marina stated that it was upon the advice of the Secret Service. She then elaborated on this by explaining that they had told her it would look bad if the public found out the "connection between me and Ruth and CIA." An assistant DA then asked, "In other words, you were left with the distinct impression that she was in some way connected with the CIA?" Marina replied simply, "Yes." (p. 173)
Douglass interpolates the above with the why and how of Oswald ending up on the motorcade route on 11/22/63. Robert Adams of the Texas Employment Commission testified to having called the Paine household at about the time Oswald was referred by Ruth -- via a neighbor-- to the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) for a position. He called and was told Oswald was not there. He left a message for Oswald to come down and see him since he had a position available as a cargo handler at a regional cargo airline. Interestingly, this job paid about 1/3 more than the job Oswald ended up with at the TSBD. He called again the next day to inquire about Oswald and the position again. He was now told that Lee had already taken a job. Ruth was questioned about the Adams call by the Warren Commission's Albert Jenner. At first she denied ever hearing of such a job offer. She said, "I do not recall that." (p. 172) She then backtracked, in a tactical way. She now said that she may have heard of the offer from Lee. This, of course, would seem to contradict both the Adams testimony and common sense. If Oswald was cognizant of the better offer, why would he take the lower paying job?
=====
The Paines' Participation in the Minox Camera Charade
by Carol Hewett, Esq.
Almost every JFK assassination researcher is aware that the Dallas police found, and inventoried, a tiny hi-tech Minox camera amongst Oswald's personal effects when Ruth and Michael Paine's home was searched and that this camera later was omitted from an inventory list once the FBI took over the investigation. What is not generally known is the Paines' role in this camera charade.
There were 3 separate inventory lists itemizing the evidence from the Paine household:
- a Dallas police List,
- a joint Dallas police and FBI list, and
- the FBI Headquarters list.
- a joint Dallas police and FBI list, and
This camera disappears from List #3. There were four separate sets of photographs of the items removed from the Paine household:
- the Dallas Police Crime Lab revealing the camera,
- the joint Dallas police and FBI photos which should have shown the camera,
- the altered joint set of photos which omitted the camera, and
- the supplement set to #3 which still failed to show the Minox camera.
- the altered joint set of photos which omitted the camera, and
- the joint Dallas police and FBI photos which should have shown the camera,
The FBI's early efforts to conceal the existence of the Minox camera did not stay secret for long, as word leaked out amongst news reporters that the FBI had altered its inventory list and that the FBI had pressured the Dallas police to alter its inventory. The FBI was now squarely in the middle of an evidence-tampering dilemma before the Warren Commission investigation was barely underway. One solution would be to produce the original camera, or any Minox camera for that matter, in order to resolve the discrepancy. This is precisely what the FBI did. Many of the documents setting forth the method by which the Minox camera "reappeared" were not released to the public until 1984 and are amongst the Paine files.
We now know that the controversy over the Minox camera reached the highest levels of the FBI. Eventfully Hoover demanded that Dallas SAC Gordon Shanklin contact the Dallas Police, Marina Oswald and Ruth Paine to get to the bottom of the problem. Late in January 1964, Dallas FBI Agent Bardwell Odum contacted the Paines. Mr. Paine advised Odum that he still had his Minox camera in a coffee can in his garage, that it had been dropped in salt water a few years ago and that he had repaired the water damage by cleaning the camera with kerosene. According to Paine, the camera seemed to be in good working order but "someone" had bent the shutter and "now" it was not working. Paine recollected that when the law enforcement officers first searched his home, he gave them a drawer of his photographic equipment with everything in it except for the Minox camera. Paine went on to say that he had mentioned to the officers that the Minox camera was in the garage but they did not seem interested in it. This was an obvious lie for the police had in fact taken a Minox camera into custody. Paine also claimed that the Minox light meter seized that weekend belonged to him.
Did the Paines have a prior relationship with Agent Odum that would allow the three of them to participate in a ruse? Mr. Paine told the Warren Commission that he knew "Bob" Odum, casually referring to Bardwell Odum's nickname of "Bob". Odum, incidentally, apparently lived in Irving in 1963 because Irving barbershop owner, Clifton Shasteen, told the Warren Commission that he not only cut Oswald's hair but that he also cut FBI Agent Bardwell Odum's hair. Following her Warren Commission testimony, Ruth Paine wrote the Commission seeking return of various items which belonged to her and her husband; her lists mentions only the Minox light meter and light meter case, not a Minox camera. In all the ensuing correspondence, no mention of the Minox camera is made by the Paines, Rankin or Hoover --- once again suggesting collusion.
The camera as inventoried by the Dallas police, and later by Odum, contained exposed film. In 1977 author Alan J. Weberman obtained copies of these developed photos. 29 photos were produced, some of which depicted a freighter in a harbor and a military installation apparently situated in Central America. One of the military photos shows a blond American which the HSCA must have thought was CIA operative Gerry Patrick Hemming inasmuch as the HSCA juxtaposed two other photos of Hemming next to it for comparison. Other photographs were of Rome, including the Piaza of St. Peter and the Roman Coliseum. Still another photo in the series consists of a pet cat reclining on a checkered tiled floor.
In the 1970's Michael Paine denied having taken such photos despite the fact that he had owned the Minox camera. In 1994, Paine would be questioned again about these matters for the Frontline TV production. This time Paine stated that the camera which was returned to him had been stolen about 5 years after the assassination along with all of the photographs from that era Is he referring to the 29 photos? Why would they have been returned if they were not his in the first place? A theft could not have occurred 5 years after 1963 because the camera marked by Odum was shown to Marina by the HSCA in 1978. In fact Marina was shown two Minox cameras! The source of the second one remains a mystery.
Neither one of the Paines were ever questioned under oath about the camera or the photos. The pictures of Rome could have been taken by Michael during his 1955 travels to Europe for his passport application indicated that he planned to go to Italy. Oswald also indicated on his second passport application of June 1963 that he intended to travel to Italy but there is yet no indication that he actually traveled to Italy at any time. As for the cat, the Paines did in fact own a cat while living in Irving which they gave away to the family of E.E. Bruner because of their little girl's allergies. There exists an independent photo of June Oswald as a toddler playing with a white kitten. So who owned the black and white cat, the Paines or the Oswalds?
Both of the Paines and Bardwell Odum are still alive. They must be relieved of any secrecy oaths and forced to give sworn testimony about this camera. Such testimony may help resolve whether either of the Paines or Lee Harvey Oswald worked in the capacity of an intelligence asset and also whether Michael and Lee worked together.
Paine and the Patsy
by Steven Jones
There are more than 300 released documents of alleged sightings of Oswald before the assassination. Some of these sightings are the mistakes of well-intentioned people; others are reports of kooks and attention-seekers. However, there appear to be a number of credible sightings, enough to indicate that a person or persons was impersonating Lee H. Oswald in the months preceding the assassination. Several researchers, including myself, are in the process of analyzing these sightings. It will take months of further analysis to be able to fully understand their implications.
However, the majority of sightings were reported in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. Ruth and Michael Paine who befriended the Oswalds in 1963 lived in Irving. Researcher Vince Palamara gave me a videotape of an interview of Michael Paine on WFAA-TV on November 24, 1963. When I saw this interview I was astonished. In 1963 Michael Paine was a dead ringer for Lee Harvey Oswald. Barbara LaMonica and I showed this tape at the Fourth Decade conference in Fredonia. Everyone agreed to the striking similarity between these two men. Not only did Paine resemble Oswald physically but spoke in the same manner, exhibited similar body language, and even pursed his lips exactly as Oswald did when briefly questioned by reporters for live TV on the night of the assassination.
I will show a brief 3 minute video clip which intersperses segments of Michael Paine talking with segments of Lee Harvey Oswald talking. I hope that this will draw closer scrutiny to the possibility that Michael Paine may well have been used as an Oswald imposter, and also open up discussion on this topic among participants at the conference.
All in the Family (The Paines)
by Barbara LaMonica
Ruth Paine's father, William Avery Hyde, undertook a Department of State/AID assignment to Peru within weeks of the publication of the Warren Report. His first tour of duty out of the country would last almost three years from October 1964 to August 1967. Mr. Hyde's official status was that of a contract employee for CLUSA, the Cooperative League of the USA. His job title was that of Regional Insurance Advisor for Latin America. Indeed, Mr. Hyde who for many years was an insurance executive with Nationwide Insurance Company, was the only individual at the time who was accredited to the Latin America Division of the U.S. Agency for International Development for handling insurance problems. Thus he should be considered an important asset of the U.S. government's economic policies in Latin America during that time period insofar as the promotion of capitalism and modern day business techniques was concerned.
Hyde's tour of duty was not limited to Peru. He provided technical assistance to the launching of insurance cooperatives in Bolivia, Ecuador and Panama. His efforts were directed towards all types of coverage, including life, casualty, automobile, and mortgage insurance and brought him into contact with Latin American credit unions, banks and the housing industry. Furthermore, he urged the State Department to consider the development of a Central American Common Market modeled after the European Common Market. Hyde's experience with insurance cooperatives led him to serve as a consultant to another CLUSAAID cooperative project in Peru called the Artisan Handicraft Project. Inasmuch as Peru's major economic activity consisted of the folk arts, the U.S. government sought to upgrade the cottage industries and to increase the market for Peru's export of handicrafts through modern and large scale foreign retailers such as Sears and Roebuck. This in turn would presumably lead to a better standard of living for workers via higher wages and the development of an accompanying infrastructure.
Ruth's father contributed to the "end-of-tour" report on the Artisan Handicraft Project as it was drawing to a close. This report, which was routed to both the State Dept. and the CIA, was found by assassination researchers at the AID library in D.C. Of special interest to the State Department was Hyde's commentary on problems, both politically and culturally, which AID technical advisors could expect to encounter when working in Latin America. These personal remarks consist of only 3 pages but the content is reminiscent of the report which Oswald made about his observations of life in Russia. In fact, a comparison of the two documents reveals Oswald to be the better writer and more thorough observer (notwithstanding the snide remarks about Oswald's writing and thinking abilities made by Norman Mailer in Oswald's Tale).
From this, we can conclude that William Avery Hyde could have been deemed an important source of information for the Domestic Contacts Division of the CIA which collected data of a sociological and economic nature for its in-house encyclopedias on foreign nations. It is not difficult to imagine that George DeMorhenschild and Lee Harvey Oswald may have served the same purpose for the CIA following their travels abroad. In any case, we now see that there is more to Ruth's Paine's family background than revealed to us by the Warren Commission or the HSCA or Ruth Paine herself.
Arthur Young and Ruth Forbes Paine Young ---
The Crux of the Matterby William Kelly
Arthur Young is the inventor of the Bell Helicopter and step-father of Michael Paine, who worked at Bell Helicopter's Texas plant and at whose home Lee Oswald stayed on the night before the assassination.
Oswald's wife Marina lived at the Irving, Texas home with Michael Paine's wife Ruth, who visited Arthur Young and his wife, Michael's mother, in the summer of 1963.
In August 1963 a pregnant Marina Oswald wrote a letter to Ruth Paine --- in care of Arthur Young, accepting an invitation to move in with her in Irving until she had her baby. After visiting with Young and Michael's mother at their farm near Philadelphia, Ruth Paine drove to New Orleans, picked up Marina and the alleged assassination rifle, and drove them to Irving, while Oswald went to Mexico City. The rifle was then stored in the Paine's garage until the day of the assassination.
If the assassination of President Kennedy was the result of a covert operation, rather than the act of a deranged loner, then the intelligence networks that operated in conjunction with Bell Helicopter's military arm may have played a role in the murder.
As the last journalist to interview Arthur Young before he died last year, I have developed a unique insight into his life and role in these affairs.
A complete transcript of my interview with him will be released at the conference as well as a summary of my report, which concludes that although Arthur Young is probably responsible for obtaining the job for Michael Paine at Bell Helicopter, it is his wife --- Michael Paine's mother, Ruth Forbes Paine Young --- who was the more important player and has the significant associations with the CIA officials connected with the assassination.
Ruth Forbes is a close personal friend of former OSS operative Mary Bancroft, who was Allen Dulles' wartime mistress. Ruth Forbes also helped organize Cord Meyer's World Federalists and the International Peace Academy (IPA) at the UN, both pivotal organizations involved in the U.S.-Russian-Cuban nexus that developed around the Bay of Pigs, Cuban Missile Crisis and the assassination.
Both Ruth Forbes Paine Young and Mary Bancroft are still alive today and should be questioned by the Assassination Records Review Board as to any information or documents they may have that should be made part of the permanent JFK Assassination Records Collection at the National Archives. Arthur Paine kept detailed diaries and volumes of notes on his personal activities, as did Ruth Paine and Mary Bancroft.
Ruth Young's association with the World Federalists and IPA are extremely significant because Priscilla Johnson McMillan was also a World Federalist and a neighbor of Cord Meyer, who went on to become head of the CIA's International Organizations Division.
Ruth Young's role in establishing the IPA at the UN places her at the scene of the US-Cuban secret back-channel negotiations regarding detente, which were taking place at the time of the assassination and may have been one of the motives for the murder.
Arthur Young and Ruth Forbes Paine Young are two of the most significant, yet least known players in the assassination drama, a point that I hope to rectify at this COPA conference.
BRUCE ADAMSON
Throughout the 1950s, Paley admitted working with the CIA by allowing agents to pose as CBS employees.
In the early 1990s, I received a letter from Paley's personal secretary, John S. Minary, (for 40 years) stating that Mr. Paley had hired George de Mohrenschildt in the early 1960s.
One of the long-time Directors at CBS was Prescott Bush, whose son, also a CIA agent, George H.W. Bush had known de Mohrenschildt since 1942. In 1993, Bush Sr., wrote to me stating that he did not know of de Mohrenschildt's Intelligence connections. I later found out that de Mohrenschildt's father-in-law, Walter Samuel Washington, was in charge of more than 250 CIA agents between the years of 1950-53, ten years before the JFK Assassination.
In May of 1963, prior to the Assassination of President Kennedy, after he left CBS, Prescott Bush's banking firm Brown Brothers & Harriman gave Lee Harvey Oswald's closest friend, George de Mohrenschildt a $300,000 line of credit, when de Mohrenschildt's credit "stunk" to high heaven.
++++++
STEVEN GAAL- Peter Dale Scott theorized in Deep Politics and the Death of JFK that the stock transactions of the major stockholders of LTV (Harold Byrd (owner TSBD), Troy Post (financier) and James Ling (businessman) engineer) were made with foreknowledge of the JFK assassination.
- Troy Post was co-owner of Coconut micro island in Hawaii with California oil man Edwin Pauley.
- JFK researcher Bruce Adamson acquired the 6 volume set of personal phone books of George De Mohrenschildt and noted that De Mohrenschildt had listed Edwin Pauleys name an unusual 4 times. ( To note to avoid confusion ,per Adamson ,George de Mohrenschildt also worked for CBS head William S. Paley after call to Paley's private secretary) The phone books also listed GHWB and also GHWB's intimate nickname "POPPY" ,which few knew.
- In the appendix of the Secret War Against the Jews book George de Mohrenschildt had the post WWII office number of Allen Dulles at RCA. William Paley (CBS) and Allen Dulles were very,very close friends (see letters Paley - Dulles, Adamson). Prescott Bush (father of GHWB, was a CBS trustee for 30 years (from the radio days to the TV days)) also was a friend of Allen Dulles from the 1930s.
- Edwin Pauley ,as was William Casey, were private post WWII operatives of Allen Dulles per Secret War Against the Jews book. Casey and Pauley were , per the Gold Warriors book , were top operatives (with Edwin Lansdale) in the ultra secret post WWII Asian-Japanese stolen gold project that help fund post WWII anti-communist CIA operations. Edwin Lansdale was considered by Fetcher Prouty to be a Allen Dulles operative inside the Air Force.
- Dimitri Von Mohrenschildt (brother of George de Mohrenschildt ) wrote a book in the 1950s with the nephew of Allen Dulles.
- In 63 William Casey worked with Prescott Bush Jr. (brother GHWB) in a think tank advocating a stronger CIA and increased CIA covert operations.
-
SECRET SERVICE ????
Posted 26 March 2014 - 10:05 PM
Fletcher Prouty in his book ,The Secret Team, discussed Allen Dulles ambition to have the CIA penetrate all areas of the US government.Prouty used the existence of a high level FAA bureaucrat that was really a CIA asset to example CIA penetration. It is my supposition that Dulles started to penetrate the US Secret Service in the early 1950s. I come to this idea by my finding the 1963 lawfirm of Scribner,Hall, and Casey in Wash. DC area. Casey being William Casey,who was identified as a POST (thats post) WWII operative of Allen Dulles in the, The Secret War Against the Jews Book.
In 1952 Dulles had a dangerous plan to aid the Republican Party's control of the US Presidency. Dulles set up the Republican Ethnic Division (aka with some variation Heritage Groups today). THe Ethnic Division was organized initially in five states. These groups in the 1950s were a danger to the Republican Party in that key leaders were made up of recent displaced WWII Fascsists,Nazi and neo-Nazis.
Though information was reported circa 1979-1980 about these groups, this information on the Ethnic Divisions was never given the emphasis it should have gotten (LIBERAL PRESS ???). Dulles set up the Republican Ethnic Division to counter the Jewish vote that he felt caused Governor Dewey's razor thin loss to Truman.
A portion of the money for the creation of this Ethnic Divison would come from the money-laundering organization, The Crusade for Freedom,which was aided by William Casey and Ronald Reagan in the early 1950s. The head of the Republican Congressional divison in 1952 was Leonard (W) Hall. Mr. Hall would also chair the Republican Party. Hall had to have full knowledge of this fascists operation. Some of the money also came from the CIA (very illegal). In 1963 we see the lawfirm of Scibner,Hall and Casey. Who was Fred Scribner ? Mr. Scribner was head lawyer for the Treasury Department from the mid 50s till late 50s and also later the Under Secretary . On the internet I found a document that had Scribner working in the hiring of IRS agents. Now Dulles was so fixated on Presidential control he started the Ethnic Divisions which could have distroyed the Republican Party.
What strenghtens this theory is that Dulles also was a friend of another Head Lawyer at the Treasury Deptment, Gasper d' Andelot Belin. Dulles,his lover Mary Bancroft, JJA (Chief CIA CI), the Belin's,and the George Bundy's (Bundy being brother of Belins wife) ,would all share lunch and tennis at the Belin's. "Nobody could beat Allen ,at tennis",mused Mary about the Belin lunches. (A very competitive man, NO ??) There are some misspellings at NARA ,but you can find that Belin did work on the still secret (along with his mother's) Oswald tax returns. It is my supposition that via his relationship with the head lawyers of the Treasury Dept, Dulles penetrated the Secret Service.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
THE JFK CASE: THE TWELVE WHO BUILT THE OSWALD LEGEND PART 1June 5, 2012THE JFK CASE: THE TWELVE WHO BUILT THE OSWALD LEGEND
(Part 7: The hand-off from De Mohrenschildt to the Paines)
By Bill Simpich
opednews.com
June 3, 2012Oswald returned from the Soviet Union speaking Russian with a Polish accent
When Oswald and his family returned to the Dallas-Fort Worth area from the Soviet Union, they knew that they had make contacts if they were going to put food on the table. Oswald sought out Peter Gregory shortly after his arrival. Peter Gregory described himself as an “oil consultant” who came from Russia in 1923. He was also a translator who had his son Paul take Russian lessons from Oswald’s wife Marina. Gregory provided Oswald with a letter certifying Oswald’s ability to serve as a translator. Gregory commented on Oswald’s pronounced Polish accent, which was a result of Oswald’s extended time with Legend Maker #8 Alexander Ziger and the entire Ziger family.
Dallas oilman/spy George de Mohrenschildt became a benefactor to the Oswald family, providing them with money and contacts after their return to the US from the Soviet Union. As discussed earlier, de Mohrenschildt’s lawyer Max Clark was also General Dynamics’ industrial security consultant and a leader within the White Russian community. Oswald contacted Max Clark’s wife shortly after his return, explaining that the Texas Employment Commission had referred her to him as a Russian-speaker and that his wife would like to spend time with another Russian-speaker.
Both Peter Gregory and Max Clark displayed furtiveness and unclean hands after JFK was killed. On 11/28/63, Gregory assisted the Secret Service in translating a lengthy interrogation of Marina Oswald. On 11/29/63, both Gregory and Clark told FBI agent Earle Haley that Oswald had obtained their names from the Fort Worth Public Library, where Gregory worked. When Clark testified before the Warren panel, he changed his story to say that Oswald was referred to his wife by the Texas Employment Commission (TEC). Clearly, both men had initially tried to keep their TEC contacts away from public view. The TEC – better known as the state unemployment agency – kept extensive records on Oswald that are now available and open up all sorts of questions. After a complaint by the Warren Commission staff that these earlier reports contradicted the Warren Commission testimony, Hoover ordered Legend Maker #6 FBI supervisor Marvin Gheesling to confront them on these contradictions.
When Gheesling re-assigned the case to the Dallas FBI office, agent Earle Haley went back and re-interviewed Clark and Gregory. Haley was a personal acquaintance of Max Clark, who used to work with “Earle”. Gregory wouldn’t change his story and blamed it on Oswald, while Clark said he heard about the whole issue second-hand from his wife, who always knew Oswald got her name from the Texas Employment Commission. Max’s wife Gali Clark was treated with kid gloves. There’s no indication that Haley or anyone else ever followed up with her.
Oswald had legend makers precisely because he and his wife presented a perceived threat to national security
De Mohrenschildt visited and exchanged cards and letters with CIA official J. Walton Moore on a regular basis during the fifties and sixties. Moore wrote a memo in 1977 claiming that he only met de Mohrenschildt twice, in 1958 and in 1961. Moore’s hazy memory on the number of visits was exposed by the House Select Committee on Assassinations. In 1964, a similar memo by Moore admitted that he met de Mohrenschildt in 1957, “several times” in 1958 and 1959, and the last time in 1961. There was more than just that. De Mohrenschildt sent Moore a stack of contact reports in 1957 and 1958. In 1958, Moore used de Mohrenschildt as a “contact” with a Polish official. In 1960, Moore referred to de Mohrenschildt as a “cleared contact” for a copy of a memo on the USSR’s use of petroleum.Moore visited the De Mohrenschildts’ home in late 1961 to see a movie of their “walking tour” from Mexico to Panama. HSCA Report, Volume 12, p. 54. Although the de Mohrenschildts said that they were tracking the mining trails of the old Spanish conquistadors, they found themselves with hundreds of Cuban exiles in Guatemala City, a staging area for the Bay of Pigs invasion that was about to begin. De Mohrenschildt revealed a few hours before his death that Moore took him to lunch in late 1961, and described to him an ex-Marine in Minsk in whom the CIA had “interest”. In the summer of 1962, an associate of Moore suggested that de Mohrenschildt might want to meet Oswald. De Mohrenschildt then called Moore, suggesting that suitable payback would be a little help by the State Department with an oil exploration deal in Haiti.
After the assassination, R.S. Travis at the Domestic Contact Division identified ten separate domestic contact reports prepared by de Mohrenschildt, and tipped off the staff of Legend Maker #1 Jim Angleton at the counterintelligence office. Travis referred to De Mohrenschildt as Moore’s “source,” and asked Moore to provide his personal evaluation of George for the CI Staff. Moore wrote an intriguing evaluation that admitted that he had sought out de Mohrenschildt as “the result of a source lead from Headquarters” in 1957, but scrambled to avoid any direct admissions of the role he played in bringing de Mohrenschildt and Oswald together. Moore’s evaluation was so carefully prepared that the file includes what appears to be a far-different rough draft.
Moore’s poor memory triggered internal scrutiny by the CIA’s Reinvestigation Program. Moore went so far as to tell the CI staffer for Angleton “there is no White Russian ‘community’ in Dallas. He knows of only a couple of Russian linguists who are used by the Socony labs for translation. Jim feels the word ‘community’ is inapplicable. In any event he has had no contact with any such group”. This memo is one of several indications that the task for Angleton’s staff was to sanitize de Mohrenschildt’s checkered history. Moore was a former FBI agent and college roommate of Wallace Heitman, a Soviet language specialist who played the lead role for the FBI in controlling the first-day evidence.
Although US intelligence records on de Mohrenschildt go back to at least World War II, CIA Director Richard Helms said that the agency’s “initial interest” in George de Mohrenschildt was because he had been a petrochemical consultant with the International Cooperation Administration (ICA). De Mohrenschildt was appointed by the State Department as the “petroleum adviser” for the independent communist Yugoslavian government in 1957, and testified to the Warren Commission that ICA was the only US government agency that ever paid him. The ICA became part of the Agency for International Development (AID) in 1961. The AID has been cited by its former director John Gilligan as being filled with CIA agents “from top to bottom…the idea was to plant operatives in every kind of activity we had overseas, government, volunteer, religious, every kind”.
In early 1963, de Mohrenschildt passed on his “babysitting duties” for the Oswald family to Ruth and Legend Maker #12 Michael Paine. Ruth’s father Bill Hyde was regional director of the Nationwide Insurance Company, part of the International Cooperative Alliance founded in 1922 and still active today. This similarity between these two ICAs is not accidental – the contracts for both groups were coordinated through AID and the State Department. Both de Mohrenschildt and Hyde were business consultants that traveled abroad working on cooperative ventures and provided reports used by the CIA.The covert action division of Legend Maker #2 Cord Meyer sought to use Hyde as a security consultant in Vietnam back in 1957, but CI-SIG’s information on Hyde resulted in the denial of any security clearance. Hyde’s problem, like Legend Maker #3 Priscilla Johnson, was that he was active with progressive causes and had family members involved with the United World Federalists. Meyer, the CIA covert action chief in 1963, had got into trouble with the FBI during the 1950s for his former role as president of the United World Federalists.
Keep in mind that the CIA was not supposed to have officers handling domestic agents tracking US citizens inside the country. That job was the FBI’s turf. Routing slips show that interactions between Oswald and the FBI after his return were carefully scrutinized. The rivalry between the CIA and the FBI led to CIA officers trying to work around the system. In this setting, ideal babysitters for the Oswald family were trusted people that were denied security clearances – such as de Mohrenschildt or Ruth’s father. Whether or not the babysitter knew that they were being monitored by intelligence, the operation could be kept in an officer’s vest pocket and never reduced to writing.
Ruth Paine and Marina Oswald became housemates after the Magnolia partyRuth Paine met the Oswalds and George de Mohrenschildt at the party of Everett Glover on February 22, 1963. This is known as the “Magnolia party”. Glover was a chemist with Magnolia Labs, a geology lab for Socony Mobil Oil — the same “Socony labs” that Moore referred to when he argued that there was no White Russian community in Dallas. Glover and four other Magnolia employees approached Oswald and got him to talk for several hours about life in the Soviet Union. One of these employees, Norman Fredericksen, was the son of the former director of Radio Free Europe. As discussed in the previous chapter, de Mohrenschildt had many close ties with Radio Free Europe.
The Paines have been described by researcher Greg Parker as pragmatic pacifists. In an amazing coincidence, they moved from Pennsylvania to Oswald’s mother’s community of Irving, Texas during the second week of September 1959, the very week that Oswald abruptly left his mother and went off to defect to the USSR. They had made the move so that Michael could take a job with the military contractor Bell Helicopter. Michael said that Bell manufactured 40% of all of the helicopters used in the Vietnam War. Bell Helicopter was begun and run by Michael’s stepfather, Arthur Young, the most recent husband of Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine.
They had made the move so that Michael could take a job with the military contractor Bell Helicopter. Michael said that Bell manufactured 40% of all of the helicopters used in the Vietnam War. Bell Helicopter was begun and run by Michael’s stepfather, Arthur Young, the most recent husband of Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine.Helicopters on the attack
The Paines probably had a handler within the intelligence community in 1959, whether they knew it or not. Based on their background with the World Federalists and Ruth’s work with the Quakers and Soviet-American friendship committees, Cord Meyer is the logical candidate. By 1963, Meyer was the chief of the covert action division.
Frederick Merrill at the State Department put his stamp of approval on the East-West Contact Committee program organized by the Quakers that Ruth had worked on – the following year, Merrill worked on the Robert Webster defector case that was linked to the Oswald defector case. Did some combination of Meyer, AID and the State Department somehow persuade the Paines to keep an eye on this defector family, or were they simply manipulated into position? Ruth had other intelligence operatives in her family – such as her sister Sylvia Hoke and her brother-in-law John Hoke – who could play a role in helping to convince her. Michael Paine’s family also had access to talent in the intelligence arena. Michael’s mother had a close friend named Mary Bancroft who was an OSS spy that slept with Allen Dulles.
After the Magnolia party, Ruth asked Marina Oswald if she would like to live with her so that she could improve her Russian. Lee was about to leave Marina for awhile while he went to his home town of New Orleans and looked for more steady work. Michael and Ruth had ostensibly split up, and were living in different houses.
Thanks to Barbara LaMonica, Greg Parker, Bill Kelly, and many other researchers for their insights on de Mohrenschildt and the Paines.
====================================
Endnotes:
Peter Gregory…was also a translator who had his son Paul take Russian lessons from Oswald’s wife Marina. Gregory provided Oswald with a letter certifying Oswald’s ability to serve as a translator: Warren Commission Document 5, p.l 290; SA Earle Haley interview with Peter Gregory, 11/29/63. Also see Secret Service report, below.
Gregory commented on Oswald’s pronounced Polish accent: Secret Service report of Leon Gopadze, 11/29/63, p. 3, FBI – HSCA Administrative Folders/NARA Record Number: 124-10369-10062.
Oswald contacted Max Clark’s wife shortly after his return: Warren Commission Hearings, Testimony of Max Clark, Volume 8, p. 344.
On 11/28/63, Gregory assisted the Secret Service in translating a lengthy interrogation of Marina Oswald: Secret Service report of Leon Gopadze, 11/29/63, p. 3, FBI – HSCA Administrative Folders/NARA Record Number: 124-10369-10062.
On 11/29/63, Clark and Gregory told FBI agent Earle Haley that Oswald had obtained their names from the Fort Worth ublic Library, where Gregory worked: Warren Commission Document 5, p. 262, SA Earle Haley interview with Max Clark, 11/29/63; p. 290, SA Earl Haley interview with Peter Gregory, 11/29/63.
After a complaint by the Warren Commission that these these earlier reports contradicted the witnesses’ Warren Commission testimony, Legend Maker #6 FBI supervisor Marvin Gheesling was forced to confront them on these contradictions: Memo from Warren Commission counsel J. Lee Rankin to FBI Director, 5/7/64; Memo from Gheesling to SAC, Dallas, FBI, 5/11/64, 105-82555 Oswald HQ File, Section 151, p. 49.
After Gheesling re-assigned the case to the Dallas FBI office, agent Earle Haley went back and re-interviewed Clark and Gregory: Warren Commission Exhibits 1888, 1889, 5/14/64.
Haley was a personal acquaintance of Max Clark, who used to work with ” Earle “: Warren Commission Hearings, Testimony of Max Clark, Volume 8, pp. 349, 352.
Gregory wouldn’t change his story and blamed it on Oswald, while Clark said he heard about the whole issue second-hand from his wife: Warren Commission Exhibits 1888, 1889, 5/14/64.
The Washington Post and other papers ran a UPI article on 6/9/62 announcing the Oswalds’ impending arrival to Dallas: “Third American in 2 Months Leaves Soviet ‘Home’”, Washington Post, 6/9/62.
The FBI has got him tagged and is watching his movements: Warren Commission Hearings, Testimony of Max Clark, Volume 8, pp. 351.
Marina’s uncle and surrogate father Colonel Ilya Prusakov was with the MVD, the parent intelligence organization to the KGB…: William Hood, Mole, (W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1982) p. 305. See memo of Richard Helms to Warren Commission staffer J. Lee Rankin, 1/25/64, for the time period “18-31 March 1961″.
…stationed in the Soviet embassy in New Delhi: Reel 13, Folder R – Marina Oswald, pp. 97-98.
De Mohrenschildt visited with CIA official J. Walton Moore and exchanged cards and letters, on a regular basis in the 1950s and 1960s: FBI memo by W. James Wood re meeting with George De Mohrenschildt, 3/7/64, Russ Holmes Work File/NARA Record Number: 104-10414-10179.
In 1964, a similar memo by Moore admitted that he met de Mohrenschildt in 1957, “several times” in 1958 and 1959, and the last time in 1961: Memo by J. Walton Moore, 5/1/64, Russ Holmes Work File/NARA Record Number: 104-10406-10105.
De Mohrenschildt sent Moore a stack of contact reports in 1957 and 1958: Contact reports, Reel 5, Folder L – George de Mohrenschildt, pp. 88-98, 100, 102, NARA Record Number: 1994.04.25.14:01:26:660005.
In 1958, Moore used de Mohrenschildt as a “contact” with a Polish official: J. Walton Moore, Process Sheet for OO/C Collections, 2/11/58, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection (microfilm – reel 5: Conte – De Mohrenschildt)/NARA Record Number: 104-10244-10184.
In 1960, Moore referred to de Mohrenschildt as a “cleared contact” for a copy of a memo on the USSR’s use of petroleum: Memo from J. Walton Moore to Acting Chief, Contact Division, Houston, 4/28/60, Reel 5, Folder L — George de Mohrenschildt, NARA Record Number: 1994.04.25.14:01:26:660005.
Moore visited the De Mohrenschildts’ home in late 1961 to see a movie of their “walking tour” from Mexico to Panama: HSCA Report, Volume 12, p. 54.
Although the de Mohrenschildts said that they were tracking the mining trails of the old Spanish conquistadors, they found themselves with hundreds of Cuban exiles in Guatemala City, a staging area for the Bay of Pigs invasion that was about to begin: Warren Commission Hearings, Volume 9, Testimony of George de Mohrenschildt, pp. 213-217.
De Mohrenschildt revealed a few hours before his death that Moore took him to lunch in late 1961, and described to him an ex-Marine in Minsk in whom the CIA had “interest”…: Dick Russell, The Man who Knew Too Much (1992), p. 274.
After the assassination, R.S. Travis at the Domestic Contact Division identified the file numbers of ten separate domestic contact reports prepared by de Mohrenschildt , and sent a copy to the staff of Legend Maker #1 Jim Angleton at the counterintelligence office : Memo by R.S. Travis, Contact Division, to Paul Hartman, CI Division, 4/20/64, Reel 52, Folder C – George de Mohrenschildt, pp. 32-33, NARA Record Number: 1994.04.26.09:19:10:570005.
Travis referred to De Mohrenschildt as Moore’s “source,” and asked Moore to provide his personal evaluation of George for the CI Staff: Id., at p. 31.
Moore wrote an intriguing evaluation that admitted that he had sought out de Mohrenschildt as “the result of a source lead from Headquarters” in 1957, but scrambled to avoid any direct admissions of the role he played in bringing de Mohrenschildt and Oswald together: Memo by J. Walton Moore, 5/1/64, pp. 1-2, Russ Holmes Working File/NARA No. 104-10406-10105.
Moore’s evaluation was so carefully prepared that the file includes what appears to be a far-different rough draft. Id. pp. 3-4.
Moore’s poor memory triggered internal scrutiny by the CIA’s Reinvestigation Program: Investigative Transmittal Sheet for Moore, 4/29/64, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, Box 44 / NARA Record Number: 104-10124-10286; Processing Sheet, NARA Record Number: 104-10124-10284.
Moore went so far as to tell the CI staffer for Legend Maker #1 James Angleton that “there is no White Russian ‘community’ in Dallas. He knows of only a couple of Russian linguists who are used by the Socony labs for translation: Handwritten note by R.S. Travis, 5/27/64, Reel 52, Folder C – George de Mohrenschildt, p. 10.
Moore was a former FBI agent and college roommate of Wallace Heitman, a Soviet language specialist who played the lead role for the FBI in controlling the first-day evidence: Larry Hancock, Someone Would Have Talked (2010 edition), p. 326.
Although US intelligence records on de Mohrenschildt go back to at least World War II, CIA Director Richard Helms said that the agency’s “initial interest” in George de Mohrenschildt was because he had been a petrochemical consultant with the International Cooperation Administration: Memo by Richard Helms to Warren Commission counsel J. Lee Rankin, 6/3/64, Warren Commission Exhibit 1012.
De Mohrenschildt was appointed by the State Department as the “petroleum adviser” for the independent communist Yugoslavian government in 1957…: Memo of SA Raymond Yelchak, 3/4/64, documenting receipt of de Mohrenschildt resume in 1958.
…and testified to the Warren Commission that ICA was the only US government agency that ever paid him: Warren Commission Hearings, Testimony of George de Mohrenschildt, Volume 9, p. 212.
The AID has been cited by its former director John Gilligan as being filled with CIA agents “from top to bottom…the idea was to plant operatives in every kind of activity we had overseas, government, volunteer, religious, every kind”: George Cotter, “Spies, Strings, and Missionaries”, The Christian Century (Chicago), March 25, 1981, p. 321, cited in William Blum’s Killing Hope (2003), p. 235.
Ruth’s father Bill Hyde was regional director of the Nationwide Insurance Company, part of the International Cooperative Alliance founded in 1922 and still active today: See this linked website of the International Cooperative Alliance.
The ICA has had an insurance sector for the last one hundred years: See this linked website for the International Cooperative and Mutual Insurance Federation.
This similiarity between these two ICAs is not accidental – the contracts for both groups were coordinated through AID and the State Department. Both de Mohrenschildt and Hyde were business consultants that traveled abroad working on cooperative ventures and provided reports used by the CIA: See Barbara LaMonica, “William Avery Hyde”, Fourth Decade (November 1997), pp. 8, 11.
Meyer’s covert action division had considered using Hyde as a security consultant in Vietnam back in 1957 , but CI-SIG’s information about Hyde led to denial of any security clearance: 4/8/64 memo by Elizabeth Mendoza, Re: LHO Address Book (FBI Report 12/31/63) Oswald 201 File (201-289248)/NARA Record Number: 104-10300-10025. On the role of CI-SIG, see 12/5/63 memo by Chief, Research Branch/OS/SRS to Files, re William Avery Hyde.
Hyde’s problem, like Legend Maker #3 Priscilla Johnson, was that he was active with progressive causes and had family members involved with the United World Federalists: Ruth Forbes Paine Young (Michael Paine’s mother) was an influential member of the United World Federalists. George Michael Evica, A Certain Arrogance (Xlibris, 2006), p. 234. Also see the Arthur M. Young website section for Ruth Forbes Paine Young.Glover was a chemist with Magnolia Labs, a geology lab for Mobil. Glover and four other Magnolia employees encircled Oswald and asked him to tell them about life in the Soviet Union for several hours. One of these employees, Norman Fredericksen, was the son of the former director of Radio Free Europe: This circle was described to Edward Epstein in his book Legend (1977), pp. 206-207, in interviews with participants Betty MacDonald, Norman and Elke Fredricksen, and Richard Pierce. This meeting was corroborated by Richard Helms, based on a report by J. Walton Moore. Memo of March 1964 by Richard Helms to J. Lee Rankin, Reel 44, Folder J, Lee Harvey Oswald Soft File, NARA Record Number: 1994.04.13.14:58:27:500005.
In an amazing coincidence, they moved from Pennsylvania to Oswald’s mother’s community of Irving, Texas during the second week of September 1959, the very week that Oswald abruptly left his mother and went off to defect to the USSR: Memorandum for file by SA Raymond C. Eckenrode, on March 25, 1964, p. 2, CD 849, p. 6.
They had made the move so that Michael could take a job with the military contractor Bell Helicopter. Michael said that Bell manufactured 40% of all of the helicopters used in the Vietnam War: A.J. Weberman interview with Michael Paine, circa 1993.
Bell Helicopter was begun and run by Michael’s stepfather, Arthur Young, the most recent husband of Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine:
“Model helicopter with Arthur Young”, JFKCountercoup, 12/20/09.By 1963, Meyer was the chief of the Covert Action staff: Cord Meyer, Memorandum for the Record, 4/17/63, pp. 1-4, Miscellaneous CIA Series/NARA Record Number: 104-10302-10000.
Frederick Merrill at the State Department provided his stamp of approval to the 1957-68 East West Contacts Committee work done by the Quakers that Ruth was part of…:
CIEE History: 1947-1960. (Council for International Educational Exchange), pp. 11-12.Ruth reluctantly admitted that she was active with the East-West Committee: Warren Commission Hearings, Testimony of Ruth Hyde Paine, Volume 3, pp. 134-136.
…and had worked on the Robert Webster case: Memorandum for the Record, by REDACTED, SR/COP/FI, 10/8/59, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection (microfilm – reel 17: Ruiz – Webster) / NARA Record Number: 104-10181-10128.
Note: The author of this Webster memo, still only known to us as SR/COP/FI, is the same individual who helped stop the second known effort to make Priscilla Johnson a CIA officer: See Memo from Director to REDACTED, 6/19/58, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, Box 43 / NARA Record Number: 104-10119-10287.
Ruth had other intelligence operatives in her family – such as her sister Sylvia Hoke and her brother-in-law John Hoke – who could play a role in helping to convince her:
In a heavily redacted document, the FBI was informed by a “reliable” source that Ruth’s sister Sylvia Hyde Hoke was Naval Intelligence and was trying to obtain a top secret clearance: Commission Document 508 – FBI Mansfield Report of 06 Feb 1957 re: Hoke.
A CIA memorandum indicated that Sylvia Hoke was a CIA employee in 1961: Security File on Sylvia Hoke Hyde, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, Box 43 / NARA Record Number: 1993.07.24.08:39:37:560310.
Washington Post obituary for John Hoke states that he was fired from AID in 1962: Emma Brown, “A Local Life”, 3/19/11
Ruth Paine testified to the Orleans Grand Jury that Hoke was working for AID in 1963: Ruth Paine’s testimony to the Orleans Grand Jury, 4/18/68, p. 57, Orleans Parish Grand Jury Transcripts.These documents show Hoke was working for AID in 1963 and 1964: Request for Approval of Liaison, re John Hoke, 8/22/63, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, Box 43 / NARA Record Number: 104-10120-10304; 8/13/64, HSCA Segregated CIA Collection, Box 43 / NARA Record Number: 104-10120-10303.
Michael Paine’s family also had contact talent in the intelligence arena. Michael’s mother had a close friend named Mary Bancroft who was an OSS spy that slept with Allen Dulles: Mary Bancroft, Autobiography of a Spy (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1983); also see Evica, A Certain Arrogance, p. 248.
Michael and Ruth had ostensibly split up, and were living in different houses: Memo by SA James Hosty, 4/1/64, FBI – Ruth and Michael Paine Files / NARA Record Number: 124-10065-10356
===
A Certain Arrogance
by George Michael EvicaReviewed by James DiEugenio
=
Evica closes the book with a couple who emerged as character witnesses for the Paines during the Warren Commission inquiry: Frederick and Nancy Osborn. The Osborn family, including his father Frederick Sr., was significantly involved in the American eugenics movement whose intention was to "create a superior Nordic race." (p. 251) Frederick Sr. also worked with Allen Dulles in the organization of the National Committee for a Free Europe. (p. 254) The funding for this group eventually came from Frank Wisner's Office of Policy Coordination in the CIA. (p. 255) These were the connections of the friends of the kindly Quaker couple who befriended Lee and Marina.
===
Phil Dragoo
Recommended: The Confessions of Ruth Paine by Steven Jones from JFK/DPQ:
http://www.manuscriptservice.com/DPQ/dparchiv1.htm#RUTH
Excerpt:
What has been corroborated beyond any doubt is that Ruth has immediate family members who were employed by the CIA. Documents have been located at the Archives showing that her sister was a staff psychologist for the CIA as of 1961 and that her father had been approached by the Agency to run an educational co-operative alliance in Vietnam in 1957. Though refusing to admit that she herself ever had anything to do with the CIA, she admitted to her friend that her father had been in their employment. She said that while working as an insurance executive for Nationwide Insurance, and later for the Agency for International Development, her father had often gathered intelligence for the CIA. But she was quick to add that he would never have done so if "he had known what the CIA was really all about." By this she meant that her father was serving in the capacity of a genuine patriotic, anti-Communist fervor and did not really understand how the CIA used such intelligence gathering to undermine local economies and suppress indigenous people so that American corporations could move in and exploit local cheap labor. The fact that Ruth understands this showed that she was quite attuned to the motivations, methods, and purposes of the Central Intelligence Agency.
The one and only time Ruth showed any cracks at all regarding the assassination itself was when she was having a difficulties with her now 40-year-old daughter. With tears in her eyes, Ruth stated that her daughter did not want to speak to her any more until she came to grips with "the evil that I have been associated with in my life." When the friend gently pushed further and asked, "What evil?" Ruth clammed up. But the friend assured me that she was convinced this was a veiled reference to the Kennedy assassination and that Ruth was not talking strictly about Lee Oswald. The friend firmly believes this because the comment was made in the context of a brief discussion about the assassination.Upon searching this house we found stacks of hand bills concerning "Cuba for Freedom" advertising, seeking publicity and support for Cuba. Also found was a set of metal file cabinets containing records that appeared to be names and activities of Cuban sympathizers. All of this evidence was confiscated and turned over to Captain Fritz of the Dallas Police Department and Secret Service Officers at the City Hall.
http://jfkassassination.net/russ/testimony/walther1.htm======================
If Ruth Pain is an agent, and I still firmly believe she is, she is a damn good one.
Vincent Salandria once told me that the Paines, whether unwitting or not, played a key role in the assassination conspiracy by getting Oswald into the Texas School Book Depository. The conspirators knew that the people they chose for such a vital role had to be rock solid individuals who would never crack.
After my experience with Ruth Paine's friend, I would have to say that Salandria was absolutely right.
........ tax records and the documents on Michael's family are sealed.
Michael's mother and stepfather were close friends of Mary Bancroft, Allen Dulles' mistress and OSS contact to the Valkyrie plot. Dulles cracked that certain people would get excited if they knew he was in Dallas weeks before the assassination (he spoke to the Dallas Council on World Affairs October 28 as the author of the Craft of Intelligence). And, surprise surprise, he would sit on the commission to frame the lone nut, using a book hyped by an editor friend in an editorial at the time of the assassination.
Though he was fired by Kennedy, he would arrange to have the patsy in place, and himself on the star chamber, then tut-tut that people don't read.
While shouting at Lifton that the head could be spinning in circles, later to mock "that little Kennedy. . .he thought he was a god" - a Dallas police List,
-
PO CHANEY in same TV interview on 11/22/1963 goes on
"When the second shot came I looked back just in time to see the President killed in the face with a bullet. He fell forward into Mrs. KENNEDY's lap."
We also know KENNEDY fell sideways not forward, the statement is untrue and likely with purpose to foster the notion that The President was shot from behind.
What has been neglected is evidence that CHANNEY claimed the second shot hit President KENNEDY in the head causing the fatal head wound.
As a researcher you must come to understand that this statement means something very important and crucial to understanding and unlocking the true nature of the assassination.
Thank You for your valuable research.
When I think of SS in Dallas, I think of the following
- EVERYTHING IS PUSHED BACK IN THE "POTUS PARADE" thus opening up shooting lanes in DP.
- Atomic Suitcase
- News/Photographic people
- motorcycles
- agents to the sides of the Limo
++++++++++++++++++++
Very ODD to me is that the man in the Z film with the hat surronded by women later gave approved 'tours' of DP and stated to me ,"...why the limo didnt even slow down." He was very,very very short (under 5' 3") and thus the women around him were very,very short. Thus opening up shooting lanes in DP over them.
SG
-
According to Larry Hancock, the author of Someone Would Have Talked, just before his death Phillips told Kevin Walsh, an investigator with the House Select Committee on Assassinations: "My final take on the assassination is there was a conspiracy, likely including American intelligence officers." (Some books wrongly quote Phillips as saying: "My private opinion is that JFK was done in by a conspiracy, likely including rogue American intelligence people.")
========
http://spartacus-educational.com/JFKphillips.htm
Fabian Escalante, Cuban Officials and JFK Historians Conference (7th December, 1995)
In the late 1980's we came into contact with an informant who had known Phillips and who had contact with Phillips in 1958-59. This person told us about three Cubans who had had contact with Phillips at this time. (Juan) Manuel Salvat, Isidro Borja and Antonio Veciana... That is something our agent informed us of. We did a spoken picture of this Harold Benson as we do always. But we didn't know really know who he was. In 1972, this CIA official had an interview with our agent. Our agent at that time had a different case official. But this man came as a.... as a leader, as a boss or something. Had an interview with our agent. This interview was... took place in Mexico they were just having a few drinks. In between, Kennedy's name came into the conversation they were talking about... into the conversation, not Kennedy came to, into... So when the subject comes up this character explains to our agent that after Kennedy's death, he visited his grave and peed on it and said he (JFK) was a communist and such and such. We still didn't know who Harold Benson was but when Claudia Furiati did her research, among the people we interviewed was this agent. We showed him a group of photographs. Plus we already knew about David Phillips. I'm speaking of 1992 and 1993. And the photograph that we showed him was a photograph of David Phillips. And so he pointed out as Harold Benson.==, review of Larry Hancock's(March, 2008)I had a similar problem with the following chapter on David Phillips. And it started right on the first page (159). Hancock writes, "Phillips was without a doubt a CIA general." If we consider that word in its normal sense, with normal examples e.g. Eisenhower, Schwarzkopf etc. then I don't understand it. At the time frame of the JFK assassination, Phillips was an operations officer. A man in the field supervising things getting done and done right. Not a guy behind the lines planning and approving the overall campaign. In his fine book A Death in Washington Don Freed quotes CIA Director Bill Colby (p. 81) as calling Phillips a great operations officer. So if we go by Colby's rather authoritative account, Phillips was really a Lt. Colonel at the time -- parallel to someone like Oliver North in the Iran/Contra scandal. Hancock then goes further. He applies this same spurious hierarchical title -- "general" -- to Dave Morales. Yet Morales was Chief of Staff to Ted Shackley at JM/WAVE during this period. I would not even apply the word "general" to Shackley at the time, let alone Morales. Or if I did, it would at most be Brigadier General, not a starred one. It was their superiors at Langley, e.g. James Angleton, who were the generals. People like Phillips and Morales were implementers. (Hancock devotes an entire chapter to Morales. Which is part and parcel of the hubbub that has attended the research community since Gaeton Fonzi introduced him in The Last Investigation. As I noted in my review of the documentary RFK Must Die this has reached the point of actually -- and unsuccessfully -- implicating him in the murder of Robert Kennedy.)Hancock uses Philips' own autobiography The Night Watch for much of the background material on the man. He then uses one of his timelines to take us up to the famous Bishop/Phillips masquerade episode with Antonio Veciana. But surprisingly, he leaves out some of the most intriguing points about Phillips in Mexico City. Especially his work on the fraudulent tapes sent to Washington to implicate Oswald in the JFK case. For instance, Hancock does not even mention the role of Anne Goodpasture, Phillips' assistant in Mexico City. There is some extraordinary material on her in the HSCA's Lopez Report. Neither does he mention the utterly fascinating evidence that John Armstrong advances in his book Harvey and Lee.Namely that Phillips sent the dubiously transcribed Mexico City tapes of Oswald by pouch to himself at Langley under an assumed name. Why would he do such a thing? Well, maybe so that no officers but he and Goodpasture would have the tapes from their origin in Mexico City to their arrival at CIA HQ.This mini-conspiracy was blown in two ways. First, when FBI officials heard the tapes as part of their Kennedy murder investigation and concurred that they were not of Oswald. Second, when HSCA first counsel Richard Sprague showed the official transcripts of the tapes to the original Mexico City transcriber. The transcriber replied that what was on those transcripts was not what he recalled translating. It seems odd to me that these very important points would be left out of any contemporary discussion of Phillips. Even more so since Hancock goes into the Mexico City episode less than a hundred pages later (pgs 275-282). -
THE FTR # 188 program must be put in context with red post below RE: Buckley
+++++++++++++++++++++++
FTR #188 American Gladio?
Posted by FTR ⋅ January 9, 2000--==
This broadcast presents long excerpts of a manuscript by researcher Kevin Coogan, the brilliant author of Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International (Autonomedia, copyright 1999.)
--==--
Speculative in nature, this program highlights information that suggests the distinct possibility of a domestic version of “Operation Stay Behind” and its Italian component, “Operation Gladio”. The above were NATO operations that utilized extreme right and fascist elements as potential guerilla forces to fight against communists in the event of either a successful Soviet takeover of Western Europe (an extreme improbability), or the greater likelihood of a popular Communist takeover of a major Western European country. In practice, Gladio resulted in a program of terrorist acts (bombings, kidnappings and assassinations) directed against the left. (Many of those acts were actually blamed on the left, in order to discredit it in the eyes of the public.)
Disturbed by the alleged lack of “backbone” demonstrated by American military personnel during the Korean War, American strategic thinkers undertook to indoctrinate the American public with a practically militant, anti-Communist perspective. These leaders feared that, in the event of a protracted nuclear face-off with the Soviets, lack of American political resolve could result in the United States “blinking” and backing down in such a confrontation.
In 1958, the Eisenhower administration issued a National Security Council directive authorizing the military to engage in a program of political indoctrination of military personnel and (more importantly) the civilian population as well. The goal of this directive was to alter the political views of the American people. The constitutional implications of this directive could not be exaggerated. The bulk of the broadcast examines evidence that suggests that, as a result of this NSC directive, the national security establishment began utilizing far-right and fascist groups in order to realize the desired ideological transformation. Mr. Emory suggests that these networks may very well have been utilized in the American political assassinations of the 1960s and early 1970s, as well as domestic intelligence operations against the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements.
Program Highlights Include: connections between Kennedy assassination figure Guy Bannister and American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell; Bannister’s connections to both the national security establishment and overtly fascist elements; intelligence networks and political fronts in the United States established by the German Reinhard Gehlen spy organization; the use of Nazi elements by a German component of “Operation Stay Behind;” the establishment of the German Nazi paper DNZ by U.S. intelligence as a component of the German “Stay Behind;” connections between Robert Surrey (an aide to Kennedy assassination figure General Edwin Walker) and George Lincoln Rockwell; evidence suggesting that Surrey’s financing of Walker’s American Mercury newspaper may have been financed by either German intelligence or U.S. intelligence (the paper was later taken over by Willis Carto, head of the Liberty Lobby); connections between Surrey and the Schmidt brothers (apparently involved in the Kennedy assassination); indications that the Schmidt brothers CUSA organization may also have resulted from the ’58 NSC directive,“Stay Behind;” the Schmidts’ Nazi ideology; the political assault on liberal American anti-Communists by far-right elements; the possibility that the DNZ’s publication of the allegation that Lee Harvey Oswald tried to kill General Walker was used by the BND (German intelligence) to pressure the CIA. (Recorded on 1/9/2000.)++++++++++
============================
John Geraghty, on Jul 11 2006, 03:26 AM, said:
I found this information on the YAF provided by Mae Brussell very interesting. Mr.Caddy of course gets a mention.
1960: Young Americans for Freedom
President Harry Truman warned about the CIA "Gestapo" he had created.
President Eisenhower left the White House fearing the new "military-industrial complex" he handed to us.
In 1960 candidate Richard Nixon was qualified for the job of President. A lot of influential people were sure he was the only choice.
Nixon was familiar with every red scare tactic. From his first campaign against Jerry Voorhis in 1946 for the House seat, or vs. Helen Douglas in the Senate, and working with Sen. Joe McCarthy, he knew it well. The prosecution of Alger Hiss, with such flimsy evidence, proved his value alone.
But Nixon had also accumulated strong connections with members of the crime syndicate, the Vatican hierarchy, defense industries and known nazis. He knew them all.
What if he lost after those seventeen years of preparation? Would there be a back-up team for the future? Could the Pentagon or Reinhard Gehlen visualize leaving the entire United States presidency to chance elections?
Remember what happened to Senator Robert Kennedy on the eve of his primary election in June, 1968? They can't get that close to losing it again, you know. With both Kennedy's gone, Nixon finally made it.
September, 1960, two months before the elections, William F. Buckley Jr. launched his YAF, Young Americans for Freedom, from the grounds on his Connecticut estate.
Prior to that date, Buckley's career was one of the most conservative in the U.S. Following his graduation at Yale, mentor Frank Chodorov grabbed him for purposes related to his job with McCormick's Chicago Tribune.
Buckley served the CIA in Japan from 1950 to 1954.
He also did a stint with CIA in Mexico with E. Howard Hunt.
Co-founder of YAF was Douglas Caddy, whose offices were used by the CIA and Howard Hughes organization, at the time of Watergate illegal entries and other dirty tricks.
After the CIA in Japan, Buckley was ready to publish his own magazine, The National Review. This was an unusual opportunity to bring together the world's most conservative writers for publication and much propaganda accompanied by Buckley's glib innuendos.
Once the publication was going, Buckley decided to bring Young Americans for Freedom to the campus; old ideas, old money, and young minds to mold. Behind the project were always the well-funded military masters, such as the YAF's Tom Charles Huston and the Cointel-Program Nixon cooked up.
The selected advisory board for YAF was a Who's Who of oldies even then: Senator Strom Thurmond, Senator John Tower, Mr. Ronald Reagan, Professor Lev Dobriansky, General Charles Willoughby, and Mr. Robert Morris are a sample.
Robert Morris may not be a household name. But William Buckley knew him well, and Morris, Nixon, and Senator Joe McCarthy were team players. Senator Joe McCarthy's two strongest supporters for him to represent Wisconsin were Frank Seusenbrenner and Walter Harnisfeger. Both admired Adolf Hitler and made continuous trips to Germany.
Senator McCarthy obliged fast enough. Before he went after the Commies in the State Department, he had to release a few of Hitler's elite nazis lingering in the Dachau prison camp. McCarthy beat John McCloy by about three years.
In 1949, during congressional hearings on the Malmedy Massacre, the bloody Battle of the Bulge, McCarthy invited himself to take over the entire testimony. He wasn't satisfied until the prison doors flew open. The most detestable and ugly battle of World War II, an assault upon Americans and civilians in Belgium, was ignored. Hitler's precious Generals Fritz Kraemer and Sepp Dietrick, along with Hermann Priess and many others, were free.
With that business finished, McCarthy took on Robert Morris as Chief Counsel for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Morris' earlier training in Navy Intelligence in charge of USSR counter-intelligence and psychological warfare could be utilized well by Senator Joe. Particularly the psychological warfare part.
After McCarthy died, Morris moved to Dallas, Texas. He was a judge, and became president of Dallas University.
In 1961, a year after Buckley founded YAF, another conservative organization was formed in Munich, Germany, calling itself CUSA, Conservatism USA. These were not students, but members of the U.S. army, soon to be mustered out, then to appear in Dallas, Texas, by November 1963. The host would be Robert Morris.
A correspondence between Larry Schmidt in Dallas, to Bernie Weissman in Munich, Germany, in preparation for their arrival, was published in the Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. XVIII.
Segments of the letters are as follows:
November 2, 1962: Dallas to Munich, Larry Schmidt:
"Gentlemen we got everything we wanted."
"It saved the trouble of infiltration."
"Met with Frank McGee ... (president of the Dallas Council of World Affairs.)"
"Suggest Bernie convert to Christianity and I mean it."
(Bernard Weissman, the only Jew, was brought all the way to Dallas on November 22, 1963, to lend his name to the "Wanted for Treason" fliers handed out to welcome JFK. He testified that the John Birch Society paid for the ads and "wanted a Jewish name at the bottom.")
"We must all return to the church."
"These people are religious bugs."
"I think in terms of 300,000 members, $3,000,000."
"The John Birch Society has a million members. Look for us to merge with them in 1964."
"Arrangements are being made for me to meet the heads of the Dallas John Birch, General Walker, and H.L. Hunt, Texas oil millionaire."
(General Walker had been retired from the military by John Kennedy for his compulsory Pro-Blud indoctrination.)
"I have already met the top editors of the Dallas Morning News, the country's most conservative newspaper."
"These people are radicals but there is a method in their madness. You see, they're all after exactly what we're after."
"No liberal talk whatsoever, none."
"Down here a Negro is a n."
"I mean, no one is ever to say one kind word about niggers."
"Liberals are our enemies."
"The conservative isn't against the Niggers, he just wants to keep him in his place for his own good."
(Pres. John Kennedy and Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy had waged a bitter battle from Sept. 30 to Oct. 3, 1962, at the University of Mississippi. The integration of one black student brought in the U.S. Army and caused Gen. Edwin Walker to be confined.)
January 4, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman, Munich:
"I want big men ... believe me if I had a dozen such men I can conquer the world."
"I will go down in the history books as a great and noble man, or a tyrant."
"I expect to see you here in Dallas, especially Norman and Larry."
"If Jim Mosely is not here by Feb. 15, he is finished."
"One thing had best be understood, I am not playing games here in Dallas and expect you not to play games in Munich."
"I am not here in Dallas for my health or because I think Dallas is a wonderful place."
"Continue to have regular meetings and try to get things back in order in preparation for the big meetings."
February 2, 1963, Larry Schmidt:
"We have succeeded, the mission with which I was charged in Dallas has been achieved."
"Friday night I attended a gathering of the top conservatives in Dallas."
"The meeting was at the home of Dr. Robert Morris, President of the Defenders of American Liberty."
"Present were Mr. George Ward, Detective for Dallas City Police, Mr. Ken Thompson, editorial writer for the Dallas Morning News, Mr. Clyde Moore, former PR man for H.L. Hunt, former UPI writer. (Eight others)."
"I told them exactly what I wanted."
"Others suggested using an already existing movement, named the Young Americans for Freedom, with already 50,000 members."
"CUSA, as set up in Munich, is now an established fact in Dallas, only we are calling it YAF. I think you catch on."
"We are starting Munich chapters of YAF. To spread to Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Heidelberg, Berlin, Kaiserslautern."
"We are getting every top name in business, education, politics, and religion to endorse YAF."
"The advisory board includes 37 congressmen . . . including Sen. Strom Thurmond, Sen. John Tower, and Sen. Barry Goldwater. There is Ronald Reagan, Gen. Mark Clark, Gen. Charles Willoughby, John Wayne, etc."
"Change all your records to read YAF."
"All those months in Munich were not wasted. I accomplished my task in Dallas. I need you here soon. I sold these people on each of you and they are expecting you to come to Dallas and play an important role."
"The days of leisure are over."
"We want to see you, Norman, Jim and Bill Burley back here in Dallas."
"Sheila and my brother will be here in August; Ken Glazebrook in Sept."
June 13, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman in Munich, Germany:
"Warren Carroll, our only other recruit to CUSA, is already a PhD and two MS's. Warren is a scriptwriter for Lifeline, the H.L. Hunt television and radio series. Hunt is the millionaire oilman."
"Warren is 32, former CIA man. Don't worry, he has been checked out."
"Hunt checked him out."
(This appears to be a military action, DIA. They have to check out the CIA man, using Hunt's security).
After Jack Ruby was arrested for killing Oswald inside the Dallas jail, there were copies of Warren Carroll's Lifeline on the seat of his car. The section was on "Heroism," on how to become a "hero." This is interesting because one of the first reasons Ruby gave for killing Oswald was, "I wanted to show them a Jew had guts."
"We want to get Norman into the Republic National Bank ... where we are building our credit like crazy for the day we need ready cash."
(The Dallas Republic National Bank was identified by the Washington Post, February 26, 1967, as a conduit of CIA funds since 1958.)
(Connie Trammel, who worked at the Republic National Bank, accompanied Jack Ruby to the office of Lamar Hunt, Wednesday, Nov. 20, 1963, two days before Kennedy was assassinated.)
October 1, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich, Germany:
"I have a lot of contacts, bankers, insurance men, realtors."
"My brother began working as an aide to General Walker. Paid full time."
"National Indignation Committee will merge in the Fall of 1963, as soon as Bernie and Norman are in Dallas."
"This is a top secret merger and is not to be discussed outside the movement."
October 29, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich Germany:
"This town is a battleground and that is no joke. I am a hero to the right, a stormtrooper to the left."
"I have worked out a deal with the chairman of YAF. The arrangements are always delicate, very delicate. If I don't produce the bodies it is likely Dale (Davenport) will think me a phoney."
"He needs our help now. Adlai Stevenson is scheduled here on the 24th."
"Kennedy is scheduled in Dallas on November 24."
"All big things are happening now."
John+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Creole Petroleum (employer George de Mohrenschildt ) was later to provide cover for
operations run by the Dulles brothers in the Caribbean,
working hand-in-glove with the United Fruit Company
to orchestrate the 1953 Arbenz coup in Guatamala and
the 1963 Bay of Pigs invasion. Coudert Brothers, the
law firm for the Buckleys' estimated $110 million miniature
oil empire, also had a fascist pedigree as. the legal
counsel to Vichy France. Sol M. Linowitz, a senior
partner in the Coudert law firm, was also on the board
of directors of United Brands (formerly United Fruit),
in which Allen Dulles was a major stockholder at the
time he was CIA Director.
William Buckley, Sr.'s children were brought directly
under Dulles' wing when three of them joined the
CIA at the height of Allen Dulles' cold-war deployment
of the old Nazi networks as part of his "liberation
rollback" policy in Eastern Europe and a string of
coups d'etat in the Middle East and Latin America.
William F. Buckley worked directly under E. Howard
Hunt, then CIA station chief in Mexico, helping to
weave elements of the Malmo International into the
U.S. intelligence establishment.
=========================In 1950, Burnham recruited a Yale student, William F. Buckley, Jr., and introduced him to CIA agent E. Howard Hunt. Hunt was a favorite of CIA Director Allen Dulles. Buckley's father also knew the Dulles family, having shared foreign-policy adventures in Mexico with Dulles' uncle, Robert Lansing, when Lansing was President Wilson's secretary of state.
Buckley, as Hunt's advance man, went to Mexico City to recruit informants for the CIA's soon-to-be Mexico City station. There, Buckley met and recruited a 28-year-old Spanish student from Philadelphia, George Gordon Wing, as an informant among the left-wing student groups at Mexico City College. Hunt arrived soon thereafter and arranged for Wing's CIA payment, which was disguised as a student grant. Wing was an older student because his studies had been interrupted by World War II. He served as a Naval aviation bomb-sight technician, fire controlman and ordnance specialist.
##############################John SimkinFor evidence that William Buckley was a long-time member of the CIA and that the National Review was/is a CIA front see the article by George Will's article in the Washington Post on 29th January, 1975. Will was actually the National Review’s Washington columnist. He explained that most senior members of staff knew that the National Review was a CIA operation. He revealed that the journal had four CIA agents on its staff. He claimed that he had evidence that the National Review had been receiving funds from the CIA. He also revealed that Buckley was very close to E. Howard Hunt and had been raising funds for him. (The article was published during the Watergate Scandal). Will lost his job in the National Review but was never prosecuted for outing Buckley. In fact, the article received very little attention at the time and Buckley was pleased to let the subject drop. As this thread is linked to my very popular page on William Buckley, I don't think you will have pleased your idol by raising this issue.
((( http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=5078&p=44262 ))) -
and
CounterPunch December 11, 2003
The Merchants of Blood War Profiteering from Vietnam to Iraq
War Profiteering from Vietnam to Iraqby JAMES M. CARTER==While campaigning for President in 2000, George W. Bush made clear his position on nation building saying, "I don’t think our troops ought to be used for what’s called nation building" adding that, if elected, he would "absolutely not" engage in such open-ended commitments. He was sharply critical of his predecessor’s use of American troops in Haiti, Somalia and Kosovo to "restore order," to bring about "stable governments," all objectives of nation building. Nevertheless, Bush and company find themselves scrambling to otherwise define and control a conflict that looks increasingly open-ended, costly and bent on building a very different Iraq. What the Bush foreign policy team seems loath to consider are the remarkable parallels between the circumstances they now face in trying to remake a war-torn Iraq and the efforts of confident, well-heeled American officials of the 1960s who believed they too had history on their side in trying to remake the southern half of Vietnam.
The United States began waging a war in the Southeast Asian nation of Vietnam in the early-1960s and continued well into the 1970s, unleashing an unprecedented barrage of firepower on the southern half of that country, below the seventeenth parallel. What is perhaps less well known is that the war in fact followed an equally enormous and failed nation building project. Beginning in 1954, the United States attempted to invent a nation below the 17th parallel, the dividing line decided at the Geneva Conference that same year.
Immediately, the United States began pouring money and expertise into Vietnam to bring off this transformation. A staggering array of specialists and technicians, from civil police, public administration, public finance, military, counterespionage, propaganda, industry, agriculture, education and more immediately descended upon Saigon, the southern city made the capital of the whole project. These experts, along with the U.S. government and military installed Ngo Dinh Diem, removed all viable opponents, began a crackdown on dissidents killing tens of thousands and jailing as many or more, and began to physically transform southern Vietnam. United States government contractors, such as Michigan State University and the construction firm Johnson, Drake and Piper, went to work on the creation of a national communications, transportation and police network. This "mission" built or rebuilt hundreds of miles of roadways and dozens of bridges, dredged hundreds of miles of canals, built airfields and deep draft ports to receive a continuing and growing volume of economic and military aid. They built roads connecting all parts of Vietnam to Saigon, which they promised would result in greater access for both government officials and peasants to sell their crops to a larger market. They trained and equipped a rapidly expanding military force to keep Diem in power and they began to piece together a para-military security force and a Vietnam Bureau of Investigation (VBI) modeled on the American FBI. They even inaugurated an identity card program to catalog the identity and keep track of every Vietnamese in the interest of maintaining security. Nothing would be left to chance; no rogue force would tip the expensive American apple cart. By 1960, the United States had poured into this project over $1.4 billion.
The project failed. Ordinary Vietnamese in concert with northern Viet Minh cadre began to openly resist the whole campaign. By the early 1960s, the United States came to rely almost exclusively on military solutions to put down the growing opposition, soon a broad-based and popular insurgency opposed to continued occupation and Diem’s rule, now referred to as My-Diem or American Diem. John Kennedy increased direct American involvement from around 680 to over 16,000 troops as "advisors" who, despite their title, participated in combat. The administration, at the same time, vastly expanded the military forces built earlier to defend Diem and insure he remained in power. Opposition to the occupation grew at a steady pace. The whole project continued to unravel. By late 1963, a coup de tat finally removed Diem and his influential family from power.
From 1964 into 1965, the experiment was vastly militarized. From around 23,000 troops in Vietnam by the end of 1964, the next year there were 185,000, and the next there were over 385,000. American force levels peaked at around 542,000. By all accounts a traditional society, southern Vietnam needed an infrastructure to receive this influx of military aid. Responsibility for building that necessary infrastructure was given over to the largest construction entity ever, the RMK-BRJ (Raymond International, Morrison-Knudsen, Brown & Root, and J.A. Jones Construction). Calling itself "The Vietnam Builders" and receiving highly lucrative "no bid" contracts, this consortium of private corporations was to turn southern Vietnam into a modern, integrated military installation that would enable the United States to properly defend its client. The Vietnam Builders entered into a contract with the federal government, via the U.S. Navy, as the exclusive contractor for the huge military buildup that was to come; there would be no open bidding or otherwise competitive process.
Brushing aside the messy reality that the nation of "South" Vietnam had yet to be created, U.S. officials ordered a staggering volume of military projects be begun immediately. The congress granted to the administration of Lyndon Baines Johnson for 1965 $700 million for the expected ramping up of a direct American military role. Of that sum, $100 million was earmarked for the Defense Department’s construction projects already begun. Soon, the figures ballooned far beyond anyone’s expectation. Initially contracted for around $15 million prior to 1965, the lead corporation, MK, was shocked by the magnitude of orders for rapid construction. As one MK executive said early in 1965, "all we knew was that they wanted a lotta roads, a lotta airfields, a lotta bridges, and a lotta ports, and that they probably would want it all finished by yesterday." (Fortune, Sept., 1966)
These demands outstripped the capacity of any one of the corporations. Equipment requirements alone for the Vietnam project far exceeded all equipment owned by MK for all of its worldwide operations and all subsidiary companies. The value of the project leapt from its 1964 starting point of $15 million of work in place per month to over $67 million of work in place per month within two years. The Builders could hardly keep pace with the demand for more projects, which numbered over one hundred concurrently at the peak of construction. Suppliers in the US could hardly keep up either and backlogs of three to six months became commonplace. Caterpillar Tractor Company’s annual report to shareholders intoned, "1965 was another recording-breaking year and only the physical limitations of production capacity kept sales and profits from being higher." (ENR, Feb., 17, 1966; ENR, May, 19, 1966) Three of the four firms making up the Vietnam Builders ranked in the top ten of four hundred U.S. corporation doing business abroad for 1966. Collectively, and individually, they gobbled up hundreds of millions in profits for their efforts. In the process, Vietnam Builders employed 8,600 Americans and over 51,000 Vietnamese. They built six ports with 29 deep-draft berths, six naval bases, eight jet airstrips 10,000 feet in length, twelve airfields, just under twenty hospitals, fourteen million square feet of covered storage, and twenty base camps including housing for 450,000 servicemen and family. In short, they put on the ground in southern Vietnam nearly $2 billion in construction of various kinds of facilities and infrastructure. Military commanders called it the "construction miracle of the decade." (Jones Construction Centennial)
In deciding to go to war rather than withdraw from Vietnam, the Johnson administration had stepped onto a slippery slope where foreign policy crises meet domestic politics. At home just as in Vietnam, Johnson fought to control inflationary pressures. Now, those pressures mounted as the war in Southeast increased in scope and intensity. The soaring demands on the construction industry certainly meant rising profits, but it also threatened rising prices. Republicans in congress began to criticize Johnson’s handling of the Vietnam situation, warning his policies threatened to over-heat the domestic economy and drive prices up. Some also specifically criticized the way in which aid, both construction/military and economic, was being sent to Vietnam. In 1966, Illinois Representative Donald H. Rumsfeld went perhaps further than most when he charged the administration with letting contracts which "are illegal by statute." He urged investigation into the relationship between the private consortium working in Vietnam and the Johnson administration, in particular the infamous "President’s Club," to which Brown & Root, one of the principle Vietnam contractors, had given tens of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions. Rumsfeld argued on behalf of serious inquiry into the whole affair saying, "under one contract, between the U.S. Government and this combine, [RMK-BRJ] it is officially estimated that obligations will reach at least $900 million by November 1967…why this huge contract has not been and is not now being adequately audited is beyond me. The potential for waste and profiteering under such a contract is substantial." (Cong. Rec., August 30, 1966) Rumsfeld’s alarm was echoed by others in the congress and in the press as well, although will little affect. All the while, the war in southern Vietnam continued to spiral out of control despite the dramatic increases in firepower and troops and military construction. The government’s contract with the Vietnam Builders ended only in 1972 shortly before the Nixon administration itself quit the commitment to the long failed project.
In Vietnam, this process took years to unfold. In Iraq, the time table seems dramatically sped up. Following the rapid invasion and removal of Saddam Hussein, U.S. forces quickly occupied key areas of Iraq. Officials and "embedded" reporters gleefully trumpeted American successes after meeting what was described as only token opposition. Postwar planners and experts had been quickly flown into neighboring countries to await a modicum of safety before entering Baghdad to begin their work in stabilizing and rebuilding a ravaged country.
Twelve years of ruinous sanctions had reduced Iraq to a traditional state in terms of its agricultural, communications, transportation, public health and educational infrastructure. Years of neglect as a desperate regime clung to power and funneled its limited resources toward maintaining itself and away from maintenance of the nation also contributed to the erosion and decay of a modern state. (Iraq Under Siege, ch. 2) This otherwise nightmare situation for the people of Iraq actually aided the American military by reducing all kinds of unseemly obstacles to invasion, conquest and occupation that was to follow.
Within weeks, the federal government began its bread line for business by handing out sweet deals to American corporations to "rebuild" Iraq’s infrastructure. And, just as in Vietnam, those with the best relationship to government officials quickly found themselves on an inside track with greater access to the enormous sums of money pouring into Iraq. Vice President Dick Cheney’s own Halliburton began riding this "gravy train" even before the invasion was over, building tent cities just outside of Iraq. Once the President declared an end to combat, the big money quickly began to flow.
As of September, Halliburton had received almost one quarter billion dollars in payment for work done so far, with much more to follow. Kellogg, Brown & Root, a Halliburton subsidiary, is also in the pipeline, having signed lucrative federal contracts, reportedly worth $2.3 billion, to help in the rebuilding of Iraq’s oil producing infrastructure. Bechtel Group, another corporation with solid government connections, has lapped up another $1.03 billion. Even Morrison-Knudsen, now calling itself Washington Group International following a merger, has signed on for around $500,000,000 of the lucre. The contracts through which these deals are codified are those old familiar, certainly to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, "cost-plus-award-fee" types that were used to give away huge sums of money to the Vietnam Builders. The Center for Public Integrity’s recently published investigation into private contractors and the war on "terror" reveals that over 70 American companies have secured close to $8 billion in government contracts to rebuild Afghanistan and Iraq. They also shared ongoing and close relations with the federal government and provided more in campaign contributions to George Bush than any other official over a twelve year period. Those companies are currently building and rebuilding all of the infrastructure destroyed over the past dozen years, and then some. They are working on a police network, a military force, a communications grid, transportation system, an integrated media system, the oil production and transportation system, water and sewage treatment systems, and so on. (<Aljazeera.net>, <CorpWatch.org>, The Center for Public Integrity)
Meanwhile, the situation on the ground inside Iraq has steadily deteriorated since the President’s proclamation of the "end of combat." A recent CIA analysis finds that ordinary Iraqis are fast losing hope that the Americans have come to help them. The Iraqi Governing Council is no closer to legitimacy and yet remains hamstrung by occupation officials. The war and its aftermath have now taken the lives of some 8,000 innocent civilians. Looking eerily like the situation in Vietnam, albeit after several years of failure there, an insurgency now flourishes in Iraq and the chaos and episodes of heavy-handed American military actions have created fertile ground for greater anti-American violence. President Bush has now called L. Paul Bremer III, the top American official overseeing post-war Iraq, hurriedly back to Washington to hasten the turning over of power to the Iraqis themselves in response to the growing resentment of and attacks on occupation forces. That may now happen as early June, 2004. The situation is bad and getting worse, the congress is now criticizing and investigating the money deals, and the Bush administration wants desperately to distance itself from the whole mess in the run up to the presidential election. (The Philadelphia Inquirer, The New York Times) Ordinary Iraqis are fast learning what ordinary Vietnamese peasants learned all those years ago; namely, the United States, as George Bush says, does not do nation building.
Rather than avoiding the lessons of such disasters as the "nation building" war in Vietnam, Americans, if not America’s elected leaders, should look to that tragic episode to explain the "quagmire" unfolding in Iraq. This is not a humanitarian mission any more than was the American mission to Southeast Asia forty years ago. It is a fraudulent war that is now perpetuated by political ideologues and war profiteers with much to lose. Without legitimacy among the people, the whole project, including whatever "government" is put in place, is doomed to failure. Iraqi resistance will only grow. The cycle of answering that resistance with greater levels of force is perpetual. It should come as no surprise that the Iraqi people are no less impressed with this version of "nation building" than were the Vietnamese people with the earlier version.
==
JAMES M. CARTER is a PhD. candidate at the University of Houston. He can be reached at: jmcarter@ev1.net
-
Mohammad Fayed (FA'ID below in memo) is sleeping with George de Mohrenschildt's daughter.
JAMES ANGLETON is giving and controlling George de Mohrenschildt information to the FBI.Richard Helms is giving and controlling information to the WC. George de Mohrenschildt is a singleton for ANGLETON.RICHARD HELMS , DD FOR PLANS,STEPHEN C. MILLETT, JR. CHIEF, CI/S and C/CI. JAMES ANGLETON all monitor CIA asset de Mohrenschildt
######################################AGENCY INFORMATION
AGENCY : CIA
RECORD NUMBER : 104-10166-10232
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : 80T01357A
DOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : STEPHEN C. MILLETT, JR. CHIEF, CI/S
TO : WITHHELD
TITLE : FA'ID IS CURRENTLY NEGOTIATING AND ARMS DEAL WITH
PRESIDENT DUVALIER OF HAITI
DATE : 12/01/1964
PAGES : 1
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT; JFK ASSASSINATION
CLASSIFICATION :
RESTRICTIONS : 1B
CURRENT STATUS : RELEASED WITH DELETIONS
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 06/30/2004
COMMENTS : JFK64-5 : F17 : 20040301-1051962 :
****************************************************************************
AGENCY : CIARECORD NUMBER : 104-10431-10039
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : RUSS HOLMES WORK FILE
DOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : ANGLETON JAMES
TO : DIRECTOR FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIG
TITLE : MEMO: ACTIVITIES OF GEORGE AND JEANNE DE MOHRENSCHILDT
IN HAITI
DATE : 04/05/1965
PAGES : 30
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT
CLASSIFICATION : SECRET
RESTRICTIONS : OPEN IN FULL
CURRENT STATUS : OPEN
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 09/16/1998
COMMENTS : JFK-RH18 : F1 : 1998.09.16.08:52:04:966128 :
*********************************************************************************
AGENCY : CIARECORD NUMBER : 104-10057-10413
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : 80T01357A
DOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : HELMS, RICHARD, DD FOR PLANS
TO : RANKIN, J. LEE, WC
TITLE : STATEMENTS REPORTEDLY MADE BY GEORGE AND JEANNE DE
MOHRENSCHILDT CONCERNING LEE HARVEY OSWALD AND THE
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY.
DATE : 07/06/1964
PAGES : 2
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT; FINANCIAL AID; HAITI
CLASSIFICATION : UNCLASSIFIED
RESTRICTIONS : OPEN IN FULL
CURRENT STATUS : OPEN
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 07/01/1993
COMMENTS : JFK1 : F30 : 1993.07.01.18:04:49:280250 : PREVIOUSLY
=============================================
Bush and the JFK Hit, Part 5: The Mysterious Mr. de MohrenschildtBy Russ Baker on Oct 14, 2013George de Mohrenschildt
What possible connection could there have been between George H.W. Bush and the assassination of John F. Kennedy? Or between the C.I.A. and the assassination? Or between Bush and the C.I.A.? For some people, apparently, making such connections was as dangerous as letting one live wire touch another. Here, in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the JFK assassination in November, is the fifth part of a ten-part series of excerpts from WhoWhatWhy editor Russ Baker’s bestseller, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years. The story is a real-life thriller.
Note: Although these excerpts do not contain footnotes, the book itself is heavily footnoted and exhaustively sourced. (The excerpts in Part 5 come from Chapter 5 of the book, and the titles and subtitles have been changed for this publication.)
For Part 1, please go here; Part 2, here; Part 3, here; Part 4, here.
“Must have angered a lot of people”
In 1976, more than a decade after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, a letter arrived at the CIA, addressed to its director, the Hon. George Bush. The letter was from a desperate-sounding man in Dallas, who spoke regretfully of having been indiscreet in talking about Lee Harvey Oswald and begged Poppy for help:
Maybe you will be able to bring a solution into the hopeless situation I find myself in. My wife and I find ourselves surrounded by some vigilantes; our phone bugged; and we are being followed everywhere. Either FBI is involved in this or they do not want to accept my complaints. We are driven to insanity by this situation . . . tried to write, stupidly and unsuccessfully, about Lee H. Oswald and must have angered a lot of people . . . Could you do something to remove this net around us? This will be my last request for help and I will not annoy you anymore.
The writer signed himself “G. de Mohrenschildt.”
The CIA staff assumed the letter writer to be a crank. Just to be sure, however, they asked their boss: Did he by any chance know a man named de Mohrenschildt?Bush responded by memo, seemingly self-typed:
I do know this man DeMohrenschildt. I first men [sic] him in the early 40’3 [sic]. He was an uncle to my Andover roommate. Later he surfaced in Dallas (50’s maybe) . . . Then he surfaced when Oswald shot to prominence. He knew Oswald before the assassination of Pres. Kennedy. I don’t recall his role in all this.Not recall? Once again, Poppy Bush was having memory problems. And not about trivial matters. George de Mohrenschildt was not just the uncle of a roommate, but a longtime personal associate. Yet Poppy could not recall – or more precisely, claimed not to recall – the nature of de Mohrenschildt’s relationship with the man believed to have assassinated the thirty-fifth president.
This would have been an unusual lapse on anyone’s part. But for the head of an American spy agency to exhibit such a blasé attitude, in such an important matter, was over the edge. At that very moment, several federal investigations were looking into CIA abuses – including the agency’s role in assassinations of foreign leaders. These investigations were heading toward what would become a reopened inquiry into Kennedy’s death. Could it be that the lapse was not casual, and the acknowledgment of a distant relationship was a way to forestall inquiry into a closer one?
Writing back to his old friend, Poppy assured the Mohrenschildt that his fears were entirely unfounded. Yet half a year later, de Mohrenschildt was dead. The cause was officially determined to be suicide with a shotgun. Investigators combing through de Mohrenschildt’s effects came upon his tattered address book, largely full of entries made in the 1950’s. Among them, though apparently eliciting no further inquiries on the part of the police, was an old entry for the current CIA director, with the Midland address where he had lived in the early days of Zapata:
BUSH, GEORGE H. W. (POPPY), 1412 W. OHIO ALSO ZAPATA PETROLEUM MIDLAND.
De Mohrenschildt and the Oswalds
When Poppy told his staff that his old friend de Mohrenschildt “knew Oswald,” that was an understatement. From 1962 through the spring of 1963, de Mohrenschildt was by far the principal influence on Oswald, the older man who guided every step of his life. De Mohrenschildt had helped Oswald find jobs and apartments, had taken him to meetings and social gatherings, and generally had assisted with the most minute aspects of life for Lee Oswald, his Russian wife, Marina, and their baby.
De Mohrenschildt’s relationship with Oswald has tantalized and perplexed investigators and researchers for decades. In 1964, de Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne testified to the Warren Commission, which spent more time with them than any other witness – possibly excepting Oswald’s widow, Marina. The Commission, though, focused on George de Mohrenschildt as a colorful, if eccentric, character, steering away every time de Mohrenschildt recounted yet another name from a staggering list of influential friends and associates. In the end, the commission simply concluded in its final report that these must all be coincidences and nothing more. The de Mohrenschildts, the Commission said, apparently had nothing to do with the assassination.
Even the Warren Commission counsel who questioned George de Mohrenschildt appeared to acknowledge that the Russian émigré was what might euphemistically be called an “international businessman.” For most of his adult life, de Mohrenschildt had traveled the world ostensibly seeking business opportunities involving a variety of natural resources – some, such as oil and uranium, of great strategic value. The timing of his overseas ventures was remarkable. Invariably, when he was passing through town, a covert or even overt operation appeared to be unfolding – an invasion, a coup, that sort of thing. For example, in 1961, as exiled Cubans and their CIA support team prepared for the Bay of Pigs invasion in Guatemala, George de Mohrenschildt and his wife passed through Guatemala City on what they told friends was a month-long walking tour of the Central American isthmus. On another occasion, the de Mohrenschildts appeared in Mexico on oil business just as a Soviet leader arrived on a similar mission – and even happened to meet the Communist official. In a third instance, they landed in Haiti shortly before an unsuccessful coup against its president that had U.S. fingerprints on it.
A Russian-born society figure was a friend both of the family of President Kennedy and his assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald. A series of strange coincidences providing the only known link between the two families before Oswald fired the shot killing Mr. Kennedy in Dallas a year ago was described in testimony before The Warren Commission by George S. de Mohrenschildt.
He was actually much more intriguing – and mystifying. As Norman Mailer noted in his book Oswald’s Tale, de Mohrenschildt possessed “an eclecticism that made him delight in presenting himself as right-wing, left-wing, a moralist, an aristocrat, a nihilist, a snob, an atheist, a Republican, a Kennedy lover, a desegregationist, an intimate of oil tycoons, a bohemian, and a socialite, plus a quondam Nazi apologist, once a year.”
A Name Never Dropped
During all these examinations, and notwithstanding de Mohrenschildt’s offhand recitation of scores of friends and colleagues, obscure and recognizable, he scrupulously never mentioned that he knew Poppy Bush. Nor did investigators uncover the fact that in the spring of 1963, immediately after his final communication with Oswald, de Mohrenschildt had traveled to New York and Washington for meetings with CIA and military intelligence officials. He even had met with a top aide to Vice President Johnson. And the commission certainly did not learn that one meeting in New York included Thomas Devine, then Bush’s business colleague in Zapata Offshore, who was doing double duty for the CIA.
Had the Warren Commission’s investigators comprehensively explored the matter, they would have found a phenomenal and baroque backstory that contextualizes de Mohrenschildt within the extended petroleum-intelligence orbit in which the Bushes operated.
Getting America Into World War I
The de Mohrenschildts were major players in the global oil business since the beginning of the twentieth century, and their paths crossed with the Rockefellers and other key pillars of the petroleum establishment. George de Mohrenschildt’s uncle and father ran the Swedish Nobel Brothers Oil Company’s operations in Baku, in Russian Azerbaijan on the southwestern coast of the Caspian Sea. This was no small matter. In the early days of the twentieth century, the region held roughly half of the world’s known oil supply. By the start of World War I, every major oil interest in the world, including the Rockefellers’ Standard Oil, was scrambling for a piece of Baku’s treasure or intriguing to suppress its competitive potential. (Today, ninety years later, they are at it again.)
In 1915, the czar’s government dispatched a second uncle of George de Mohrenschildt, the handsome young diplomat Ferdinand von Mohrenschildt, to Washington to plead for American intervention in the war – an intervention that might rescue the czarist forces then being crushed by the invading German army. President Woodrow Wilson had been reelected partly on the basis of having kept America out of the war. But as with all leaders, he was surrounded by men with their own agendas. A relatively close-knit group embodying the nexus of private capital and intelligence-gathering inhabited the highest levels of the Wilson administration. Secretary of State Robert Lansing was the uncle of a diplomat-spy by the name of Allen Dulles. Wilson’s closest adviser, “Colonel” Edward House, was a Texan and an ally of the ancestors of James A. Baker III, who would become Poppy Bush’s top lieutenant. Czarist Russia then owed fifty million dollars to a Rockefeller-headed syndicate. Keeping an eye on such matters was the U.S. ambassador to Russia, a close friend of George Herbert Walker’s from St. Louis.
Once the United States did enter the war, Prescott Bush’s father, Samuel Bush, was put in charge of small arms production. The Percy Rockefeller-headed Remington Arms Company got the lion’s share of the U.S. contracts. It sold millions of dollars worth of rifles to czarist forces, while it also profited handsomely from deals with the Germans.
In 1917, Ferdinand von Mohrenschildt’s mission to bring America into the world war was successful on a number of levels. Newspaper clippings of the time show him to be an instant hit on the Newport, Rhode Island, millionaires’ circuit. He was often in the company of Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, of the family then befriending Prescott Bush and about to hire Prescott’s future father-in-law, George Herbert Walker. Not long after that, Ferdinand married the step-granddaughter of President Woodrow Wilson.
In quick succession, the United States entered World War I, and the newlywed Ferdinand unexpectedly died. The von Mohrenschildt family fled Russia along with the rest of the aristocracy. Emanuel Nobel sold half of the Baku holdings to Standard Oil of New Jersey, with John D. Rockefeller Jr. personally authorizing the payment of $11.5 million. Over the next couple of decades, members of the defeated White Russian movement, which opposed the Bolsheviks and fought the Red Army from the 1917 October Revolution until 1923, would find shelter in the United States, a country that shared the anti-Communist movement’s ideological sentiments.
Bush and de Mohrenschildt Families: Deeply Intertwined
In 1920, Ferdinand’s nephew Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, the older brother of George, arrived in the United States and entered Yale University. His admission was likely smoothed by the connections of the Harriman family, which soon persuaded the Bolshevik Russian government to allow them to reactivate the Baku oilfields. At that point, the Harriman operation was being directed by the brilliant international moneyman George Herbert Walker, the grandfather of Poppy Bush.
The Soviets had expropriated the assets of the Russian ruling class, not least the oil fields. Though ultimately willing to cooperate with some Western companies, the Communists had created an army of angry White Russian opponents, who vowed to exact revenge and regain their holdings. This group, trading on an American fascination with titles, was soon ensconced in (and often intermarried with) the East Coast establishment. The New York newspapers of the day were full of reports of dinners and teas hosted by Prince This and Count That at the top of Manhattan hotels.
Dimitri von Mohrenschildt plunged into this milieu. After graduating from Yale, he was offered a position teaching the young scions of the new oil aristocracy at the exclusive Loomis School near Hartford, Connecticut, where John D. Rockefeller III was a student (and his brother Winthrop soon would be). There, Dimitri became friendly with Roland and Winifred “Betty” Cartwright Holhan Hooker, who were prominent local citizens. Roland Hooker was enormously well connected; his father had been the mayor of Hartford, his family members were close friends of the Bouviers (Jackie Kennedy’s father’s family), and his sister was married to Prince Melikov, a former officer in the Imperial Russian Army.
While Dimitri von Mohrenschildt clearly enjoyed the high-society glamour, in reality his life was heading underground. Dimitri’s lengthy covert resumé would include serving in the Office of Strategic Services wartime spy agency and later cofounding Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. In 1941, Dimitri also founded a magazine, the Russian Review, and later became a professor at Dartmouth.
When the Hooker marriage unraveled, Dimitri began seeing Betty Hooker. In the summer of 1936, immigration records show that Dimitri traveled to Europe, followed a week later by Betty Hooker with her young daughter and adolescent son.
Betty’s son, Edward Gordon Hooker, entered prep school at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts. There, he shared a small cottage with George H. W. “Poppy” Bush. Bush and Hooker became inseparable. They worked together on Pot Pourri, the student yearbook, whose photos show a handsome young Poppy Bush and an even more handsome Hooker. The friendship would continue in 1942, when both Bush and Hooker, barely eighteen, enlisted in the Navy and served as pilots in the Pacific. Afterward, they would be together at Yale. When Hooker married, Poppy Bush served as an usher. The relationship between Bush and Hooker lasted for three decades, until 1967, when Hooker died of an apparent heart attack. He was just forty-three. Six years after Hooker’s death, Poppy Bush would serve as surrogate father, giving away Hooker’s daughter at her wedding to Ames Braga, scion of a Castro-expropriated Cuban sugar dynasty.
Another Careful Disconnect
The relationship couldn’t have been much closer. Yet Bush never mentions Hooker in his memoirs or published recollections, even though he finds room for scores of more marginal figures. Certainly his family was aware of Hooker.
Poppy’s prep school living arrangements would have mattered to Prescott Bush. The Bush clan is famously gregarious, and like many wealthy families, it puts great stock in the establishment of social networks that translate into influence and advantage. Prescott took a strong interest in meeting his children’s friends and the friends’ parents, as expressed in family correspondence and memoirs. Moreover, as a prominent Connecticut family with deep colonial roots, the Hookers would have had great appeal for Prescott Bush, an up-and-coming Connecticut resident with political aspirations and a great interest in the genealogy of America’s upper classes.
In 1937, Betty Hooker and Dimitri von Mohrenschildt married. By then, Dimitri had been hired by Henry Luce as a stringer for Time magazine. Prescott would likely have been keen to know his son’s roommate’s stepfather – this intriguing Russian anti-Communist aristocrat, with a background in the oil business and a degree from Yale, working for Prescott’s Skull and Bones friend Luce.
Meanwhile, Dimitri’s younger brother, George, had been living with their family in exile in Poland, where he finished high school and then joined a military academy and the cavalry. In May 1938, George arrived from Europe and moved in with his brother and new sister-in-law in their Park Avenue apartment. Young George de Mohrenschildt came to America armed with the doctoral dissertation that reflected the future trajectory of his life: “The Economic Influence of the United States on Latin America.” The oil south of the border was certainly of interest to Wall Street figures such as Prescott Bush and his colleagues, who were deeply involved in financing petroleum exploration in new areas.
From Émigré to Spy
The White Russian émigrés in the United States were motivated by both ideology and economics to serve as shock troops in the growing cold war conflict being managed by Prescott’s friends and associates. No one understood this better than Allen Dulles, the Wall Street lawyer, diplomat, and spy-master-in ascension. Even in the period between the two world wars, Dulles was already molding Russian émigrés into intelligence operatives. He moved back and forth between government service and Wall Street lawyering with the firm Sullivan and Cromwell, whose clients included United Fruit and Brown Brothers Harriman. The latter was at that time led by Averell and Roland Harriman and Prescott Bush.
Whether in government or out, Dulles’s interests and associates were largely the same. He seemed to enjoy the clandestine work more than the legal work. As Peter Grose notes in Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles, he worked during the 1940 presidential campaign to bring Russian, Polish, and Czechoslovak émigrés into the Republican camp. “Allen’s double life those first months after Pearl Harbor [in 1941] had specific purpose, of course,” Grose observes. “The mysterious émigrés he was cultivating in New York were potential assets for an intelligence network to penetrate Nazi Germany.”
Dimitri von Mohrenschildt was a star player in this game on a somewhat exalted level. He found sponsorship for a role as an academic and publisher specializing in anti-Bolshevik materials, and later became involved in more ambitious propaganda work with Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe. Younger brother George was more willing to get his hands dirty. He took a job in the New York office of a French perfume company called Chevalier Garde, named for the Czar’s most elite troops, the Imperial Horse Guards. His bosses were powerful czarist Russian émigrés, well connected at the highest levels of Manhattan society, who worked during World War II in army intelligence and the OSS. One of them, Prince Serge Obolensky, had escaped Soviet Russia after a year of hiding and became a much-married New York society figure whose wives included Alice Astor. His brother-in-law Vincent Astor was secretly asked by FDR in 1940 to set up civilian espionage offices in Manhattan at Rockefeller Center. Astor was soon joined in this effort by Allen Dulles.
The next stop for George de Mohrenschildt was a home furnishings company. His boss there was a high-ranking French intelligence official, and together they monitored and blocked attempts by the Axis war machine to procure badly needed petroleum supplies in the Americas. Young de Mohrenschildt then traveled to the southwest, where he exhibited still more impressive connections. Ostensibly there to work on oil derricks, he landed a meeting with the chairman of the board of Humble Oil, the Texas subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey, predecessor to Exxon.
Prince Serge Obolensky, circa 1943
The jobs kept becoming more interesting. By the midforties, de Mohrenschildt was working in Venezuela for Pantepec Oil, the firm of William F. Buckley’s family. Pantepec later had abundant connections with the newly created CIA and was deeply involved in foreign intrigue for decades. The Buckley boys, like the Bushes, had been in Skull and Bones, and Bill Buckley, whose conservative intellectual magazine National Review was often politically helpful to Poppy Bush, would in later years admit to a stint working for the CIA himself.
George de Mohrenschildt’s foreign trips – and some of his domestic wanderings as well – drew the interest of various American law enforcement agencies. These incidents appear to have been deliberate provocations, such as his working on “sketches” outside a U.S. Coast Guard station. In many of these cases de Mohrenschildt would be briefly questioned or investigated, the result of which was a dossier not unlike that of Lee Harvey Oswald’s. These files were full of declared doubts about his loyalties and speculation at various times that he might be a Russian, Japanese, French, or German spy. A classic opportunist, he might have been any or all of these. But he also could have simply been an American spy who was creating a cover story
It's just all interconnected, isn't it Steven?
--Tommy
http://stevenhager420.wordpress.com/tag/yuri-nosenko/
==================
In the 1960s, he was known around Langley by his CIA code name: Kingfisher.
It’s probably not a good idea to take on an exalted title like that unless you have some real power to wield and as the director of counterintelligence, Angleton was responsible for a lot of the dirty tricks at CIA during his reign. He’s become the subject of dozens of books and movies, most recently The Good Shepherd, although his multiple connections to the JFK hit never seem to surface in the mainstream media.
Angleton got his powerful post after serving as the Vatican’s CIA liaison during WWII, working closely with Allen Dulles to shield important Nazis who were given new jobs working for US interests after the war. According to Angleton, before getting his promotion, he had to promise Dulles never to put him or any of his Wall Street-connected cronies on lie detectors in order to question them about financial relations with Germany during the war. You see, many US corporations employed neutral countries to trade with the enemy, including Standard Oil, a company owned by Dulles’ cousin David Rockefeller. If you want to get really rich during war, sell to both sides.
Not only did Angleton remain in charge of the important CIA-Vatican connection, he also became the strategic CIA link to Israel and their efficient Mossad, an intelligence agency not hampered by red tape.
The sad reality is that after he got his post, Angleton was swiftly compromised by British double agent Kim Philby, who gleaned many secrets before departing back to England. Philby had spent many nights plying the chain-smoking Angleton with liquor so they could talk shop. The main subject of conversation was the suspected mole inside British intelligence who kept the KGB one step ahead of Angleton, and who might that mole be? Before long, a nest of Soviet spies (the Cambridge 5) was uncovered and a few revealed, although Philby was exonerated and Victor Rothschild never seriously investigated. Philby began working as a journalist covering the Middle East, while secretly reporting to MI6. But in 1961, Anatoliy Golitsyn, a KGB major, defected to the West and established his bona fides by offering up Philby as KGB and part of the Cambridge ring that had been operating since before WWII.
CIA spook William Buckley would write the first major book on how Angleton went crazy after Philby was unmasked. Buckley is Skull & Bones and card carrying member of the oligarchy, just like Angleton, only maybe a little higher on the pecking order. But Golitsyn was a fake defector seeding disinfo. His major thrust was that many highly placed people in Western power were really KGB, just like Philby. Golitsyn even claimed British Prime Minister Harold Wilson was a KGB spy. And he also claimed there was another KGB spy was very high up in the US government as well. Obviously, these rabbit holes served mostly to amp up Angleton’s paranoia. He’d spend the next few years hunting for an imaginary highly-placed mole in Washington DC, and at one point accused just about everyone in power. Did Golitsuyn also finger JFK as well as Wilson? I think this seems pretty likely. Strangely, Golitsyn became an Honorary Commander of the British Empire. And what do you think would have happened if Angleton had written a report saying JFK was a Soviet spy? Would that have justified a national security project to remove JFK from power?
But after JFK was assassinated, along came a real Soviet defector name Yuri Nosenko, who arrived in 1964. Since Nosenko did not concur with much of anything Golitsyn had been saying, and, in fact, was more highly situated and knew more than Golitsyn, Nosenko was held prisoner for four years and tortured continuously and fed LSD and other drugs in an attempt to break him down. And the entire time Angleton kept telling everyone Nosenko was a fake whose only mission was to discredit Golitsyn.
In retrospect Angleton seems borderline incompetent since he’d been played by Philby and Golitsyn. One wonders how Angleton kept his job so long, although keep in mind his files were probably more explosive than J. Edgar Hoover’s.
And then, of course, there’s Angleton’s vast connections to the JFK assassination cover-up. It’s no accident Angleton was named CIA liason with the Warren Commission and swiftly replaced John Whitten as official CIA investigator of the incident. Moves like that are made when a fox is needed to watch the hen house.
The dead bodies piled up pretty quick around Angleton, especially his wife’s best friend Mary Meyer and his former friend Win Scott, the Mexico City CIA station chief who launched his own private investigation into JFK’s assassination, something Angleton seemed desperate to shut down before it got started.
Since the assassination was organized through the CIA’s JM/WAVE station and William Harvey played a key role, it’s critical to consider Angleton’s role in shielding Harvey after JFK ordered him fired. Angleton moved Harvey to Rome and then likely brought him back for the operation. Ted Shackley was running JM/WAVE so he had to know what was going on, as did Richard Helms obviously because he went on to become CIA director. In fact, if you want to know who was involved in some aspect of this coup, just consider who assumes great power in later years. Certainly the Bush family could owe a portion of its rise to prominence through a hidden connection to the coup. Shackley went on to run the Phoenix program in Vietnam with William Colby and that became the largest CIA assassination program in history. I talked to one of the key players involved a few years ago, and he told me that he’d gone back to Vietnam after the war only to discover the man in charge of providing many of the names of those who needed to be assassinated turned out to be a double agent. He later became an important figure in the Vietnamese government. If that’s true, then the people getting assassinated by Phoenix were probably just moderate tribal leaders because once you wipe out the true alphas of any tribe, it leaves the door open to put some corrupt stooges in their place.
============
You’d think all the JFK assassination records would be public after 50 years but did you know CIA files on seven individuals are withheld for reasons of “national security?” The CIA may be withholding as many as 50,000 pages of documents related to the assassination. But it doesn’t take much imagination to realize what they don’t want released might help reveal what they are trying to hide, so let’s look into these seven mysterious people.
1) George Joannides.
Joannides was head of Psychological Warfare at JM/WAVE in Miami, the CIA’s largest and best-funded satellite station, although he apparently lived in New Orleans much of the time, where two training camps were located north of Lake Pontchartrain. One of his primary duties was supervising the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE), an anti-Castro exile group. When Oswald first arrived in New Orleans, he attempted to infiltrate the DRE before starting a one-man chapter of the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba. Soon Oswald had a confrontation with some members of the DRE in the streets of New Orleans that led to newspaper and radio coverage, sheep-dipping Oswald as being pro-Castro.
Immediately after the assassination, all information the press initially received about Oswald was released through DRE members in Miami on orders of Joannides. In other words, in his role as a propaganda expert, Joannides shaped initial press coverage on Oswald. Keep in mind, the assassination was essentially organized through JM/WAVE’s ZR/RIFLE Program. So Joannides’ work in this area must be viewed as psychological warfare conducted on the unsuspecting American public.
When the House Committee on Assassinations was formed in the 1970s, Congress sent two researchers to investigate the CIA files on the assassination, which could not be removed from Langley. Strangely, Joannides was brought out of retirement to stonewall and block those two investigators so all trails into JM/WAVE could not be followed. But how transparent can you get, really? There should have been massive objection to Joannides as anything but a suspect in this case, and he certainly should not have been allowed to become the primary gatekeeper on CIA files.
2) William K. Harvey.
Harvey became the go-to guy at the CIA’s Berlin station after he engineered the building of a tunnel under the Berlin Wall used to tap into Soviet communications. But after the fall of the Soviet Union, it would be revealed the Soviets had been tipped off to Harvey’s operation and manipulated this listening post to leak disinfo, once again proving the KGB was often somewhat strangely one step ahead of the CIA throughout the cold war.
After Ted Shackley was moved from Berlin to Miami to direct the war against Castro, he brought Angleton’s star agent with him. The code name given to their new Executive Action Program was ZR/RIFLE and Bill Harvey was put in charge because he was the most ruthless go-to guy at CIA. But after JFK converted to work on world peace and wanted all anti-Castro operations shut down, he soon discovered Harvey didn’t respond to Presidential directives he didn’t agree with. JFK ordered Harvey sacked, but instead James Angleton moved him to Italy and his assassination squad, featuring handsome Johnny Roselli and other made members of the Chicago outfit, was soon directed towards a new target: JFK.
Harvey instructed his wife to burn all his papers upon his death. When asked why this was done, John M. Whitten, who briefly investigated the assassination before being replaced by Angleton himself, replied: “He was too young to have assassinated McKinley and Lincoln. It could have been anything.”
Strangely, Harvey’s obvious connections to this case have never really been been explored in the mainstream media.
3) David Morales
Morales was already the CIA’s top assassin in Central America when Harvey recruited him into the ZR/RIFLE project to become his number one go-to assassin after Johnny Roselli. According the E. Howard Hunt’s deathbed confession, Morales tried to recruit Hunt into the assassination plot, but Hunt apparently turned it down, which may be why he became an official CIA fallback patsy backstop.
There’s a famous quote Morales gave while drunk one night, taking credit for being on the scene when both Kennedy brothers were killed.
4) David Atlee Phillips.
Phillips was one of the few CIA officials seen in the company of Oswald prior to the assassination (under the name Maurice Bishop). This sighting occurred while he was Mexico City’s anti-Cuban officer, working under Winston Scott, but not really reporting to Win in regards to Oswald. After the assassination Phillips would quickly rise to become head of the western hemisphere operations and later created the anti-conspiracy propaganda operation known as the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), which became an important tool for holding back citizen researchers from uncovering the truth about the CIA’s involvement in killing JFK.
5) Anne Goodpasture.
Goodpasture had an interesting trajectory through the CIA. She became a special agent of James Angleton’s and eventually ended up down in Mexico City working for Win Scott. Whether Scott fully trusted her, I can’t say, but she was involved in hiding evidence of Oswald in Mexico and later became very close with David Phillips. Although she looked like a librarian, she was a master spook and wrote a 500-page secret history of the CIA in Mexico that hopefully will one day be released.
E. Howard Hunt.
As team leader on the Bay of Pigs, nobody seemed to hate JFK more than Hunt. And Hunt did become Angleton’s patsy in a way because he was falsely ID’d as one of the three tramps and then an Angleton memo placed him in Dallas that day. I suspect Hunt had little to do with this case, however, and was used more as a backstop than anything else. However, his close association with David Phillips may have afforded him a window on what was going on, although spooks are often left in the dark when it comes to covert operations. But of all the people listed so far, Hunt seems the most removed from the central core.
Yuri Nosenko.
In April 1964, Nosenko tried to defect to the USA. He was a high-ranking KGB official who had recently reviewed the files on Oswald, someone the Soviets always suspected was an American agent and not a true defector. The CIA is hiding over 2,000 pages on Nosenko and his torture under the orders of James Angleton, who sought to break down Nosenko’s personality because he was contradicting Antoliy Golitsyn, a previous KGB defector who had become Angleton’s pet project. Golitsyn was also favored by British intelligence, but his material was wildly unreliable. Meanwhile, the more believable Nosenko, a true defector, was treated as harshly as possible, possibly in part due to his efforts to brand Oswald an American agent. You see, Oswald was an American secret agent, and he worked directly under James Angleton, which completes this circle of info and hopefully reveals some shadows of the team that killed JFK as well as some of the major players who helped cover up that event.
== ((((( TO REPEAT ))))) ==
Oswald and the CIA, by John Newman Reviewed by James DiEugenio
==
Now, with caveats out of the way, lets get to the rewards in this valuable, and undervalued, book. No person, or body, not even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), has ever dug more deeply into what the American intelligence community knew about Oswald prior to the assassination. What Newman reveals here literally makes the Warren Commission look like a Model T Ford. All the denials issued to that body by the likes of John McCone and J. Edgar Hoover are exposed as subterfuges. Contrary to their canards, there was a lot of interest in Oswald from the time he defected to Russia until the assassination.
Newman first discovered this when he was hired by PBS to work on their ill-fated Frontline special about Oswald in 1993. And it was this discovery that inspired him to write the book. The CIA Director at the time of the debate in Congress over the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board had testified there were something like 39 documents at CIA about Oswald. Most of them were supposed to be clippings. Newman discovered there was many, many times that amount. Further, he discovered the Agency held multiple files on Oswald. And finally, and perhaps most interestingly, there were some puzzling irregularities within the record. (When the author expressed his continuing bewilderment about this to the archivist, the archivist replied, "Haven't you ever heard of Murphy's Law?" To which Newman shot back, "Every time I turn around I'm walking into Mr. Murphy.")
Mr. Murphy makes his appearance right at the start. Once Oswald defected to Russia in 1959 the FBI opened up a file on him for security purposes. But at the CIA there is a curious, and suspicious, vacuum. Richard Snyder of the American Embassy in Moscow sent a cable to Washington about Oswald's defection. But the exact date the CIA got it cannot be confirmed (p. 24). Further, the person who received it cannot be determined either. Since Oswald was a former Marine, the Navy also sent a cable on November 4th. This cable included the information that Oswald had threatened to give up radar secrets to the Soviets. But again, no one knows exactly when this cable arrived at CIA. And almost as interesting, where it was placed upon its immediate arrival. (p. 25) This is quite odd because, as Newman points out (Chapter 3), Oswald's close association with the U-2 plane while at Atsugi, Japan should have placed alerts all over this cable. It did not. To show a comparison, the FBI recommended "a stop be placed against the fingerprints to prevent subject's entering the US under any name." (Ibid) So, on November 4, 1959, the FBI issued a FLASH warning on Oswald. This same Navy memo arrived at CIA and, after a Warren Report type "delayed reaction", eventually went to James Angleton's CI/SIG unit on December 6th. Angleton was chief of counter-intelligence. SIG was a kind of safeguard unit that protected the Agency from penetration agents. It was closely linked to the Office of Security in that regard. But as Newman queries: where was it for the previous 31 days? Newman notes that the Snyder cable and this Navy memo fell into a "black hole " somewhere. In fact, the very first file Newman could find on Oswald was not even at CI/SIG. It was at the Office of Security. This is all quite puzzling because, as the author notes, neither should have been the proper resting place for an initial file on Oswald. This black hole "kept the Oswald files away from the spot we would expect them to go-the Soviet Russia division." (p. 27)
Another thing the author finds puzzling about this early file is that he could find no trace of a security investigation about the danger of Oswald's defection. This is really odd because while talking to some of his friends the author found out that Oswald knew something that very few people did: the U-2 was also flying over China. If Snyder's original memo said that Oswald had threatened to give up secrets on radar operation to the Russians, and Oswald had been stationed at the U-2 base in Japan, there should have been a thorough security investigation as to what Oswald could have given the Russians. For the obvious reason that the program could be adjusted to avoid any counterattack based upon that relayed information. Newman could find no evidence of such an inquiry. (pgs 28,33-34) Further, the author found out that Oswald was actually part of a unit called Detachment C, which seemed to almost follow the U-2 around to crisis spots in the Far East, like Indonesia. (p. 42)
Needless to say, after Oswald defected, the second U-2 flight over Russia--with Gary Powers on board--was shot down. Powers felt that, "Oswald's work with the new MPS 16 height-finding radar looms large" in that event. (p. 43) The author segues here to this question: Whatever the CIA did or did not do in regard to this important question, it should have been a routine part of the Warren Commission inquiry. It was not. As the author notes, "When called to testify at the Warren Commission hearings, Oswald's marine colleagues were not questioned about the U-2." (p. 43) Oswald's commander in the Far East, John Donovan, was ready to discuss the issue in depth. The Commission was not. In fact, Donovan was briefed in advance not to fall off topic. (p. 45) When it was over, Donovan had to ask, "Don't you want to know anything about the U-2." He even asked a friend of his who had testified: "Did they ask you about the U-2?" And he said, "No, not a thing." (Ibid) Donovan revealed that the CIA did not question him about the U-2 until December of 1963. But this was probably a counter-intelligence strategy, to see whom he had talked to and what he had revealed. Why is that a distinct probability? Because right after Powers was shot down, the CIA closed its U-2 operations at Atsugi. Yet, Powers did not fly out of Atsugi. As Newman notes, the only link between Powers and Atsugi was Oswald. (p. 46)
Right after this U-2 episode, Newman notes another oddity. The CIA did not open a 201 file on Oswald for over a year after his defection, on 12/8/60. (p. 47) This gap seriously puzzled the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Investigator Dan Hardway called CI officer Ann Egerter about it. It was a short conversation. She didn't want to discuss it. (p. 48) The HSCA tried to neuter the issue by studying other defector cases. But as Newman notes: defection is legal but espionage, like giving up the secrets to the U-2, is not. (pgs 49-50) So the comparison was faulty. In fact, when Egerter finally opened Oswald's 201 file, the defection was noted, but his knowledge of the U-2 wasn't. This delay in opening the 201 file was so unusual that the HSCA asked former CIA Director Richard Helms about it. His reply was vintage Helms: "I am amazed. Are you sure there wasn't? ... .I can't explain that." (p. 51) When the HSCA asked where the documents were prior to the opening of the 201 file, the CIA replied they were never classified higher than confidential and therefore were no longer in existence. Newman notes that this is a lie. Many were classified as "Secret" and he found most of them, so they were not destroyed. Further, the ones that were classified as confidential are still around also. (p. 52)
And this is where one of the most fascinating discoveries in the book is revealed. Although no 201 file was opened on Oswald until December of 1960, he was put on the Watch List in November of 1959. This list was part of the CIA's illegal HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program-only about 300 people were on it. Recall, this is at a time when Oswald's file is in the so-called Black Hole. It was not possible to find a paper trail on him until the next month. How could he, at the same time, be so inconsequential as to have no file opened, yet so important as to be on the quite exclusive Watch List? This defies comprehension. In fact, Newman is forced to conclude, "The absence of a 201 file was a deliberate act, not an oversight." (p. 54) Clearly, someone at the CIA knew who Oswald was and thought it was important enough to intercept his mail. Long ago, when I asked Newman to explain this paradox in light of the fact that his first file would be opened at CI/SIG, he replied that one possibility was Oswald was being run as an off the books agent by Angleton. In light of the other factors mentioned in this section, i.e. concerning the U-2 secrets, the "black hole" delay, plus what we will discover later, I know of no better way to explain this dichotomy.
-
de Mohrenschildt's and his brother knew 50 CIA agents, consultants and operatives. De Mohrenschildt's father-in-law, Samuel Walter Washington was in charge of more than 250 CIA agents 1950-53. (Bruce Adamson)##########################################################################################By Russ Baker on Nov 13, 2013
What possible connection could there have been between George H.W. Bush and the assassination of John F. Kennedy? Or between the C.I.A. and the assassination? Or between Bush and the C.I.A.? For some people, apparently, making such connections was as dangerous as letting one live wire touch another. Here, in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the JFK assassination in November, is the ninth part of a ten-part series of excerpts from WhoWhatWhy editor Russ Baker’s bestseller, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years. The story is a real-life thriller.
Note: Although these excerpts do not contain footnotes, the book itself is heavily footnoted and exhaustively sourced. (The excerpts in Part 9 come from Chapter 6 of the book, and the titles and subtitles have been changed for this publication.)
For Part 1, please go here; Part 2, here; Part 3, here; Part 4, here; Part 5, here; Part 6, here; Part 7, here; Part 8, here.
The Potomac Two-Step
De Mohrenschildt had just spent the last half year in almost constant contact with Lee Harvey Oswald, who had recently returned from several years in Soviet Russia. De Mohrenschildt had done so, moreover, at the CIA’s request, or so he claimed. It seems unlikely that the sole topic of the New York meeting with WUBRINY/1 would have been sisal in Haiti. Nevertheless, in the minds of these people, sisal was apparently enough to hang a legend on.
Now there was a documented and apparently benign reason that Thomas Devine (and by implication, Devine’s longtime associate George H. W. Bush) knew a man about to be under fierce scrutiny for his own ties to the alleged killer of the president of the United States.
In case the “sisal” document of April 1963 was not enough, de Mohrenschildt next traveled to Washington, DC where he and his friend Mr. Charles met with other government figures, ostensibly to talk about sisal.
Here the story gains a more intriguing layer – namely, the suggestion that de Mohrenschildt’s real purpose was to secure U.S. government backing for a coup d’état against the Haitian dictator François “Papa Doc” Duvalier. De Mohrenschildt and Charles appear to have obtained an audience with none other than Howard Burris, military adviser to Vice President Lyndon Johnson, with the prospect of meeting LBJ himself.
As noted in correspondence dated April 18, 1963:
Dear Mr. Mohrenschildt:
Your letter has come in the Vice President’s absence from the office . . . I would like to suggest that you see Colonel Howard Burris, Air Force Aide to the Vice President, when you come to Washington. Should Mr. Johnson happen to have any office hours here during our stay, we will be happy to see if a mutually convenient time can be found for you to meet . . . With warm wishes, Sincerely, Walter Jenkins, Administrative Assistant to the Vice President.
The Haitian coup therefore could have been intended as the operative story to explain why Oswald’s mentor de Mohrenschildt was interacting with powerful U.S. government figures in the period prior to the JFK assassination. The new story was introduced in 1978 testimony to the House Select Committee on Assassinations.
The witness was Dorothe Matlack, assistant director of the Army Office of Intelligence, who explained that she had also met with de Mohrenschildt and that he raised the idea of the U.S. government playing a role in the coup. “I knew the Texan [de Mohrenschildt] wasn’t there to sell hemp,” Matlack said.
This story would have been a clever one, since indeed an examination of de Mohrenschildt’s past, as noted earlier, shows him periodically in the environs of unfolding coups. Yet Matlack’s testimony served still another purpose – besides justifying de Mohrenschildt’s presence in meetings with LBJ’s adviser and with a CIA operative tied to Poppy Bush, it also justified any ties that would emerge between de Mohrenschildt and Army Intelligence.
That last point, as we shall see, is especially critical, because Army Intelligence figures show up in key roles before, at the time of, and in the immediate aftermath of the assassination.
Indeed, Matlack’s story would have rung true. De Mohrenschildt appears to have persuaded the Haitian Mr. Charles that he would be able to secure approval for the coup, and that Charles would be installed to replace Duvalier. It seems that de Mohrenschildt may have been directed to travel earlier to Haiti to persuade Charles to participate in the New York and Washington meetings – because he took a brief earlier trip to the island in March.
What passed for the feeble beginnings of a coup did in fact occur in Haiti, soon after de Mohrenschildt arrived on the island. But it didn’t succeed, and perhaps wasn’t intended to. De Mohrenschildt and his circle had no apparent problem with Papa Doc, even if the Kennedys did.
Duvalier, who was generally considered a friend by many elements in the U.S. military and intelligence establishment, did not suffer greatly. De Mohrenschildt’s “friend” Clemard Charles wasn’t so fortunate. The Haitian dictator jailed him for approximately a decade. Thus, Charles himself may have been another unwitting pawn.
Whether or not by design, the Haiti story served as the ultimate cover. It explained why de Mohrenschildt would know all these powerful people, and did so in the context of a supposed plot to depose a hated foreign leader.
Let’s play the tape again: De Mohrenschildt travels to the East Coast in the spring of 1963, on a mission that takes his story away from Poppy Bush, Jack Crichton, and others in the Texas intelligence network. His trail leads instead outside the United States, to geopolitical intrigue that is totally unrelated to Lee Harvey Oswald, the Soviet Union, or what was happening in Dallas. Even if disclosed, this new story would cause no great upset to the American people. Removing Duvalier and promoting democracy in the hemisphere were aims of the revered Kennedy himself.
It might seem impossibly convoluted. But in the shadow world of covert operations, it would be business as usual.
Cover for the Domestic Operations Division
There was even cover for the Domestic Operations division, a CIA program that was, on its face, problematical under the agency’s charter from Congress, which forbade its participation in any domestic surveillance or police operations directed at the American public.
The domestic division maintained an entire floor at 1750 Pennsylvania Avenue, near the White House. Among its operatives, according to his own testimony before Congress, was Dulles’s friend E. Howard Hunt, previously associated with the coup in Guatemala and the Bay of Pigs invasion, and subsequently convicted in Watergate.
Within hours after Devine met with de Mohrenschildt at the Knickerbocker Club, a Domestic Operations case officer in Washington was creating the legend that the domestic division, like WUBRINY, had no idea who de Mohrenschildt really was. The officer, Gale Allen, requested an “expedite check” of this supposedly unknown character. He got back a report from 1958 when de Mohrenschildt had returned from Yugoslavia and briefed J. Walton Moore of the CIA’s Dallas office.
This way, if de Mohrenschildt later claimed he knew Moore, it could be attributed to this innocuous 1958 briefing rather than the 1961 lunch to talk about Oswald.
To anyone who tried to follow this trail, it would appear that domestic operations was unfamiliar with George de Mohrenschildt. Were investigators to dig a bit further and happen upon the reports from WUBRINY, they would learn that George de Mohrenschildt was a self-aggrandizing entrepreneur with a taste for intrigue.
Dig still further, and they would learn that he was a friend of a Haitian banker who had been eager to foster a coup d’état against the evil President Duvalier. Each layer of this plausible cover story would lead the investigator further from the truth.
They even provided cover for the powerful oilmen who sponsored de Mohrenschildt’s travels to hot spots, ostensibly to represent their business interests. The Warren Commission reviewed some correspondence that shows meetings between de Mohrenschildt and these oilmen. In every case, the letters purport to relate to sisal, though some of the letters are suggestive of an unspoken alternative agenda.
For example, one 1962 letter, to de Mohrenschildt’s Dallas White Russian community “godfather” Paul Raigorodsky from the oilman Jean de Menil, who himself provided weapons to Cuban exiles, thanks the Russian for sending de Mohrenschildt around, and refers to some idea of de Mohrenschildt’s as not being “very well cooked” but does find it “slightly visionary.” It is hard to see sisal planting as even slightly visionary.
Yet this was indeed de Mohrenschildt’s cover, and it proved effective. There were numerous assassination inquiries in the 1970s, all in response to the failings of the Warren Commission. But none came close to penetrating the layered accounts I have just described. In fact, they did not even sniff the trail.
The Book Cover
One thing seems indisputable. By the time the de Mohrenschildts left the United States for Haiti in May 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald had been turned into a man with multiple personas, all of them capable of killing Kennedy. Oswald hated Kennedy either because he – Oswald – admired Castro or because he was anti-Castro. Perhaps Oswald was angry at Kennedy over the Bay of Pigs fiasco, or else he just liked to take potshots at important people. He was fond of guns, a bit violent, and even sometimes beat up his wife. He was a potential time bomb with a short fuse.
There was something in the lurid saga of Oswald to fit almost any theory, and therefore to confirm none. Whether Oswald was complicit or not in the process, his background and activities had been so muddled that no one would ever figure him out. Or settle for sure whose side he had been on. Or determine whether he was acting on his own or taking orders when he fired at Kennedy – if in fact he did.
Five months after de Mohrenschildt left for Haiti, Oswald obtained a job in a building along what barely six weeks later would be the Kennedy parade route. That building would become known as the Texas School Book Depository. In the years since, there has been endless debate over which weapon fired the fatal shots, whether it was Oswald who fired them, where the shots came from, ad infinitum. There has been not enough attention paid to the building itself and how Oswald happened to be there.
Some theories contend that Oswald – or anyone who might have been directing him – could not have known that the motorcade would pass by the Book Depository at the time he took the job there. But there were only two possible routes through downtown to JFK’s destination, the Dallas Trade Mart, and the Book Depository building stood on one of them.
If someone wanted to put Oswald along the route, he could have arranged for Oswald to secure a job in the Book Depository building, then selected the route that passed by there. Officially, the decision to reroute the motorcade from Main Street to Elm, in front of the Book Depository building, was made only a week before the event – by two Secret Service agents. But that does not mean that a determination of the final route was not made much earlier by someone who could share the information with Oswald or someone connected with him.
In any case, if it was Oswald’s intention to kill JFK from the Book Depository, he on his own could not possibly have known what the route would be at the time he obtained his job in the building. Only an insider involved with shaping JFK’s trip could have had any confidence that the Depository building would be on the ultimate route of the motorcade.
The Trade Mart was already known to be the likely venue of Kennedy’s Dallas luncheon speech, but according to the Secret Service, even if an alternative venue was chosen, there would be a high probability that a presidential parade would still pass right by the Book Depository. J. Lee Rankin, a general counsel for the Warren Commission, said that “to anticipate that this particular location would be a prime location for anything like this . . . is reasonable in light of our conversations with the Secret Service.”
The process that resulted in Oswald’s hiring at the Book Depository is yet another facet of the story that has gotten short shrift. Usually his presence in the building is portrayed as an accident of fate. Yet recall that the owner of the building was one D. Harold Byrd, a right-wing oilman, founder of the Civil Air Patrol, avid Kennedy hater – and a friend of both Clint Murchison and George de Mohrenschildt. This all could be coincidence, but surely it is the kind of coincidence that invites a few more questions.
Yet when I began researching Byrd, I was stunned to find that his name did not even appear in the vast majority of books by Kennedy assassination authorities, nor was he even interviewed by the Warren Commission. I found further that not only had Byrd employed de Mohrenschildt at his Three States Oil and Gas Co. during the 1950s, but that the connection went deeper still.
Documents I studied show that in September 1962, just weeks before he began to squire Oswald, George de Mohrenschildt incorporated a charity ostensibly devoted to the study of cystic fibrosis – and put D. Harold Byrd’s wife on the board. Mrs. Byrd’s role on the charity board would have created a convenient excuse for de Mohrenschildt to have been interacting with her husband during this period. Other board members included Paul Raigorodsky, J. Edgar Hoover’s good friend and the White Russian community’s godfather.
On May 24, 1963, in Dallas, the U.S. Air Force presented to D. Harold Byrd its Scroll of Appreciation for his work with the Civil Air Patrol (where Oswald was a cadet). Among the Air Force generals he counted as friends was Charles Cabell, Allen Dulles’s CIA deputy director, key Bay of Pigs figure, and brother of Dallas mayor Earle Cabell, also a good friend of Byrd’s.
So how did Oswald end up working at this building that belonged to a friend of de Mohrenschildt’s? The most widely accepted explanation is that Oswald got the job indirectly – via Ruth Paine, the new “friend” who had come to him through the efforts of the de Mohrenschildts, and who was providing a home for Oswald’s wife, Marina, and their daughter. Paine purportedly heard about the Book Depository from a neighbor, one Linnie Mae Randle, whose brother already worked there.
But missing from these accounts is that the neighbor’s brother had obtained his job there just slightly ahead of Oswald. Moreover, the brother had moved from a small Texas town to Dallas shortly beforehand.
Given what we now know about George de Mohrenschildt’s close relationship with Byrd, owner of the Book Depository building, and the chain of events that followed, it is plausible that Oswald’s hiring could have been deliberately orchestrated through this chain to obscure the underlying direct connection.
Then there is the intelligence background of Paine’s family, which was in addition to her mother-in-law’s ties to Dulles’s girlfriend. There was more to this simple Quaker housewife than meets the eye. When Marina Oswald was asked by the Orleans Parish grand jury why she had cut off contact with Ruth Paine after the assassination, she said:
I was advised by the Secret Service not to be connected with her, seems like she was . . . not connected . . . she was sympathizing with the CIA. She wrote letters over there and they told me for my own reputation, to stay away.
Is it possible that the brother was hired as a player – or in spycraft parlance, a “cut-out” – who could “refer” Oswald to a job in this particular building? This might seem speculative, but other pieces of the puzzle do point in that direction.
I was surprised to learn, for example, that the building was almost completely devoid of tenants until about six months before the assassination. I was even more surprised to learn that the very name, Texas School Book Depository, is misleading. It sounds like a building where the state of Texas kept schoolbooks.
But in fact, Texas School Book Depository was the name of a private company, which had operated out of another location before it moved into the building on Dealey Plaza in the spring of 1963. Until then, the structure was known as the Sexton Building.
The officers of the Book Depository Company were – like Byrd, Murchison, and their core group – outspoken critics of Kennedy, and also major military buffs. Its president turned out to be one Jack Cason, who was also the long-time head of the local American Legion post, a leading forum for hard-line military views.
The company, like all publishers and distributors of books that shaped the perceptions of young Americans – of all Americans – was of keen interest to the propaganda machinery of the U.S. government, and the intelligence community. Allen Dulles was even a member of the advisory board of Scholastic Magazines, whose publications were distributed to schoolchildren throughout the country.
These operations at least seem to offer a plausible explanation of why a man like Cason, affluent and socially connected, deeply involved in anti-Communist and military-themed activities, might choose to bypass more traditional pursuits such as oil and banking in favor of the textbook distribution business.
The CIA was deeply involved, abroad and at home, in creating and distributing literature that would promote democratic Western values in the cold war battle for hearts and minds. As the Senate’s Church Committee would note: “In 1967 alone, the CIA published or subsidized over 200 books, ranging from books on African safaris . . . to a competitor to Mao’s little red book, which was entitled Quotations from Chairman Liu.”
One such book, produced by the Domestic Operations division – the one that was monitoring Oswald – told the story of “a young student from a developing country who had studied in a communist country.” According to the CIA, that book “had a high impact in the United States.”
The important point here is that a division of the CIA was producing general nonfiction books, and it would not be inconceivable that it was also interested in the textbooks distributed by companies such as the Texas School Book Depository.
Allen Dulles even infiltrated that paragon of objectivity the Encyclopaedia Britannica, whitewashing the agency’s Bay of Pigs fiasco in an article in the 1963 Book of the Year.
It is worth noting that D. Harold Byrd, a big-game hunter, decided to take his first-ever foreign safari – to Africa – during this period. That removed him from Dallas precisely when the assassination took place.
Besides Byrd’s far-right politics, his founding role in the Civil Air Patrol, and his ties to de Mohrenschildt, he evidently rejoiced in Kennedy’s assassination – as suggested by the macabre fact that he arranged for the window from which Oswald purportedly fired the fatal shots to be removed and set up at his home.
Dulles Does Dallas
As far as we know, on November 22, 1963, George de Mohrenschildt was far away from Dallas too, managing his “business ventures” in Haiti. According to the record, de Mohrenschildt and Oswald had no contact during the prior six months.
It was this hiatus, and de Mohrenschildt’s physical absence from the United State, that enabled the Warren Commission to discount his otherwise glaring relationships with Oswald and Oswald’s pre-assassination “handlers” in Dallas. Not to mention his many links to members of the Texas Raj, who were noted for their anti-Kennedy animus and extensive ties to the national intelligence apparatus.
One curious matter concerns some communications about de Mohrenschildt in June 1963, between the Republic National Bank in Dallas and Brown Brothers Harriman in New York – where ex-senator Prescott Bush had just resumed work as a senior partner. The date is important because it is just after de Mohrenschildt leaves for Haiti.
The communications, revealed in an FBI agent’s report of 1964, appear odd. As it is presented, a confidential client of Brown Brothers, “a firm dealing in the import and export of fibers,” had made a credit inquiry “concerning George de Mohrenschildt.” Brown Brothers had replied that it knew nothing of him, but forwarded the inquiry to Republic National Bank, whose “report was favorable concerning de Mohrenschildt’s credit.”
Why this confidential client would ask a bank in New York about a man based in Texas – and this bank in particular – is not made clear. The thread, or fiber, tying this mini-episode to the larger unfolding drama is sisal. It gave yet more prominent people – including top officials at Republic National Bank and Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman – the same cover story it provided to everyone else: if anyone discovered that they had been dealing with de Mohrenschildt, they could claim that their sole motive was to make money off Haitian sisal.
The coincidences mount. After his dismissal as director of the CIA, Allen Dulles had written a book called The Craft of Intelligence – with the assistance of E. Howard Hunt. As might be expected, it was hardly a tell-all exposé. Reviewers were generally unimpressed, especially with the innocuous anecdotes. “It is a book that could as well have been written from an outside, as from an inside, view,” wrote one critic.
The book did, however, give Dulles a reason to remain in the public eye – including a visit to Dallas in late October 1963. Although excerpts had been published, most notably in Harper’s, starting at the beginning of the year, The Craft of Intelligence was held for release until the fall.
Dulles appears to have made no book-related appearances outside the Washington-New York corridor except for Dallas, to which he traveled at the invitation of Neil Mallon to speak at the Council on World Affairs. The Dallas Council would certainly be a receptive audience. After all, it had been conceived, in Mallon’s own words, along “the guidelines of central intelligence.”
This gives us Dulles in Dallas, scant weeks before the assassination; Al Ulmer, the foreign-based CIA coup expert, in Texas and visiting with Poppy Bush; E. Howard Hunt, top Dulles operative and covert operations specialist, said by his own son to have been in Dallas; and Poppy Bush in Dallas – until he leaves town either the night before or on the very day of the assassination and places his covering alibi phone call from Tyler, Texas.
Oswald’s all-too-public “friend” George de Mohrenschildt is safely off on important business in Haiti, and D. Harold Byrd is off on a safari. Again, this scenario may mean nothing. It all may just be coincidence. But the confluences among this cast of characters are at the very least remarkable.
It does not take a hypercharged imagination to construe a larger story of which they might be part, or to wonder why these people might have gone to such lengths to create “deniability” concerning any connections to the events in Dallas – unless they had a connection.
Another salient fact is that, on the day of the assassination, Deputy Police Chief George L. Lumpkin was driving the pilot car of Kennedy’s motorcade, a quarter mile ahead of JFK’s vehicle. Lumpkin was a friend of Jack Crichton, Poppy Bush’s GOP colleague.
Like Crichton, moreover, he was a member of an Army Intelligence Reserve unit. (Lumpkin would later tell the House Select Committee on Assassination that he had been consulted by the Secret Service on motorcade security, and his input had eliminated an alternative route.) In the car with Lumpkin was another Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel George Whitmeyer, commander of all Army Reserve units in East Texas, who happened to be Jack Crichton’s boss in the Reserve.
Although Whitmeyer was not on the police list of those approved to ride in the pilot car, he had insisted that he be in the vehicle and remained there until the shooting. The only recorded stop made by the pilot car was directly in front of the Depository building. Lumpkin stopped briefly there and spoke to a policeman handling traffic at the corner of Houston and Elm.
To the right of the motorcade, in front of the grassy knoll, stood Abraham Zapruder with his camera, ready to capture the 8-millimeter short film that would make his name famous.
The Zapruder film would be cited vigorously by both critics and supporters of the Warren Commission’s conclusions. As of late 2008, the latest attempt to back up the lone gunman theory was historian Max Holland’s twelve-years-in-the-making study of the assassination. Citing the Zapruder film, Holland argues that a careful study of it shows that Oswald actually fired the first shot earlier than previously calculated. This allows, according to Holland, enough time for Oswald to have gotten the second and third shots off before the car sped up. He says this new theory establishes that Oswald could have done it – and therefore indeed did do it, and did it alone. “If I restore faith in the Warren Commission,” Holland told the Washington Post, which published a highly sympathetic profile of the author, “I’ll put to rest some of the disturbing questions people have had.”
Zapruder is widely characterized as an innocent bystander, simply an onlooker who happened to capture historic footage that would dominate the evidentiary debate. Innocent he may well have been, but hardly unknown in Dallas intelligence circles.
It turns out that the short, bald recorder of history was also a former colleague of Mrs. de Mohrenschildt, who worked with her at Nardis when she first moved to Dallas. Zapruder also sat on the board of Neil Mallon’s Dallas Council on World Affairs. Like numerous figures in this story, he had a propensity for groups built on loyalty and secrecy, having sustained the status of thirty-second-degree Freemason.
The film he would make on November 22 would soon be purchased by Henry Luce, a Skull and Bones colleague of Prescott Bush and a devotee of intelligence – whose wife, Clare Booth Luce, had personally funded efforts to overthrow Castro. Henry Luce had warned that JFK would be punished if he went soft on Communism. After quickly purchasing the original Zapruder film, Luce’s Life magazine kept it in lockdown until New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison successfully subpoenaed it in 1969.
At the moment that Kennedy’s car passed the Stemmons Freeway sign on Elm Street, a man standing in front of the grassy knoll opened an umbrella and pumped it repeatedly above his head. Even the House Select Committee on Assassinations found it strange, given that it was a gloriously sunny day. Next to him was a man with a dark complexion who appeared to be speaking on a walkie-talkie shortly after shots were fired.
In 1978, one Louis Steven Witt came forward to identify himself as the “Umbrella Man.” A self-described “conservative-type fellow,” Witt claimed that he had opened his umbrella repeatedly because a colleague had told him that the gesture would annoy the president. He did not elaborate on why anyone would have thought this.
In his testimony before the House Select Committee on Assassinations, he lamented that “if the Guinness Book of World Records had a category for people who were at the wrong place at the wrong time, doing the wrong thing, I would be No. 1 in that position, without even a close runner-up.” He also claimed to have no recollection of the dark-complexioned man, though photos show the two men speaking. Witt’s curious and seemingly choreographed umbrella opening remains another question mark on a day full of perplexing coincidences.
Where Was Poppy? Part II
If indeed it can be established that Oswald was being guided to his destiny – either because he would become the shooter or because he would be framed for the shooting – then whoever was running him, and whoever was controlling Oswald’s controller, were integral parts of a plot.
By now, we have enough information to show, fairly conclusively, that Oswald was being managed by Poppy’s old friend de Mohrenschildt. We also have others connected with Poppy closely associated with the events of November 22. And we have Poppy creating an alibi for himself.
Details on who fired the gun, whose gun it was, and how many shots were fired from where remain relevant, but become of secondary importance. The central question is the story that lies behind these details.
In summation, here’s just some of the new, relevant information:
Poppy Bush was closely tied to key members of the intelligence community in cluding the deposed CIA head with a known grudge against JFK; he was also tied to Texas oligarchs who hated Kennedy’s politics and whose wealth was directly threatened by Kennedy; this network was part of the military/intelligence elite with a history of using assassination as an instrument of policy.
Poppy Bush was in Dallas on November 21 and most likely the morning of November 22. He hid that fact, he lied about knowing where he was, then he created an alibi based on a lead he knew was false. And he never acknowledged the closeness of his relationship with Oswald’s handler George de Mohrenschildt.
Poppy’s business partner Thomas Devine met with de Mohrenschildt during that period, on behalf of the CIA.
Poppy’s eventual Texas running mate in the 1964 election, Jack Crichton, was connected to the military intelligence figures who led Kennedy’s motorcade.
Crichton and D. Harold Byrd, owner of the Texas School Book Depository Building, were both connected to de Mohrenschildt – and directly to each other through oil-business dealings.
Byrd brought in the tenant that hired Oswald shortly before the assassination.
Oswald got his job in the building through a friend of de Mohrenschildt’s with her own intelligence connections – including family ties to Allen Dulles.
Even Jack Ruby’s slaying of Oswald fits the larger pattern seen here – one in which Oswald is indeed a “patsy” – a pawn in a deadly game who would never be permitted to say what he knew.
-
It's just all interconnected, isn't it Steven?
--Tommy
---------------------------------------------------
http://books.google....the cia&f=false
Oswald and the CIA: the documented truth about the unknown ... - Page 278
John Newman - 2008 - 669 pages - Preview
In a recent interview, Mr. Anikeeff acknowledged not only his close and continuous friendship with George deMohrenschildt... Who was Nicholas Anikeeff? During the early 1950s, when the CIA dispatched two groups of Lithuanian infiltrators into Poland, ...Nicholas Anikeeff ?......yes Tommy it is !!!!!
-
Mohammad Fayed (FA'ID below in memo) is sleeping with George de Mohrenschildt's daughter.
JAMES ANGLETON is giving and controlling George de Mohrenschildt information to the FBI.Richard Helms is giving and controlling information to the WC. George de Mohrenschildt is a singleton for ANGLETON.RICHARD HELMS , DD FOR PLANS,
STEPHEN C. MILLETT, JR. CHIEF, CI/S and C/CI. JAMES ANGLETON all monitor CIA asset de Mohrenschildt######################################AGENCY INFORMATION
AGENCY : CIA
RECORD NUMBER : 104-10166-10232
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : 80T01357ADOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : STEPHEN C. MILLETT, JR. CHIEF, CI/S
TO : WITHHELD
TITLE : FA'ID IS CURRENTLY NEGOTIATING AND ARMS DEAL WITH
PRESIDENT DUVALIER OF HAITI
DATE : 12/01/1964
PAGES : 1
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT; JFK ASSASSINATION
CLASSIFICATION :
RESTRICTIONS : 1B
CURRENT STATUS : RELEASED WITH DELETIONS
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 06/30/2004
COMMENTS : JFK64-5 : F17 : 20040301-1051962 :
****************************************************************************AGENCY : CIA
RECORD NUMBER : 104-10431-10039
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : RUSS HOLMES WORK FILEDOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : ANGLETON JAMES
TO : DIRECTOR FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIG
TITLE : MEMO: ACTIVITIES OF GEORGE AND JEANNE DE MOHRENSCHILDT
IN HAITI
DATE : 04/05/1965
PAGES : 30
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT
CLASSIFICATION : SECRET
RESTRICTIONS : OPEN IN FULL
CURRENT STATUS : OPEN
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 09/16/1998
COMMENTS : JFK-RH18 : F1 : 1998.09.16.08:52:04:966128 :
*********************************************************************************AGENCY : CIA
RECORD NUMBER : 104-10057-10413
RECORDS SERIES : JFK
AGENCY FILE NUMBER : 80T01357ADOCUMENT INFORMATION
ORIGINATOR : CIA
FROM : HELMS, RICHARD, DD FOR PLANS
TO : RANKIN, J. LEE, WC
TITLE : STATEMENTS REPORTEDLY MADE BY GEORGE AND JEANNE DE
MOHRENSCHILDT CONCERNING LEE HARVEY OSWALD AND THE
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY.
DATE : 07/06/1964
PAGES : 2
DOCUMENT TYPE : PAPER - TEXTUAL DOCUMENT
SUBJECTS : DEMOHRENSCHILDT; FINANCIAL AID; HAITI
CLASSIFICATION : UNCLASSIFIED
RESTRICTIONS : OPEN IN FULL
CURRENT STATUS : OPEN
DATE OF LAST REVIEW : 07/01/1993
COMMENTS : JFK1 : F30 : 1993.07.01.18:04:49:280250 : PREVIOUSLY=============================================
Bush and the JFK Hit, Part 5: The Mysterious Mr. de MohrenschildtBy Russ Baker on Oct 14, 2013George de Mohrenschildt
What possible connection could there have been between George H.W. Bush and the assassination of John F. Kennedy? Or between the C.I.A. and the assassination? Or between Bush and the C.I.A.? For some people, apparently, making such connections was as dangerous as letting one live wire touch another. Here, in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the JFK assassination in November, is the fifth part of a ten-part series of excerpts from WhoWhatWhy editor Russ Baker’s bestseller, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years. The story is a real-life thriller.
Note: Although these excerpts do not contain footnotes, the book itself is heavily footnoted and exhaustively sourced. (The excerpts in Part 5 come from Chapter 5 of the book, and the titles and subtitles have been changed for this publication.)
For Part 1, please go here; Part 2, here; Part 3, here; Part 4, here.
“Must have angered a lot of people”
In 1976, more than a decade after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, a letter arrived at the CIA, addressed to its director, the Hon. George Bush. The letter was from a desperate-sounding man in Dallas, who spoke regretfully of having been indiscreet in talking about Lee Harvey Oswald and begged Poppy for help:
Maybe you will be able to bring a solution into the hopeless situation I find myself in. My wife and I find ourselves surrounded by some vigilantes; our phone bugged; and we are being followed everywhere. Either FBI is involved in this or they do not want to accept my complaints. We are driven to insanity by this situation . . . tried to write, stupidly and unsuccessfully, about Lee H. Oswald and must have angered a lot of people . . . Could you do something to remove this net around us? This will be my last request for help and I will not annoy you anymore.
The writer signed himself “G. de Mohrenschildt.”
The CIA staff assumed the letter writer to be a crank. Just to be sure, however, they asked their boss: Did he by any chance know a man named de Mohrenschildt?Bush responded by memo, seemingly self-typed:
I do know this man DeMohrenschildt. I first men [sic] him in the early 40’3 [sic]. He was an uncle to my Andover roommate. Later he surfaced in Dallas (50’s maybe) . . . Then he surfaced when Oswald shot to prominence. He knew Oswald before the assassination of Pres. Kennedy. I don’t recall his role in all this.Not recall? Once again, Poppy Bush was having memory problems. And not about trivial matters. George de Mohrenschildt was not just the uncle of a roommate, but a longtime personal associate. Yet Poppy could not recall – or more precisely, claimed not to recall – the nature of de Mohrenschildt’s relationship with the man believed to have assassinated the thirty-fifth president.
This would have been an unusual lapse on anyone’s part. But for the head of an American spy agency to exhibit such a blasé attitude, in such an important matter, was over the edge. At that very moment, several federal investigations were looking into CIA abuses – including the agency’s role in assassinations of foreign leaders. These investigations were heading toward what would become a reopened inquiry into Kennedy’s death. Could it be that the lapse was not casual, and the acknowledgment of a distant relationship was a way to forestall inquiry into a closer one?
Writing back to his old friend, Poppy assured the Mohrenschildt that his fears were entirely unfounded. Yet half a year later, de Mohrenschildt was dead. The cause was officially determined to be suicide with a shotgun. Investigators combing through de Mohrenschildt’s effects came upon his tattered address book, largely full of entries made in the 1950’s. Among them, though apparently eliciting no further inquiries on the part of the police, was an old entry for the current CIA director, with the Midland address where he had lived in the early days of Zapata:
BUSH, GEORGE H. W. (POPPY), 1412 W. OHIO ALSO ZAPATA PETROLEUM MIDLAND.
De Mohrenschildt and the Oswalds
When Poppy told his staff that his old friend de Mohrenschildt “knew Oswald,” that was an understatement. From 1962 through the spring of 1963, de Mohrenschildt was by far the principal influence on Oswald, the older man who guided every step of his life. De Mohrenschildt had helped Oswald find jobs and apartments, had taken him to meetings and social gatherings, and generally had assisted with the most minute aspects of life for Lee Oswald, his Russian wife, Marina, and their baby.
De Mohrenschildt’s relationship with Oswald has tantalized and perplexed investigators and researchers for decades. In 1964, de Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne testified to the Warren Commission, which spent more time with them than any other witness – possibly excepting Oswald’s widow, Marina. The Commission, though, focused on George de Mohrenschildt as a colorful, if eccentric, character, steering away every time de Mohrenschildt recounted yet another name from a staggering list of influential friends and associates. In the end, the commission simply concluded in its final report that these must all be coincidences and nothing more. The de Mohrenschildts, the Commission said, apparently had nothing to do with the assassination.
Even the Warren Commission counsel who questioned George de Mohrenschildt appeared to acknowledge that the Russian émigré was what might euphemistically be called an “international businessman.” For most of his adult life, de Mohrenschildt had traveled the world ostensibly seeking business opportunities involving a variety of natural resources – some, such as oil and uranium, of great strategic value. The timing of his overseas ventures was remarkable. Invariably, when he was passing through town, a covert or even overt operation appeared to be unfolding – an invasion, a coup, that sort of thing. For example, in 1961, as exiled Cubans and their CIA support team prepared for the Bay of Pigs invasion in Guatemala, George de Mohrenschildt and his wife passed through Guatemala City on what they told friends was a month-long walking tour of the Central American isthmus. On another occasion, the de Mohrenschildts appeared in Mexico on oil business just as a Soviet leader arrived on a similar mission – and even happened to meet the Communist official. In a third instance, they landed in Haiti shortly before an unsuccessful coup against its president that had U.S. fingerprints on it.
A Russian-born society figure was a friend both of the family of President Kennedy and his assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald. A series of strange coincidences providing the only known link between the two families before Oswald fired the shot killing Mr. Kennedy in Dallas a year ago was described in testimony before The Warren Commission by George S. de Mohrenschildt.
He was actually much more intriguing – and mystifying. As Norman Mailer noted in his book Oswald’s Tale, de Mohrenschildt possessed “an eclecticism that made him delight in presenting himself as right-wing, left-wing, a moralist, an aristocrat, a nihilist, a snob, an atheist, a Republican, a Kennedy lover, a desegregationist, an intimate of oil tycoons, a bohemian, and a socialite, plus a quondam Nazi apologist, once a year.”
A Name Never Dropped
During all these examinations, and notwithstanding de Mohrenschildt’s offhand recitation of scores of friends and colleagues, obscure and recognizable, he scrupulously never mentioned that he knew Poppy Bush. Nor did investigators uncover the fact that in the spring of 1963, immediately after his final communication with Oswald, de Mohrenschildt had traveled to New York and Washington for meetings with CIA and military intelligence officials. He even had met with a top aide to Vice President Johnson. And the commission certainly did not learn that one meeting in New York included Thomas Devine, then Bush’s business colleague in Zapata Offshore, who was doing double duty for the CIA.
Had the Warren Commission’s investigators comprehensively explored the matter, they would have found a phenomenal and baroque backstory that contextualizes de Mohrenschildt within the extended petroleum-intelligence orbit in which the Bushes operated.
Getting America Into World War I
The de Mohrenschildts were major players in the global oil business since the beginning of the twentieth century, and their paths crossed with the Rockefellers and other key pillars of the petroleum establishment. George de Mohrenschildt’s uncle and father ran the Swedish Nobel Brothers Oil Company’s operations in Baku, in Russian Azerbaijan on the southwestern coast of the Caspian Sea. This was no small matter. In the early days of the twentieth century, the region held roughly half of the world’s known oil supply. By the start of World War I, every major oil interest in the world, including the Rockefellers’ Standard Oil, was scrambling for a piece of Baku’s treasure or intriguing to suppress its competitive potential. (Today, ninety years later, they are at it again.)
In 1915, the czar’s government dispatched a second uncle of George de Mohrenschildt, the handsome young diplomat Ferdinand von Mohrenschildt, to Washington to plead for American intervention in the war – an intervention that might rescue the czarist forces then being crushed by the invading German army. President Woodrow Wilson had been reelected partly on the basis of having kept America out of the war. But as with all leaders, he was surrounded by men with their own agendas. A relatively close-knit group embodying the nexus of private capital and intelligence-gathering inhabited the highest levels of the Wilson administration. Secretary of State Robert Lansing was the uncle of a diplomat-spy by the name of Allen Dulles. Wilson’s closest adviser, “Colonel” Edward House, was a Texan and an ally of the ancestors of James A. Baker III, who would become Poppy Bush’s top lieutenant. Czarist Russia then owed fifty million dollars to a Rockefeller-headed syndicate. Keeping an eye on such matters was the U.S. ambassador to Russia, a close friend of George Herbert Walker’s from St. Louis.
Once the United States did enter the war, Prescott Bush’s father, Samuel Bush, was put in charge of small arms production. The Percy Rockefeller-headed Remington Arms Company got the lion’s share of the U.S. contracts. It sold millions of dollars worth of rifles to czarist forces, while it also profited handsomely from deals with the Germans.
In 1917, Ferdinand von Mohrenschildt’s mission to bring America into the world war was successful on a number of levels. Newspaper clippings of the time show him to be an instant hit on the Newport, Rhode Island, millionaires’ circuit. He was often in the company of Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, of the family then befriending Prescott Bush and about to hire Prescott’s future father-in-law, George Herbert Walker. Not long after that, Ferdinand married the step-granddaughter of President Woodrow Wilson.
In quick succession, the United States entered World War I, and the newlywed Ferdinand unexpectedly died. The von Mohrenschildt family fled Russia along with the rest of the aristocracy. Emanuel Nobel sold half of the Baku holdings to Standard Oil of New Jersey, with John D. Rockefeller Jr. personally authorizing the payment of $11.5 million. Over the next couple of decades, members of the defeated White Russian movement, which opposed the Bolsheviks and fought the Red Army from the 1917 October Revolution until 1923, would find shelter in the United States, a country that shared the anti-Communist movement’s ideological sentiments.
Bush and de Mohrenschildt Families: Deeply Intertwined
In 1920, Ferdinand’s nephew Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, the older brother of George, arrived in the United States and entered Yale University. His admission was likely smoothed by the connections of the Harriman family, which soon persuaded the Bolshevik Russian government to allow them to reactivate the Baku oilfields. At that point, the Harriman operation was being directed by the brilliant international moneyman George Herbert Walker, the grandfather of Poppy Bush.
The Soviets had expropriated the assets of the Russian ruling class, not least the oil fields. Though ultimately willing to cooperate with some Western companies, the Communists had created an army of angry White Russian opponents, who vowed to exact revenge and regain their holdings. This group, trading on an American fascination with titles, was soon ensconced in (and often intermarried with) the East Coast establishment. The New York newspapers of the day were full of reports of dinners and teas hosted by Prince This and Count That at the top of Manhattan hotels.
Dimitri von Mohrenschildt plunged into this milieu. After graduating from Yale, he was offered a position teaching the young scions of the new oil aristocracy at the exclusive Loomis School near Hartford, Connecticut, where John D. Rockefeller III was a student (and his brother Winthrop soon would be). There, Dimitri became friendly with Roland and Winifred “Betty” Cartwright Holhan Hooker, who were prominent local citizens. Roland Hooker was enormously well connected; his father had been the mayor of Hartford, his family members were close friends of the Bouviers (Jackie Kennedy’s father’s family), and his sister was married to Prince Melikov, a former officer in the Imperial Russian Army.
While Dimitri von Mohrenschildt clearly enjoyed the high-society glamour, in reality his life was heading underground. Dimitri’s lengthy covert resumé would include serving in the Office of Strategic Services wartime spy agency and later cofounding Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. In 1941, Dimitri also founded a magazine, the Russian Review, and later became a professor at Dartmouth.
When the Hooker marriage unraveled, Dimitri began seeing Betty Hooker. In the summer of 1936, immigration records show that Dimitri traveled to Europe, followed a week later by Betty Hooker with her young daughter and adolescent son.
Betty’s son, Edward Gordon Hooker, entered prep school at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts. There, he shared a small cottage with George H. W. “Poppy” Bush. Bush and Hooker became inseparable. They worked together on Pot Pourri, the student yearbook, whose photos show a handsome young Poppy Bush and an even more handsome Hooker. The friendship would continue in 1942, when both Bush and Hooker, barely eighteen, enlisted in the Navy and served as pilots in the Pacific. Afterward, they would be together at Yale. When Hooker married, Poppy Bush served as an usher. The relationship between Bush and Hooker lasted for three decades, until 1967, when Hooker died of an apparent heart attack. He was just forty-three. Six years after Hooker’s death, Poppy Bush would serve as surrogate father, giving away Hooker’s daughter at her wedding to Ames Braga, scion of a Castro-expropriated Cuban sugar dynasty.
Another Careful Disconnect
The relationship couldn’t have been much closer. Yet Bush never mentions Hooker in his memoirs or published recollections, even though he finds room for scores of more marginal figures. Certainly his family was aware of Hooker.
Poppy’s prep school living arrangements would have mattered to Prescott Bush. The Bush clan is famously gregarious, and like many wealthy families, it puts great stock in the establishment of social networks that translate into influence and advantage. Prescott took a strong interest in meeting his children’s friends and the friends’ parents, as expressed in family correspondence and memoirs. Moreover, as a prominent Connecticut family with deep colonial roots, the Hookers would have had great appeal for Prescott Bush, an up-and-coming Connecticut resident with political aspirations and a great interest in the genealogy of America’s upper classes.
In 1937, Betty Hooker and Dimitri von Mohrenschildt married. By then, Dimitri had been hired by Henry Luce as a stringer for Time magazine. Prescott would likely have been keen to know his son’s roommate’s stepfather – this intriguing Russian anti-Communist aristocrat, with a background in the oil business and a degree from Yale, working for Prescott’s Skull and Bones friend Luce.
Meanwhile, Dimitri’s younger brother, George, had been living with their family in exile in Poland, where he finished high school and then joined a military academy and the cavalry. In May 1938, George arrived from Europe and moved in with his brother and new sister-in-law in their Park Avenue apartment. Young George de Mohrenschildt came to America armed with the doctoral dissertation that reflected the future trajectory of his life: “The Economic Influence of the United States on Latin America.” The oil south of the border was certainly of interest to Wall Street figures such as Prescott Bush and his colleagues, who were deeply involved in financing petroleum exploration in new areas.
From Émigré to Spy
The White Russian émigrés in the United States were motivated by both ideology and economics to serve as shock troops in the growing cold war conflict being managed by Prescott’s friends and associates. No one understood this better than Allen Dulles, the Wall Street lawyer, diplomat, and spy-master-in ascension. Even in the period between the two world wars, Dulles was already molding Russian émigrés into intelligence operatives. He moved back and forth between government service and Wall Street lawyering with the firm Sullivan and Cromwell, whose clients included United Fruit and Brown Brothers Harriman. The latter was at that time led by Averell and Roland Harriman and Prescott Bush.
Whether in government or out, Dulles’s interests and associates were largely the same. He seemed to enjoy the clandestine work more than the legal work. As Peter Grose notes in Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles, he worked during the 1940 presidential campaign to bring Russian, Polish, and Czechoslovak émigrés into the Republican camp. “Allen’s double life those first months after Pearl Harbor [in 1941] had specific purpose, of course,” Grose observes. “The mysterious émigrés he was cultivating in New York were potential assets for an intelligence network to penetrate Nazi Germany.”
Dimitri von Mohrenschildt was a star player in this game on a somewhat exalted level. He found sponsorship for a role as an academic and publisher specializing in anti-Bolshevik materials, and later became involved in more ambitious propaganda work with Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe. Younger brother George was more willing to get his hands dirty. He took a job in the New York office of a French perfume company called Chevalier Garde, named for the Czar’s most elite troops, the Imperial Horse Guards. His bosses were powerful czarist Russian émigrés, well connected at the highest levels of Manhattan society, who worked during World War II in army intelligence and the OSS. One of them, Prince Serge Obolensky, had escaped Soviet Russia after a year of hiding and became a much-married New York society figure whose wives included Alice Astor. His brother-in-law Vincent Astor was secretly asked by FDR in 1940 to set up civilian espionage offices in Manhattan at Rockefeller Center. Astor was soon joined in this effort by Allen Dulles.
The next stop for George de Mohrenschildt was a home furnishings company. His boss there was a high-ranking French intelligence official, and together they monitored and blocked attempts by the Axis war machine to procure badly needed petroleum supplies in the Americas. Young de Mohrenschildt then traveled to the southwest, where he exhibited still more impressive connections. Ostensibly there to work on oil derricks, he landed a meeting with the chairman of the board of Humble Oil, the Texas subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey, predecessor to Exxon.
Prince Serge Obolensky, circa 1943
The jobs kept becoming more interesting. By the midforties, de Mohrenschildt was working in Venezuela for Pantepec Oil, the firm of William F. Buckley’s family. Pantepec later had abundant connections with the newly created CIA and was deeply involved in foreign intrigue for decades. The Buckley boys, like the Bushes, had been in Skull and Bones, and Bill Buckley, whose conservative intellectual magazine National Review was often politically helpful to Poppy Bush, would in later years admit to a stint working for the CIA himself.
George de Mohrenschildt’s foreign trips – and some of his domestic wanderings as well – drew the interest of various American law enforcement agencies. These incidents appear to have been deliberate provocations, such as his working on “sketches” outside a U.S. Coast Guard station. In many of these cases de Mohrenschildt would be briefly questioned or investigated, the result of which was a dossier not unlike that of Lee Harvey Oswald’s. These files were full of declared doubts about his loyalties and speculation at various times that he might be a Russian, Japanese, French, or German spy. A classic opportunist, he might have been any or all of these. But he also could have simply been an American spy who was creating a cover story
-
The Nagell article mentions files, Swiss accounts, smoking guns. Can one of you experts fill me in on anything that was discovered after his timely death?
This may be interesting to you.
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=17772&page=2
=
Swiss accounts http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/61/194.html
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
James DiEugenio
On August 5th, Oswald begins to play an overt role as an agent provocateur with Carlos Bringuier of the anti-Castro exile group, the DRE. The Warren Commission never knew that the DRE had a CIA code name, AMSPELL. When Oswald is arrested on Canal Street after his famous altercation with Bringuier, he actually had the Corliss Lamont booklet, "The Crime Against Cuba" with him. This had the "FPCC 544 Camp Street" stamp on it. (As I showed in my first book, this particular pamphlet was very likely provided to Banister through the CIA itself. See Destiny Betrayed, p. 219)
++++++++++++
Paul The Booklet came from the CIA and Bannisters partner Gatlin said (before he was pushed out of a window) he was working to kill Charles De Gaulle ,for the CIA.......how is Bannister independent from the CIA ???
-
Oswald and the CIA, by John Newman Reviewed by James DiEugenioJohn Newman (CTKA file photo)
Oswald and the CIA is not an easy book to read. And I think this is one of the reasons that it was underappreciated when it was first published in 1995. One would expect this result in the mainstream press. But even the research community was not up to the task of understanding the true value of this important work when it was originally published.
Jerry Rose's The Fourth Decade discussed the book twice: once directly and once indirectly. That journal specifically reviewed the book in late 1995 (Vol. 3 No. 1). The reviewer was a man named Hugh Murray. His review was completely inadequate. He gave the book less than two pages of discussion. Murray never even addressed the volume's two crucial chapters on Mexico City, which are the key to the book. (This would be like criticizing the Warren Report and never addressing the single bullet theory.) In the summer of the following year (Vol. 3 No. 3), Peter Dale Scott did something that may have been even worse. He wrote a long article for Rose's publication entitled "Oswald and the Hunt for Popov's Mole". This piece seriously distorted and misinterpreted both the book itself and some of the important information Newman had unearthed. This sorry performance partly explains why the book's achievement was never really comprehended even within the critical community.
But to be honest, Newman made some mistakes that contributed to the book's disappointing reception. The author felt it was important to get the book out quickly. He thought he should do so while the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB)) was still operating in order to draw attention to its work. I thought this was an error at the time. I still do. For there were some documents, not fully processed at the time, which would have been useful to the endeavor. For instance, The House Select Committee's Mexico City Report, aka the Lopez Report, had not yet been fully declassified. And to his credit, Newman updated his work on Mexico City with a 1999 article for Probe (Vol. 6 No. 6 ). This is included in The Assassinations.
Secondly, because of this haste, the book is--to put it gently--not adroitly composed. Newman's previous book, JFK and Vietnam, also deals with a complex topic: President Kennedy's intent to withdraw from the Vietnam conflict. Yet that book is skillfully arranged and written. When I asked the author about the comparison between the two, he said, "But Jim, that book was ten years in the making." I should also add that he had an editor on the first book. Something he did not have, at least to my knowledge, on the second.
Third, Major John Newman was an intelligence analyst for twenty years. And he approached Oswald and the CIA in that vein. In other words, he played to his strengths. Therefore the book is a study of Oswald as he is viewed through the intelligence apparatus of the United States government. Or, as the author notes, it's about "Oswald the file". The author rarely tries to fill out the story or the personage. For instance, the alleged attempted suicide of Oswald in Russia is not mentioned here. Ruth Paine is mentioned once; Michael Paine not at all. Only a highly disciplined, almost obsessed mind, could hew to that line almost continuously. Or the mind of a former intelligence analyst. Consequently, because of its inherent longeurs, the book makes some demands on the reader. Which some, like Scott and Murray, were not up to.
IINow, with caveats out of the way, lets get to the rewards in this valuable, and undervalued, book. No person, or body, not even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), has ever dug more deeply into what the American intelligence community knew about Oswald prior to the assassination. What Newman reveals here literally makes the Warren Commission look like a Model T Ford. All the denials issued to that body by the likes of John McCone and J. Edgar Hoover are exposed as subterfuges. Contrary to their canards, there was a lot of interest in Oswald from the time he defected to Russia until the assassination.
Newman first discovered this when he was hired by PBS to work on their ill-fated Frontline special about Oswald in 1993. And it was this discovery that inspired him to write the book. The CIA Director at the time of the debate in Congress over the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board had testified there were something like 39 documents at CIA about Oswald. Most of them were supposed to be clippings. Newman discovered there was many, many times that amount. Further, he discovered the Agency held multiple files on Oswald. And finally, and perhaps most interestingly, there were some puzzling irregularities within the record. (When the author expressed his continuing bewilderment about this to the archivist, the archivist replied, "Haven't you ever heard of Murphy's Law?" To which Newman shot back, "Every time I turn around I'm walking into Mr. Murphy.")
Mr. Murphy makes his appearance right at the start. Once Oswald defected to Russia in 1959 the FBI opened up a file on him for security purposes. But at the CIA there is a curious, and suspicious, vacuum. Richard Snyder of the American Embassy in Moscow sent a cable to Washington about Oswald's defection. But the exact date the CIA got it cannot be confirmed (p. 24). Further, the person who received it cannot be determined either. Since Oswald was a former Marine, the Navy also sent a cable on November 4th. This cable included the information that Oswald had threatened to give up radar secrets to the Soviets. But again, no one knows exactly when this cable arrived at CIA. And almost as interesting, where it was placed upon its immediate arrival. (p. 25) This is quite odd because, as Newman points out (Chapter 3), Oswald's close association with the U-2 plane while at Atsugi, Japan should have placed alerts all over this cable. It did not. To show a comparison, the FBI recommended "a stop be placed against the fingerprints to prevent subject's entering the US under any name." (Ibid) So, on November 4, 1959, the FBI issued a FLASH warning on Oswald. This same Navy memo arrived at CIA and, after a Warren Report type "delayed reaction", eventually went to James Angleton's CI/SIG unit on December 6th. Angleton was chief of counter-intelligence. SIG was a kind of safeguard unit that protected the Agency from penetration agents. It was closely linked to the Office of Security in that regard. But as Newman queries: where was it for the previous 31 days? Newman notes that the Snyder cable and this Navy memo fell into a "black hole " somewhere. In fact, the very first file Newman could find on Oswald was not even at CI/SIG. It was at the Office of Security. This is all quite puzzling because, as the author notes, neither should have been the proper resting place for an initial file on Oswald. This black hole "kept the Oswald files away from the spot we would expect them to go-the Soviet Russia division." (p. 27)
Another thing the author finds puzzling about this early file is that he could find no trace of a security investigation about the danger of Oswald's defection. This is really odd because while talking to some of his friends the author found out that Oswald knew something that very few people did: the U-2 was also flying over China. If Snyder's original memo said that Oswald had threatened to give up secrets on radar operation to the Russians, and Oswald had been stationed at the U-2 base in Japan, there should have been a thorough security investigation as to what Oswald could have given the Russians. For the obvious reason that the program could be adjusted to avoid any counterattack based upon that relayed information. Newman could find no evidence of such an inquiry. (pgs 28,33-34) Further, the author found out that Oswald was actually part of a unit called Detachment C, which seemed to almost follow the U-2 around to crisis spots in the Far East, like Indonesia. (p. 42)
Needless to say, after Oswald defected, the second U-2 flight over Russia--with Gary Powers on board--was shot down. Powers felt that, "Oswald's work with the new MPS 16 height-finding radar looms large" in that event. (p. 43) The author segues here to this question: Whatever the CIA did or did not do in regard to this important question, it should have been a routine part of the Warren Commission inquiry. It was not. As the author notes, "When called to testify at the Warren Commission hearings, Oswald's marine colleagues were not questioned about the U-2." (p. 43) Oswald's commander in the Far East, John Donovan, was ready to discuss the issue in depth. The Commission was not. In fact, Donovan was briefed in advance not to fall off topic. (p. 45) When it was over, Donovan had to ask, "Don't you want to know anything about the U-2." He even asked a friend of his who had testified: "Did they ask you about the U-2?" And he said, "No, not a thing." (Ibid) Donovan revealed that the CIA did not question him about the U-2 until December of 1963. But this was probably a counter-intelligence strategy, to see whom he had talked to and what he had revealed. Why is that a distinct probability? Because right after Powers was shot down, the CIA closed its U-2 operations at Atsugi. Yet, Powers did not fly out of Atsugi. As Newman notes, the only link between Powers and Atsugi was Oswald. (p. 46)
Right after this U-2 episode, Newman notes another oddity. The CIA did not open a 201 file on Oswald for over a year after his defection, on 12/8/60. (p. 47) This gap seriously puzzled the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Investigator Dan Hardway called CI officer Ann Egerter about it. It was a short conversation. She didn't want to discuss it. (p. 48) The HSCA tried to neuter the issue by studying other defector cases. But as Newman notes: defection is legal but espionage, like giving up the secrets to the U-2, is not. (pgs 49-50) So the comparison was faulty. In fact, when Egerter finally opened Oswald's 201 file, the defection was noted, but his knowledge of the U-2 wasn't. This delay in opening the 201 file was so unusual that the HSCA asked former CIA Director Richard Helms about it. His reply was vintage Helms: "I am amazed. Are you sure there wasn't? ... .I can't explain that." (p. 51) When the HSCA asked where the documents were prior to the opening of the 201 file, the CIA replied they were never classified higher than confidential and therefore were no longer in existence. Newman notes that this is a lie. Many were classified as "Secret" and he found most of them, so they were not destroyed. Further, the ones that were classified as confidential are still around also. (p. 52)
And this is where one of the most fascinating discoveries in the book is revealed. Although no 201 file was opened on Oswald until December of 1960, he was put on the Watch List in November of 1959. This list was part of the CIA's illegal HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program-only about 300 people were on it. Recall, this is at a time when Oswald's file is in the so-called Black Hole. It was not possible to find a paper trail on him until the next month. How could he, at the same time, be so inconsequential as to have no file opened, yet so important as to be on the quite exclusive Watch List? This defies comprehension. In fact, Newman is forced to conclude, "The absence of a 201 file was a deliberate act, not an oversight." (p. 54) Clearly, someone at the CIA knew who Oswald was and thought it was important enough to intercept his mail. Long ago, when I asked Newman to explain this paradox in light of the fact that his first file would be opened at CI/SIG, he replied that one possibility was Oswald was being run as an off the books agent by Angleton. In light of the other factors mentioned in this section, i.e. concerning the U-2 secrets, the "black hole" delay, plus what we will discover later, I know of no better way to explain this dichotomy.
IIIIn his analysis of the Russian scene with Oswald on the ground, Newman made clear two important points. First, whereas most of the attention prior to this book was on embassy official Richard Snyder's interaction with Oswald, Newman revealed a man behind the scenes, peering through the curtains: John McVickar. It was this other embassy official who asked Priscilla Johnson to interview Oswald without Snyder's OK. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is the timing. Oswald had actually refused an interview with American reporter Bob Korengold. He had not been very forthcoming with Aline Mosby, the first journalist to talk to him. Then two things happened. First, the Russians communicated to Oswald that he would be allowed to stay in Russia (p. 73). Second, after McVickar gave Johnson the tip about Oswald, the defector agreed to meet her at her room. He arrived at nine at night. He stayed until well past midnight. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is that Newman reveals that Oswald's room at the Metropole Hotel was equipped with an infra-red camera for the observation of its occupants-and the CIA knew this. (p. 9) Second, Oswald found out he would be allowed to stay through a Russian official who actually visited his room.
After the long interview with Priscilla Johnson, McVickar had dinner with the reporter. Johnson, of course, worked for the conservative, and intelligence affiliated, North American News Alliance. At this dinner, somehow, some way, McVickar revealed that Oswald was going to be trained in electronics. (p. 84) Which he was.
Besides the discoveries about McVickar, Newman actually found documents that revealed that Johnson had applied to work for the CIA as early as 1952. She then worked with Cord Meyer, who helped fund the Congress for Cultural Freedom, exposed later as a CIA conduit. At the time Newman wrote the book, it was not yet revealed that the CIA did not hire her because they later deduced she could be used to do what they wanted anyway and they classified her as a "witting collaborator." (The Assassinations p. 435) The story based on this interview received little play in the media at the time, although it did announce that Oswald was a defector. But after the assassination, Johnson revised this original story-to Oswald's disadvantage-- and it received circulation through the wire services, including the front page of the Dallas Morning News. Thanks to Newman we now know that McVickar was ultimately responsible for it.
Another hidden action that was first revealed in this book was that in 1961, the CIA launched a counterintelligence program against the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which had been formed the year before. According to the author, that effort was launched by the CIA's Office of Security, under the orders of James McCord. (p. 95) Further, this operation was done within the United States, which made it illegal for the Agency, and without the permission of the FBI. Making it even more interesting is that, as Newman first revealed, David Phillips was also part of this program. (p. 241) This program used neighbors hired as spies, and double agents posing as sympathizers, both reporting back to the CIA. (p. 241)
When Oswald decided he wanted to return from Russia, Newman notes another appearance by Mr. Murphy. Actually two. No "lookout" card was inserted on Oswald by the State Department. Although it appears that one was prepared, it was never active. (p. 138) This would have alerted State and other agencies that a security risk had applied to reenter the country. Second, many FBI files that contained the security risk information on Oswald from 1959 are now missing. (p. 153) Finally, the FBI very selectively issued documents from these files to the Warren Commission. The HSCA got more of the picture. But in 1994, when the author went looking for the information hinted at to the HSCA, he couldn't find them. (p. 154)
When Oswald tries to return, he negotiates to have potential legal proceedings against him dropped. (p. 218) Interestingly, he was taken off the Watch List in 1960, then placed back on it in August of 1961. (But yet, his mail was opened even when he was off the list! p. 284) And at this time, there is the first documentary evidence that the CIA had an operational interest in Oswald. At the end of a memo about Oswald's probable return, the chief of the Soviet Russia division wrote, "It was partly out of curiosity to learn if Oswald's wife would actually accompany him to our country, partly out of interest in Oswald's own experiences in the USSR, that we showed operational intelligence interest in the Harvey [Oswald ] story." (p. 227)
Marina got her exit visa surprisingly fast. Oswald explained his behavior there as, "It was necessary to make this propaganda because at the time he had wanted to live in Russia." (p. 235) Oswald thought his passport would be confiscated when he returned. But, surprisingly-or not-Oswald was actually able to sign papers for a government loan at the American Embassy. A man named Spas Raikin of the Travelers Aid Society was contacted by the State Department to meet Oswald and his new wife in New York in June of 1962. The Oswalds made it through customs and immigration without incident. And without any evidence of an attempt at a debriefing.
When Oswald arrived back in Texas, FBI agent John Fain did do an interview with him. Oswald then got a job at Leslie Welding, and started to subscribe to communist newspapers. At this point, Mr. Murphy pops up again. Even though the FBI had informants in many post offices looking out for just this sort of thing-a former defector subscribing to communist periodicals- and Oswald has signed a post office form instructing the post office to deliver him foreign propaganda, the Bureau did an inexplicable thing. In October, they closed their Oswald file. (p. 271)
What makes the timing of this fascinating are two events. First, the CIA campaign against the FPCC begins to heat up, and the FBI opens up a similar front against the FPCC led by Cartha De Loach. (p. 243) Second, George DeMohrenschildt, the Baron, enters Oswald's life. In his interview with the Warren Commission, the Baron tried to conceal his knowledge of who J. Walton Moore was. Moore was the head of the CIA office in Dallas who, it was later revealed, approached the Baron about going out to meet the returned defector. But DeMohrenschildt told the Warren Commission that Moore was "some sort of an FBI man in Dallas. Many people consider him the head of the FBI in Dallas." (p. 277)
Newman closes this section of the book with a beautiful Mr. Murphy episode. He notes that FBI agent James Hosty was now, rather belatedly, looking for Oswald and his wife. This was in March of 1963. Hosty also recommended that Oswald's case be reopened. The grounds for this reopening? Oswald had a newly opened subscription to the Communist newspaper, The Worker. (p. 273) But, as the author notes, when the Dallas FBI office had previously learned of an earlier such subscription-to the exact same publication-it had closed his file! This recommendation had a caveat. Hosty left a note in Oswald's file "to come back in forty-five to sixty days." (Ibid) But by then, of course, Oswald would be in New Orleans. Newman poses the question: Was the reason Oswald's case was closed for these six months because DeMohrenschildt was now making his approach to Oswald? (p. 277) Was another reason because Oswald was now about to enter the fray, along with the CIA and FBI, against the FPCC in New Orleans? (p. 289)
IVThe two finest parts of this distinguished work are the sections on New Orleans and, especially, Mexico City. Newman notes that the official story is that the FBI lost track of Oswald while he was organizing his FPCC group in New Orleans under the name of Hidell. This is when many credible witnesses place him in league with Guy Banister and Sergio Arcacha Smith at 544 Camp Street. But even though FBI agents Regis Kennedy and Warren DeBrueys were specialists on the anti-Castro beat in New Orleans, the FBI holds that Hosty did not know that Oswald moved to New Orleans until June 26th. In this book, the author demonstrates with a chart why this is so hard to believe. On page 300 he lists seven different events between May 14th and June 5th that should have caused the Bureau to realize that Oswald had moved. If you believe the Bureau, it wasn't enough.
The author suspects this methodical obtuseness was due to the fact that Oswald was in, what Newman calls, his "undercover" phase in New Orleans. That is, he has visited Jones Printing to order flyers with two different stamps applied, neither of them in his name. The first is under the name Hidell, and the second is addressed 544 Camp St. Newman believes that Banister was using Oswald to smoke out leftwing students and liberal professors at Tulane, like Prof. Leonard Reissman. Newman also brings out the fact that in a memo to the Bureau from New Orleans, the information that several FPCC pamphlets contained the 544 Camp St. address was scratched out. (p. 310)
The next discovery made by the author is also arresting. The FBI says they discovered Oswald was in New Orleans at the end of June. (p. 317) Yet they did not verify where he lived until August 5th. As Newman notes, the latter is the same day that Oswald broke out of his undercover mode and contacted some Cuban exiles, using his real name. Or as the author puts it: " ... the FBI's alleged blind period covers-to the day-the precise period of Oswald's undercover activity in New Orleans." (Ibid)
On August 5th, Oswald begins to play an overt role as an agent provocateur with Carlos Bringuier of the anti-Castro exile group, the DRE. The Warren Commission never knew that the DRE had a CIA code name, AMSPELL. When Oswald is arrested on Canal Street after his famous altercation with Bringuier, he actually had the Corliss Lamont booklet, "The Crime Against Cuba" with him. This had the "FPCC 544 Camp Street" stamp on it. (As I showed in my first book, this particular pamphlet was very likely provided to Banister through the CIA itself. See Destiny Betrayed, p. 219) Newman then details Oswald's arrest, his court date, his activities in front of the International Trade Mart-with flyers in his own name with his own address, and how Oswald now goes to the papers to get ads published for his cause. Oswald was attracting so much attention that J. Edgar Hoover requested a memorandum on him in late August with a detailed summary of his activities. This went to the CIA. When Oswald debated Bringuier on a radio program, the moderator Bill Stuckey offered the tape to the FBI. And the DRE reported the incident to the CIA. As Newman builds to his climax, all of this is important in light of what will happen next.
After creating a lot of bad publicity for the FPCC in New Orleans, Oswald now lowers his profile again. At the Mexican consulate in New Orleans, he and CIA operative Bill Gaudet get visas to go to Mexico on September 17th .Why is the date important? Because on the day before, the 16th, the CIA told the FBI they were considering countering FPCC activities in foreign countries. A week later, Oswald leaves New Orleans on a bus to Mexico.
What Newman does with the legendary Oswald trip to Mexico is, in some respects, revolutionary. Greatly helped by the release of the finally declassified Lopez Report, he actually goes beyond that magnificent document. According to the Warren Commission, Oswald was in Mexico City from Friday September 27th to Wednesday October 3rd. The ostensible reason was to acquire an in-transit visa from the Cuban consulate so he could travel from Cuba back to the Soviet Union. But as Newman notes, this story makes little sense and is likely a ruse. (p. 615) Oswald already had a passport to Russia, but the stamp warned that a person traveling to Cuba would be liable for prosecution. If he really wanted to go to Russia, Oswald could have gone the same roundabout route he had in 1959. The route he was choosing this time actually made it much harder, if not impossible, to get to Russia in any kind of current time frame.
When Oswald first shows up at the Cuban consulate it allegedly is at 11:00 AM on Friday. (p. 356) Yet as the author notes on his chronological chart, he is supposed to have already called the Soviet Consulate twice that morning. (Ibid) The problem with those two calls is that they were both in Spanish which, as the Lopez Report notes, the weight of the evidence says Oswald did not speak. He tells receptionist Silvia Duran he wants an in-transit visa for travel via Cuba to Russia. But he has no passport photos. He leaves to get the pictures taken. When he returned with the photos, Duran told him that he now had to get his Soviet visa before she could issue his Cuban visa. (p. 357)
Oswald now went to the Soviet Consulate. But here we find another problem with what is supposed to be his third call there. The time frames for the call and the visit overlap. He cannot be outside calling inside when he is already inside. (Ibid) Further, this call is also in Spanish, which creates a double problem with the call. Once inside, Oswald learns he cannot get a visa to give to Duran unless he requested it from Washington first. And the process would take weeks. Oswald now makes a scene and is escorted out. He goes back to the Cuban consulate. Oswald tells Duran there was no problem with the Soviet visa. She does not buy his story and calls the Soviet consulate. They tell her they will call her back. Embassy official and KGB secret agent Valery Kostikov calls back. Oswald's attempt falls apart since Oswald knows no one in Cuba and the routing to the Russian Embassy in Washington will take too long. (p. 359) This call seems genuine. But as the author notes, and as we shall see, there was one problem with it: neither Duran nor Kostikov mentioned Oswald by name.
Oswald creates another scene and quarrels with Cuban counsel Eusebio Azcue. Now, and this is important, Duran insists that this is the last time she saw or spoke to Oswald. This created a serious problem because the Warren Commission reported that she did talk to him again.(p, 408) The apparent source for this is an FBI memo of Dec. 3, 1963. The HSCA realized this was a problem. So they grilled Duran on this point. They tried three different ways to get her to admit she could be wrong. She stuck by her story. (pgs 409-410)
Why is this so problematic? Because on the next day, Saturday September 28th, the Lopez Report says there was a call from a man and a woman to the Soviet Consulate. Further, in his interviews, Newman discovered that the Russians maintain that the switchboard was closed on Saturday. (p. 368) From this and other evidence, Newman concludes that the man in this call is not Oswald. Duran says the woman is not her. Further evidence of this impersonation is that Oswald had visited the Russian Consulate earlier that day. And this phone conversation has little, if any, connection to what he discussed there. From information in the Lopez Report, from CIA Station Chief's Winston Scott's manuscript, and interviews with the transcribers, there was also a call made on Monday, the 30th, from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. This call is apparently lost today.
Finally, on Tuesday, October 1st, there are two calls from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. Right off the bat, these are suspicious because they are in poor Russian. Yet Oswald was supposed to have spoken fluent Russian. So again, these two calls appear to have been made by an imposter.
But why? In the new Epilogue written for this edition, Newman writes it is because when Duran originally called the Soviet Consulate, Oswald's name was not specifically mentioned. When Oswald then went to the Soviets on Saturday, and created another scene, this was the last of the actual encounters. The specific problem was this: There was no direct record made between Oswald and Kostikov. As we shall see, this could not be allowed. So the two calls on Tuesday had to be made. And the necessity was such that the risk was run of exposing the charade by not having Oswald's voice on the tapes. Why was this so important?
VPrior to Oswald's Mexican odyssey, the FBI reports on his FPCC forays in New Orleans went into a new operational file at CIA, which did not merge with his 201 file. (p. 393) According to the author, this file eventually contained almost a thousand documents. Newman dates the bifurcation from September 23rd: shortly after Oswald goes to the Mexican consulate, and right about when he leaves New Orleans. The FBI report goes to Oswald's CI/SIG soft file and his Office of Security file. (p. 394) But after the assassination, all the FBI reports suddenly revert back to Oswald's 201 file. Only two compartments in the Agency had all of Oswald's file-CI/SIG and Office of Security. As we shall see, there is a method to all this meandering.
At CIA HQ, after the information about Oswald in Mexico City arrives, a first cable is sent on October 10. This cable is meant for the FBI, State Department and the Navy. This cable describes a man who does not resemble Oswald. He is 35 years old, has an athletic build, and stands six feet tall. (p. 398)
At almost the same time this cable was sent, a second cable from CIA HQ goes to Mexico City. This one has the right description of Oswald. So therefore, in a normal situation, the officers in Mexico City could match the description to their surveillance take. But it was missing something crucial. It said that the latest information that CIA had on Oswald was a State Department Memorandum dated from May of 1962. This was not true. For just one example, the Agency had more than one FBI report about Oswald's FPCC activities in New Orleans. Yet, for some reason, the file used to draft this cable was missing the FBI New Orleans reports. What makes these two varyingly false cables even more interesting is that Angleton's trusted assistant Ann Egerter signed off on both of them for accuracy. (p. 401) Apparently, she didn't know what she was signing, or if they contradicted each other. Further, Egerter sent Oswald's 201 file, which was restricted, to the HQ Mexico City desk until November 22nd. (Ibid)
For the first cable, Jane Roman was the releasing officer. She also participated in the drafting of the second cable. What makes her participation in all this so interesting is that she had read the latest information about Oswald in New Orleans on October 4th, less than a week before she signed off on the first cable. When Newman confronted her with these contradictory documents, she said: "I'm signing off on something that I know isn't true." (p. 405) She went on and tried to explain it with this: "I wasn't in on any particular goings-on or hanky-panky as far as the Cuban situation ... to me it's indicative of a keen interest in Oswald, held very closely on a need-to-know basis." (p. 405) Note her reference to the "Cuban situation". For it was Oswald's activities with the Cubans in New Orleans that was left out of the second cable to Mexico City. Therefore Mexico City chief Win Scott could not coordinate Oswald's New Orleans activities with what Oswald had done on his home turf.
For the second cable, the releasing officer was Tom Karemessines who was deputy to Richard Helms. It has never been explained why this cable had to go so high up into officialdom for permission to release it.
There is one last piece to this mosaic that is necessary for its deadly denouement to be fully comprehended. Ann Egerter testified that their counter-intelligence group knew Kostikov was a KGB agent. But the story is that they did not know he was part of Department 13, which participated in assassinations, until after Kennedy's assassination. (p. 419)
All of this is absolutely central to the events that occur on November 22, 1963. Consider: Here you have a defector who was in the Soviet Union for almost three years. He returns and then gets involved confronting anti-Castro Cubans in New Orleans. He then goes to Mexico City, and visits both the Cuban and Soviet embassies trying to get to Russia from Cuba. He creates dramatic scenes at both places, and here is the capper: He talks to the KGB's officer in charge of assassinations in the Western Hemisphere. By the time Oswald returned to Dallas, the alarm bell should have been sounding on him throughout the intelligence community. Especially in view of Kennedy's announced visit to Texas. He should never have been allowed to be on the motorcade route. The Secret Service should have had the necessary information about him and he should have been on their Security Index.
This did not happen. In fact, at the time his profile should have been rising, these false cables within the CIA and to the FBI, State, and Navy were actually lowering it. The final masterstroke, which made sure the information would be concealed until November 22nd, was not discovered until after the book's initial publication. As stated above, the FBI had issued a FLASH warning on Oswald back in 1959. After four years, this was removed on October 9, 1963! This was just hours before the first CIA cable mentioned above was sent. (The Assassinations p. 222)
As Newman notes, "the CIA was spawning a web of deception". (p. 430) When JFK is killed, and Hoover tells President Johnson about Oswald's trip to Mexico City and his visits to both the Cuban and Russian embassies, the threat of nuclear war quickly enters the conversation. But when the FBI discovers that the voice on the tapes are not really Oswald's it does two things: 1.) It points to something even more sinister, therefore throwing the intelligence community into a CYA mode, and 2.) It forces the Agency to hatch a cover story: the tapes were routinely destroyed days after they were made. The result of all this was an investigation that was never allowed to investigate. A presidential commission whose leader was told beforehand that millions of lives were at risk because the Cubans and Russians might be involved. And it exposed an intelligence community that was asleep at the switch, therefore allowing the alleged assassin to be moved into place by the KGB. The result was therefore preordained: a whitewash would follow. And Newman presents written evidence from both J. Edgar Hoover and Nicolas Katzenbach demonstrating that the subsequent inquiry was curtailed at its inception. Deputy Attorney General Katzenbach wrote that speculation about Oswald had to be "cut off" and the idea that the assassination was a communist conspiracy had to be rebutted. (p. 632) Newman later discovered that Hoover realized he had been duped by the CIA about Oswald in Mexico City. (The Assassinations, p. 224)
In his new Epilogue for this 2008 edition, Newman explains why only someone who a.) Understood the inner workings of the national security state, and b.) Understood and controlled Oswald's files, could have masterminded something as superhumanly complex as this scheme. One in which the conspiracy itself actually contained the seeds that would sprout the cover-up.
In this new chapter, Newman names James Angleton as the designer of the plot. (p. 637) He also names Anne Goodpasture, David Phillips' assistant in Mexico City, as the person who hatched the internal CIA cover up by saying the ersatz tapes had been destroyed in October. This is evidenced in a cable she sent on 11/23 (pgs 633-634). Yet she probably knew this was false. Because she later testified to the ARRB that a voice dub of a tape had been carried to the Texas border on 11/22/63, the night before she sent the cable (p. 654). Further, Win Scott had made his own voice comparison after the assassination. He could not have if the tapes had been destroyed. (p. 635) Angleton made sure Scott's voice comparison never became public by swooping into Mexico City and confronting, nearly threatening, Win Scott's widow after he died. Once he was inside the house, he removed four suitcases of materials from Scott's office. This included the contents of his safe where the Mexico City/Oswald materials had been stored. (p. 637)
This remarkable book could never have been composed or even contemplated without the existence of the Assassination Records Review Board. No book takes us more into Oswald's workings with the intelligence community than this one. And his section on Mexico City is clearly one of the 5 or 6 greatest discoveries made in the wake of the ARRB. The incredible thing about the case he makes for conspiracy and cover up is this: The overwhelming majority of his evidence is made up of the government's own records. Its not anecdotal, its not second hand. In other words, its not from the likes of Frank Ragano, Billy Sol Estes, or Ed Partin. It is material that could be used in a court of law. And it would be very hard to explain away to a jury. Imagine the kind of witness Jane Roman would make.
Which is why it all had to be concealed for over thirty years. So much for there being nothing new or important in those newly declassified files. Angleton knew differently. Just ask Win Scott's widow. Or read this book.
-
Written by Zachàr Laskewicz
=====
The House I built was not of bricks,
Nor stone, nor wood, nor mud and sticks;
Made thus of cards
Its fall was self
Fulfilling…Still, knowing it would all backfire,
I kept on, as I did desire:
Not ‘house-as-built’,
Instead, the act of
Building.I worked on it for hours long,
So you would think it safe and strong;
Yet for every hour
Intact I kept on
Praying…With the fragile beams I lay
I knew my house could blow away
Thanks to the weak
Foundations I was
Laying.===
House of Cards = Marina Testimony
=
==When Marina testified before the Warren Commission her convoluted testimony was reviewed by staff attorneys and compared with the numerous statements she gave to the Secret Service and FBI agents. Commission staff member Fredda Scobey wrote a memo to Commission member Senator Russell and said, "Marina directly lied on at least two occasions," and advised that she be cross examined.
Scobey wanted to discuss the subject of Marina's lying before the full Commission, but Chief Justice Earl Warren refused and told counsel J. Lee Rankin not to press the issue. Scobey then prepared a 7-page report and wrote, "Marina's testimony is so full of confusion that without the catalytic element of cross-examination it reads like a nightmare. By her own admission, Marina is a xxxx, and it is her voice that tells us how intensely she disliked the FBI and how she lied to that agency almost uniformly."==========also see http://www.giljesus.com/jfk/marina.htm
=========== -
Paul - I find researchers like Newman believable. I find Marina's testimony completely suspect. If you had concluded that Marina lied under duress you would have to rework your theory. But instead you say you choose to believe that she testified truthfully. I think the obvious connections between Marina's handlers, who kept her closely guarded for weeks after the assassination, and guys like Jack Crichton, who supplied the interpreter, suggest that she was under enormous pressure. Protective custody my ass. She lost her freedom, and no one in authority in the US government did a thing about it. That is why I don't even think Oswald shot at Walker. The nexus of people that claim he did, such as Marina, George DeM, and Schmidt, who as you say put the idea into Oswald's head, are not trustworthy. So much effort was made to frame Oswald, and you have chosen to believe the framers to some extent.
8888888888888888888888888888888888888888Marina Oswald’s Credibility (ZERO) (http://22november1963.org.uk/did-lee-oswald-shoot-general-edwin-walker)The Warren Commission was aware that many of Marina Oswald’s statements were contradictory and unreliable (see, for example, her evidence about Oswald cleaning and practising with his rifle). One of the Commission’s attorneys, Norman Redlich, wrote in a memo to J. Lee Rankin that “neither you nor I have any desire to smear the reputation of any individual. We cannot ignore, however, that Marina Oswald has repeatedly lied to the [secret] Service, the FBI, and this Commission on matters which are of vital concern to the people of this country and the world” (HSCA Report, appendix vol.11, p.126).
Redlich expanded on this when testifying before the HSCA: “She may not have told the truth in connection with the attempted killing of General Walker. … I gave to Mr Rankin a lengthy document*. … I indicated the testimony that she had given, the instances where it was in conflict” (ibid., p.127).
====*I recall it was around 29 contradictions. -
The Paines,Volkmar Schmidt and George DeMorschildt are part of the Dulles nexus.Belief that David Morales could manipulate the above is pure fantasy.++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
It was Ruth Paine who produced much of the suspect evidence that Oswald was in Mexico. Even after the police had searched her house and they had not come up with anything. Yet, Ruth Paine found some incriminating evidence that the Police could not find (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 284). This is the same woman who arranged for Oswald's job at the Texas School Book Depository in October 1963. Ruth Paine had also claimed to have seen, on November 9, 1963, Oswald typing a letter referring to his meeting in Mexico with agent Kostin, apparently another name for Kostikov. This letter was sent to the Soviet Embassy in Washington (Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 233). Some think the letter is a forgery, planted in order to incriminate Oswald. The Warren Commission accepted the genuineness of this letter. Largely because of corroborating evidence in the form of a rough draft, said to be in Oswald's handwriting, which Ruth Paine also allegedly discovered. What is particularly suspect about the November 9th Kostin letter is its timing. After being intercepted by the FBI on its way to the Soviet Embassy in Washington, the letter was summarized and communicated to Dallas, where the news arrived on November 22nd (see Peter Scott, Deep Politics III). (http://www.ctka.net/reviews/corsi.html)
======
(http://www.ctka.net/reviews/jfk_unspeakable.html)
Michael Paine did not just work at Bell Helicopter. He did not just have a security clearance there. His stepfather, Arthur Young, invented the Bell helicopter. His mother, Ruth Forbes Paine Young, was descended from the Boston Brahmin Forbes family -- one of the oldest in America. She was a close friend of Mary Bancroft. Mary Bancroft worked with Allen Dulles as a spy during World War II in Switzerland. This is where Dulles got many of his ideas on espionage, which he would incorporate as CIA Director under Eisenhower. Bancroft also became Dulles' friend and lover. She herself called Ruth Forbes, "a very good friend of mine." (p. 169) This may explain why, according to Walt Brown, the Paines were the most oft-questioned witnesses to appear before the Commission.
Ruth Paine's father was William Avery Hyde. Ruth described him before the Warren Commission as an insurance underwriter. (p. 170) But there was more to it than that. Just one month after the Warren Report was issued, Mr. Hyde received a three-year government contract from the Agency for International Development (AID). He became their regional adviser for all of Latin America. As was revealed in the seventies, AID was riddled with CIA operatives. To the point that some called it an extension of the Agency. Hyde's reports were forwarded both to the State Department and the CIA. (Ibid)
Ruth Paine's older sister was Sylvia Hyde Hoke. Sylvia was living in Falls Church, Virginia in 1963. Ruth stayed with Sylvia in September of 1963 while traveling across country. (p. 170) Falls Church adjoins Langley, which was then the new headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency, a prized project of Allen Dulles. It was from Falls Church that Ruth Paine journeyed to New Orleans to pick up Marina Oswald, who she had been introduced to by George DeMohrenschildt. After she picked Marina up, she deposited her in her home in Irving, Texas. Thereby separating Marina from Lee at the time of the assassination.
Some later discoveries made Ruth's itinerary in September quite interesting. It turned out that John Hoke, Sylvia's husband, also worked for AID. And her sister Sylvia worked directly for the CIA itself. By the time of Ruth's visit, Sylvia had been employed by the Agency for eight years. In regards to this interestingly timed visit to her sister, Jim Garrison asked Ruth some pointed questions when she appeared before a grand jury in 1968. He first asked her if she knew her sister had a file that was classified at that time in the National Archives. Ruth replied she did not. In fact, she was not aware of any classification matter at all. When the DA asked her if she had any idea why it was being kept secret, Ruth replied that she didn't. Then Garrison asked Ruth if she knew which government agency Sylvia worked for. The uninquiring Ruth said she did not know. (p. 171) This is the same woman who was seen at the National Archives pouring through her files in 1976, when the House Select Committee was gearing up.
When Marina Oswald was called before the same grand jury, a citizen asked her if she still associated with Ruth Paine. Marina replied that she didn't. When asked why not, Marina stated that it was upon the advice of the Secret Service. She then elaborated on this by explaining that they had told her it would look bad if the public found out the "connection between me and Ruth and CIA." An assistant DA then asked, "In other words, you were left with the distinct impression that she was in some way connected with the CIA?" Marina replied simply, "Yes." (p. 173)
Douglass interpolates the above with the why and how of Oswald ending up on the motorcade route on 11/22/63. Robert Adams of the Texas Employment Commission testified to having called the Paine household at about the time Oswald was referred by Ruth -- via a neighbor-- to the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) for a position. He called and was told Oswald was not there. He left a message for Oswald to come down and see him since he had a position available as a cargo handler at a regional cargo airline. Interestingly, this job paid about 1/3 more than the job Oswald ended up with at the TSBD. He called again the next day to inquire about Oswald and the position again. He was now told that Lee had already taken a job. Ruth was questioned about the Adams call by the Warren Commission's Albert Jenner. At first she denied ever hearing of such a job offer. She said, "I do not recall that." (p. 172) She then backtracked, in a tactical way. She now said that she may have heard of the offer from Lee. This, of course, would seem to contradict both the Adams testimony and common sense. If Oswald was cognizant of the better offer, why would he take the lower paying job?
The Paine’s Participation in the
Minox Camera Charade By Carol Hewett======================================Back Issue ProbeRuth Paine: Social Activist or Contra Support Networker?The second installment in the Hewett-Jones-LaMonica investigation of the Paines. This one probes Ruth's strange odyssey after the assassination when she became a figure of intrigue in Nicaragua, seemingly in support of the Contra effort. Features new documents and a stunning letter.+++++++++++++++++++++()Evica closes the book with a couple who emerged as character witnesses for the Paines during the Warren Commission inquiry: Frederick and Nancy Osborn. The Osborn family, including his father Frederick Sr., was significantly involved in the American eugenics movement whose intention was to "create a superior Nordic race." (p. 251) Frederick Sr. also worked with Allen Dulles in the organization of the National Committee for a Free Europe. (p. 254) The funding for this group eventually came from Frank Wisner's Office of Policy Coordination in the CIA. (p. 255) These were the connections of the friends of the kindly Quaker couple who befriended Lee and Marina.########################## )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))########################Beyond David MoralesAlthough Newman names Phillips as the man handling Oswald in Mexico, O'Sullivan for whatever reason, chose not to include Newman's view regarding James Jesus Angleton, the Chief of CIA's Counterintelligence. In the 2008 epilogue of his superb book "Oswald and the CIA" Newman names Angleton as the man who designed the Mexico City plot. In fact, the name of Angleton is not mentioned even once during the two hour duration of the documentary. The same goes with Anne Goodpasture, Win Scott's assistant in the US Embassy in Mexico. The very person that produced the "Mystery Man" photograph, that was supposed to be Oswald entering the Cuban and Soviet Embassies. He is not a mystery man though, because the Lopez Report has settled the issue many years ago. "Since the time of the assassination, this man has been identified as Yuriy Ivanovich Moskalev, a Soviet KGB officer" Lopez Report (p.179). These should have been included, since it is by now fairly obvious that it was Angleton in Langley and Phillips with Goodpasture in the field who choreographed Oswald's moves and set up the Mexico City charade.
Two others facts that are very crucial in the case are not covered by this documentary. The first was a memo that the CIA sent to FBI the day before Oswald got his tourist visa to visit Mexico. There, the CIA proposed a counter-operation against the FPPC. According to the memo, the CIA was considering "planting deceptive information to embarrass the organization in areas where it had support" (Newman, Oswald and the CIA, pp. 622-623).
The second fact had to do with CIA's reply to Mexico Station that included the statement that they had no information on Oswald after May 1962, which was a lie. Jane Roman, Angleton's subordinate who signed off on the bottom of the cable, admitted to John Newman in 1994 after seeing the cable that "I am signing off on something I know isn't true." She also told him that "the SAS group would have held all the information on Oswald under their tight control", and that "it's indicative of a keen interest in Oswald, held very closely on a need-to-know basis" (Newman, ibid).
-
i didnt do it. i believe it was temporarily removed by moderator discretion.
-
Paul Brancato, on 03 Aug 2014 - 01:45 AM, said:
Paul and Steven - maddening as this sometimes is I am reading this thread. I agree with Steven on his take.
One question for you Paul - a simple yes or no - do you agree with the a Dulles brothers 'practical' alliance with Nazis against the Communists post war? A little digging makes it clear that this practical alliance existed during the war as well.Paul - you may be interested in this story of US-Nazi collaboration, originally appearing in the Daily Mail. I cannot vouch for its complete accuracy, however.
http://www.constanti...ney-backers-us/
Well, Paul B., I'm glad you put our differences in very clear terms. I absolutely disagree that the Nazi ideology has any hold at all on the Republican Party or has any remote semblance to State Power in the USA. //PAUL TREJO
Paul your 100 % wrong (GAAL) Ukraine change is for a banker globalist supremacy and totally supported by Republican Party. Clinton/Obama corporatist Republicans see
How Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, and Congressional ...
www.washingtonsblog.com/.../hillary-clinton-barack-obama-congressional-republicans-worked-together-create-flood-refugee-children-u-s.htmlJul 11, 2014 ... Straight along, the opposition to the Clinton-Obama-Republican policy on this
has ... “Free Market” monopoly corporatism and “Free TradeAND
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=17955
=
Fascism equals Corporatism equals Republican party philosophy.
Corporatocracy, Corporatism, Fascism - Rense.com
"Fascism should more appropriately be called corporatism because it is the ...
over industry - was to keep the playing fields equal - between players and
owners.+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
David I have many fish to fry. Help Paul out...he needs lots of help....(GAAL)
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Nazis in the Attic, part 1
By Randy DavisDocumented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance Between the U.S. Establishment and the Nazis, Before, During and After World War II
========================================================
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/randy/swas1.htm
========================================================
Nazis in the atticThis is part 5, click for part 6
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
=============================
In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the
years just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.
The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge
that this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:
"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945,
when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The
documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then
head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi
client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the
Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false
biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"
The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally
vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the
Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the
Arabian-American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him,
including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the
captured Konti records."
According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy officer who was reviewing the
Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged
to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)
Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved
John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files
showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles
brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in
Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became
president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection
in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)
After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he
and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the
Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist
investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer
the investigations away from the intelligence community.
"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been
recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief,
Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for
the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.
"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes
than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One
Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about
the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the
demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.
"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division,
which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World
War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a
significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political
and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation'
policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant
contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"
The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own,
such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New
Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the
Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European
Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)
This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed
Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When
[Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.
"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never
investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a
ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high
correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the
leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was
clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.
"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced
Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the
committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis,
even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration
program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long,
long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished
their networks.
"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic
council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during
presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's
tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of
the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." (4)
The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited
ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the
Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike
was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)
One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the
founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a
diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the
extermination of the Jewish population.
"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer
of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being
formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the
closet in droves.
"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came
such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends
of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive
Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer
meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)
"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in
marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the
Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .
"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. [syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's
famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November
1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic
groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who
interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking
member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.
". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It
is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration
changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as
they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)
The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward
Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and
Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of
advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known,
Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.
"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to
him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where
there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored
this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.
"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men
would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the
night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)
"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue
Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's
Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican
leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with
George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.
"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist
organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration.
The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a
notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the
Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there
are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .
"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had
brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends
in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United
States. . . ." (9)
It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the
Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a
matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to
reveal the slush-funds, money- laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage
of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the
assassination of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of
Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of
the truth by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand- picked
successor, Gerald Ford.
Continue (Part 6) ...
-----------------------------
FOOTNOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON -----------------------------
1 - The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
2 - Ibid., pp. 221-222
3 - Ibid., pp. 222-223
4 - Ibid., pp. 122-123
5 - Ibid., pp. 224-225
6 - Ibid., pp. 297-298
7 - Ibid., pp. 298-299
8 - High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418
9 - The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301
Continue (Part 6) ...
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Nazis in the attic, part 6By Randy Davis
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
...Like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again, to Allen Dulles.
Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their deals with the Nazis. . . ."
THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION
"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St. Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .
"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American contributors as well.
"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic recovery. . . .
"Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the American establishment. . . .
"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the firm was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.
"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine. . . .
"In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking.
"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . .
". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .
". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's 'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.
"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [standard Oil] Investing stock.'
"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'
"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .
". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.
"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S. government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.
"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father- in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian- American Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)
EDWIN PAULEY
"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own, he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.
"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the Roosevelt and Truman admini-strations . . . a 'big business' Democrat. . . .
Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."
Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.' There was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients."
At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons, "the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that they existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces. As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . .
"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi assets, then moved into another post where he could help them further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and intelligence operations." (2)
After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.
"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too low.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians. Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the development of George Bush's political and intelligence career. . . .
"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .
"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate. Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon that they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United States...
"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no doubt that the two families were close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he entered the House two years later.
"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account, the president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at the National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.
"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic' emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .
". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach program when he first ran for president.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after Bush did so, Nixon resigned.
"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's investigation of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program." (3)
In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)
---------------------------------
FOOTNOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH ---------------------------------
1 - The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361
2 - Ibid., pp. 362-364
3 - Ibid., pp. 365-371
4 - The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director., pp. 230.
Nazis in the attic BIBLIOGRAPHY BY SECTION
INTRODUCTION
The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American Politics Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler Duxbury Press, CA. 1972
The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed By Anthony Sampson The Viking Press, NY. 1977
U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
Facts and Fascism By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen Seldes) Sixth Edition In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943
Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949 By Charles Higham Delecorte Press, NY. 1983
Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for Themselves By George Seldes Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ. 1976
Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them Accountable By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen Viking Press, NY. 1976
The Plot to Seize the White House By Jules Archer Hawthorn Books, 1973
It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite Conspiracy Theories By Michael Litchfield / The National Insecurity Council EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992
The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People By John Loftus and Mark Aarons St. Martin's Press, NY. 1994
One Thousand Americans By George Seldes BONI & GAER, NY. 1947
Spooks: The Haunting of America The Private Use of Secret Agents By Jim Hougan First Bantam Edition William Morrow and Co., NY. 1979
The Sovereign State of ITT By Anthony Sampson Stein and Day, NY. 1973
Democracy for the Few By Michael Parenti Fourth Edition St. Martin's Press, NY. 1983
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time By Carroll Quigley Second Printing Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974
The American Establishment By Leonard Silk & Mark Silk First Discus Printing Avon Books (by arrangement with Basic Books), NY. 1981
The New Germany and the Old Nazis By T.H. Tetens Random House, NY. 1961
Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effect on the Cold War By Christopher Simpson Weidenfeld & Nicolson, NY. 1988
Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence By Mark Aarons & John Loftus First U.S. Edition St. Martin's Press, NY. 1992
Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA Terrorist Connection By Jonathan Vankin Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc., NY. 1992
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy By Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone Berkley Edition Berkley Books, NY. 1990
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News -- And Why By Carl Jensen Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993
-
Farewell Forum (last post)Dino Brugioni was the Duty Officer at NPIC on the weekend following the Kennedy Assassination. He was notified by NPIC Director Arthur C. Lundahl, (who had been notified by CIA Director John McCone), that the Secret Service would be bringing in a film, requiring NPIC assistance. ..........The agents viewed the film 4-5 times with a stop watch involved to gain appreciation for the interval between shots. After viewing the film several times, the Agents requested that 12-15 specific frames be enlarged and blown-up using a precision high quality enlarger, and then selected prints to be mounted on briefing boards.......They did take the Zapruder Film, and a list of names of All involved in the Briefing Board process...... Horne believes the Brugioni and McMahon/Hunter interviews reveal a "compartmentalized operation" in which Brugioni made Briefing Boards using the Original Zapruder Film on Sat night, and McMahon made Briefing Boards the next night/Sunday, using an altered Zapruder Film which had been constructed at the Top Secret "Hawkeyeworks" facility. After viewing the Brugioni Briefing Boards which revealed wounds inflicted from shots NOT fired from behind, it was immediatley obvious that the Zapruder Film needed to be altered, and those Briefing Boards prepared by Brugioni disposed of. Hence, the Zapruder Film was immediately sent to the Hi Tech, Top Secret "Hawkeyeworks" facility immediately, and the Sunday/McMahon Briefing Board Event scheduled at NPIC. In 2009 Dino Brugioni confirmed that in 1963 Kodak had a State Of The Art Lab in Rochester. It was used by the CIA for various classified purposes, and that he visited that facility More than once, and even Prior to the assassination. During the Janney interviews in 2009, Brugioni stated that in regard to the technical possibilities at "hawkeyeworks", "They could do ANYTHING".
seeand++++++++++++++++++++++++++Mannlicher-Carcano could only fire with aim sighting so fast and thus the need for (GAAL) ," ... a stop watch involved to gain appreciation for the interval between shots.". Dino Brugioni also said that the Secret Service was vitally interested in timing how many seconds occurred between various frames, and that Ralph Pearse informed them, to their surprise and dismay, that this would be a useless procedure because the Bell and Howell movie camera (that they told him had taken the movie) was a spring-wound camera, with a constantly varying operating speed, and that while he could certainly time the number of seconds between various frames if they so desired, that in his view it was an unscientific and useless procedure which would provide bad data, and lead to false conclusions, or words to that effect. Nevertheless, at the request of the two Secret Service agents, Ralph Pearse dutifully used a stopwatch to time the number of seconds between various frames of interest to their Secret Service customers.=====
Yes it seems the Secret Service had foreknowledge of the problems (multiple shooters) to be revealed in the Zapruder film.(GAAL)++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
a] saw the crowds, he went up the mountain and after he sat down, his disciples approached him. 2 And opening his mouth he began to teach them, saying,
The Sermon on the Mount: Salt and Light3 “Blessed are the poor in spirit,
because theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
4 Blessed are the ones who mourn,
because they will be comforted.
5 Blessed are the meek,
because they will inherit the earth.
6 Blessed are the ones who hunger and thirst for righteousness,
because they will be satisfied.
7 Blessed are the merciful,
because they will be shown mercy.
8 Blessed are the pure in heart,
because they will see God.
9 Blessed are the peacemakers,
because they will be called sons of God.
10 Blessed are those who are persecuted because of righteousness,
because theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
11 Blessed are you
when they insult you and persecute you and say all kinds of evil things against you, lying on account of me. 12 Rejoice and be glad, because your reward is great in heaven, for in the same way they persecuted the prophets before you.13 “You are the salt of the earth. But if salt becomes tasteless, by what will it be made salty? It is good for nothing any longer except to be thrown outside and[c] trampled under foot by people. 14 You are the light of the world. A city located on top of a hill cannot be hidden, 15 nor do they light a lamp and place it under a basket, but on a lampstand, and it shines on all those in the house. 16 In the same way let your light shine before people, so that they can see your good works and glorify your Father who is in heaven.
The Sermon on the Mount: The Law and the Prophets Fulfilled17 “Do not think that I have come to destroy the law or the prophets. I have not come to destroy them but to fulfill them. 18 For truly I say to you, until heaven and earth pass away, not one tiny letter or one stroke of a letter will pass away from the law until all takes place. 19 Therefore whoever abolishes one of the least of these commandments and teaches people to do so will be called least in the kingdom of heaven, but whoever keeps them and teaches them, this person will be called great in the kingdom of heaven. 20 For I say to you that unless your righteousness greatly surpasses that of the scribes and Pharisees, you will never enter into the kingdom of heaven.
The Sermon on the Mount: Anger Toward Others21 “You have heard that it was said to the people of old,[d] ‘Do not commit murder,’[e] and ‘whoever commits murder will be subject to judgment.’ 22 But I say to you that everyone who is angry at his brother will be subject to judgment, and whoever says to his brother, ‘Stupid fool!’[f] will be subject to the council, and whoever says, ‘Obstinate fool!’[g] will be subject to fiery hell. 23 Therefore if you present your gift at the altar and there remember that your brother has something against you, 24 leave your gift there before the altar and first go be reconciled to your brother, and then come and[h] present your gift. 25 Settle the case quickly with your accuser while you are with him on the way, lest your accuser hand you over to the judge, and the judge to the officer, and you be thrown into prison. 26 Truly I say to you, you will never come out of there until you have paid back the last penny!
The Sermon on the Mount: Adultery and Lust27 “You have heard that it was said, ‘Do not commit adultery.’[j]28 But I say to you that everyone who looks at a woman to lust for her has already committed adultery with her in his heart. 29 And if your right eye causes you to sin, tear it out and throw it from you! For it is better for you that one of your members be destroyed than your whole body be thrown into hell. 30 And if your right hand causes you to sin, cut it off and throw it from you! For it is better for you that one of your limbs be destroyed than your whole body go into hell.
The Sermon on the Mount: Divorce31 “And it was said, ‘Whoever divorces his wife must give her a certificate of divorce.’[k]32 But I say to you that everyone who divorces his wife, except for a matter of sexual immorality, causes her to commit adultery, and whoever marries a divorced woman commits adultery.
The Sermon on the Mount: Taking Oaths33 “Again you have heard that it was said to the people of old,[l] ‘Do not swear falsely,[m] but fulfill your oaths to the Lord.’[n]34 But I say to you, do not swear at all, either by heaven, because it is the throne of God, 35 or by the earth, because it is the footstool of his feet, or by Jerusalem, because it is the city of the great king. 36 And do not swear by your head, because you are not able to make one hair white or black. 37 But let your statement be ‘Yes, yes; no, no,’ and anything beyond these is from the evil one.[o]
The Sermon on the Mount: Retaliation38 “You have heard that it was said, ‘An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.’[p]39 But I say to you, do not resist the evildoer, but whoever strikes you on the right cheek,[q] turn the other to him also. 40 And the one who wants to go to court with you and take your tunic, let him have[r] your outer garment also. 41 And whoever forces you to go one mile, go with him two. 42 Give to the one who asks you, and do not turn away from the one who wants to borrow from you.
The Sermon on the Mount: Love for Enemies43 “You have heard that it was said, ‘Love your neighbor’[t] and ‘Hate your enemy.’44 But I say to you, love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, 45 in order that you may be sons of your Father who is in heaven, because he causes his sun to rise on the evil and the good, and he sends rain on the just and the unjust. 46 For if you love those who love you, what reward do you have? Do not the tax collectors also do the same? 47 And if you greet only your brothers, what are you doing that is remarkable? Do not the Gentiles also do the same? 48 Therefore you be perfect as your heavenly Father is perfect.
The Sermon on the Mount: On Judging OthersThe Sermon on the Mount: Charitable Giving6 “And take care not to practice your righteousness before people to be seen by them; otherwise[a] you have no reward from your Father who is in heaven. 2 Therefore whenever you practice charitable giving, do not sound a trumpet in front of you, as the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets, in order that they may be praised by people. Truly I say to you, they have received their reward in full! 3 But you, when you practice charitable giving, do not let your left hand know what your right hand is doing, 4 in order that your charitable giving may be in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will reward you.
The Sermon on the Mount: How to Pray5 And whenever you pray, do not be like the hypocrites, because they love to stand and[c] pray in the synagogues and on the corners of the streets, in order that they may be seen by people. Truly I say to you, they have received their reward in full! 6 But whenever you pray, enter into your inner room and shut your door and[d] pray to your Father who is in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will reward you.
7 “But when you[e] pray, do not babble repetitiously like the pagans, for they think that because of their many words they will be heard. 8 Therefore do not be like them, for your Father knows what you need[f] before you ask him. 9 Therefore you pray in this way:
“Our Father who is in heaven,
may your name be treated as holy.
10 May your kingdom come,
may your will be done
on earth as it is in heaven.
11 Give us today our daily bread,
12 and forgive us our debts,
as we also have forgiven our debtors.
13 And do not bring us into temptation,
but deliver us from the evil one.[g]14 For if you forgive people their sins, your heavenly Father will also forgive you. 15 But if you do not forgive people, neither will your Father forgive your sins.
The Sermon on the Mount: How to Fast16 “Whenever you fast, do not be sullen like the hypocrites, for they make their faces unrecognizable in order that they may be seen fasting by people. Truly I say to you, they have received their reward in full! 17 But when[h] you are fasting, put olive oil on your head and wash your face 18 so that you will not be seen by people as fasting, but to your Father who is in secret, and your Father who sees in secret will reward you.
The Sermon on the Mount: Treasure in Heaven19 “Do not store up for yourselves treasures on earth, where moth and consuming insect[j] destroy and where thieves break in and steal, 20 but store up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor consuming insect[k] destroy and where thieves do not break in or steal. 21 For where your treasure is, there your heart will be also.
22 “The eye is the lamp of the body. Therefore if your eye is sincere, your whole body will be full of light. 23 But if your eye is evil, your whole body will be dark. Therefore if the light in you is darkness, how great is the darkness!
24 “No one is able to serve two masters. For either he will hate the one and love the other, or he will be devoted to one and despise the other. You are not able to serve God and money.[l]
The Sermon on the Mount: Anxiety25 “For this reason I say to you, do not be anxious for your life, what you will eat,[m] and not for your body, what you will wear. Is your life not more than food and your body more than clothing? 26 Consider the birds of the sky, that they do not sow or reap or gather produce into barns, and your heavenly Father feeds them. Are you not worth more than they are? 27 And who among you, by[n] being anxious, is able to add one hour[o] to his life span? 28 And why are you anxious about clothing? Observe the lilies of the field, how they grow: they do not toil or spin, 29 but I say to you that not even Solomon in all his glory was dressed like one of these. 30 But if God dresses the grass of the field in this way, although it[p] is here today and tomorrow is thrown into the oven, will he not do so much more for you, you of little faith? 31 Therefore do not be anxious, saying, ‘What will we eat?’ or ‘What will we drink?’ or ‘What will we wear?,’ 32 for the pagans seek after all these things. For your heavenly Father knows that you need all these things. 33 But seek first his kingdom and righteousness,[q] and all these things will be added to you. 34 Therefore do not be anxious for tomorrow, because tomorrow will be anxious for itself. Each day has enough trouble of its own.[r]
7 “Do not judge, so that you will not be judged. 2 For by what judgment you judge, you will be judged, and by what measure you measure out, it will be measured out to you. 3 And why do you see the speck that is in your brother’s eye, but do not notice the beam of wood in your own eye? 4 Or how will you say to your brother, ‘Allow me to remove the speck from your eye,’ and behold, the beam of wood is in your own eye? 5 Hypocrite! First remove the beam of wood from your own eye and then you will see clearly to remove the speck from your brother’s eye!
6 “Do not give what is holy to dogs, or throw your pearls in front of pigs, lest they trample them with their feet, and turn around and[a] tear you to pieces.
The Sermon on the Mount: Ask, Seek, Knock7 “Ask and it will be given to you; seek and you will find; knock and it will be opened for you. 8 For everyone who asks receives, and the one who seeks finds, and to the one who knocks it will be opened. 9 Or what man is there among you, if his son will ask him for bread, will give him a stone? 10 Or also if he will ask for a fish, will give him a snake? 11 Therefore if you, although you are evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask him? 12 Therefore in all things, whatever you want that people should do to you, thus also you do to them. For this is the law and the prophets.
The Sermon on the Mount: The Narrow Gate13 “Enter through the narrow gate, because broad is the gate and spacious is the road that leads to destruction, and there are many who enter through it, 14 because narrow[c]is the gate and constricted is the road that leads to life, and there are few who find it!
The Sermon on the Mount: Recognizing False Prophets15 “Beware of false prophets who come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inside are ravenous wolves. 16 You will recognize them by their fruits: they do not gather grapes from thorn bushes or figs from thistles, do they?[d]17 In the same way, every good tree produces good fruit, but a bad tree produces bad fruit. 18 A good tree is not able to produce bad fruit, nor a bad tree to produce good fruit. 19 Every tree that does not produce good fruit is cut down and thrown into the fire. 20 As a result, you will recognize them by their fruits.
The Sermon on the Mount: False Followers21 “Not everyone who says to me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter into the kingdom of heaven, but the one who does the will of my Father who is in heaven. 22 On that day many will say to me, ‘Lord, Lord, did we not prophesy in your name, and expel demons in your name, and perform many miracles in your name?’ 23 And then I will say to them plainly,[e] ‘I never knew you. Depart from me, you who practice lawlessness!’
The Sermon on the Mount: Two Houses and Two Foundations24 “Therefore everyone who hears these words of mine and does them will be like a wise man who built his house on the rock. 25 And the rain came down and the rivers came and the winds blew and beat against that house, and it did not collapse, because its foundation was laid on the rock. 26 And everyone who hears these words of mine and does not do them will be like a foolish man who built his house on the sand. 27 And the rain came down and the rivers came and the winds blew and beat against that house, and it collapsed, and its fall was great.”
The Sermon on the Mount: Response28 And it happened when Jesus finished these words the crowds were amazed at his teaching, 29 because he was teaching them like one who had authority, and not like their scribes.
-
So, Steven, I'm interested in Racism in the USA as it pertains to the JFK murder. But I'm not interested in broad theories -- I'm interested in the ground-crew -- in specific names of those directly suspect in the murder of JFK.
Best regards,
--Paul Trejo
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
near zero comment from you on this thread
see
Dulles worked with Hall in promoting the Republican Ethnic Divisions and Hall worked with Scribner head lawyer of Treasury Dept. Dulles friend of next head lawyer Treasury Dept. These are names not fitting into "ROGUE" thesis.(GAAL)##############################################################See also AFA #‘s 15, 37, as well as FTR #158–DE re Oswald/assassination
##############################################################
Posted by Dave Emory ⋅ March 2, 2014 ⋅This program details more of the background of the OUN/B, a Ukrainian fascist organization whose political heirs are front and center in the Ukrainian crisis. After setting forth the role of Senator Thomas Dodd in the dissemination of the disinformation concerning links between the supposed KGB assassin Oswald and the alleged Soviet murder of OUN/B leader Bandera, the program highlights the evolution of the OUN/B during the Cold War. After becoming a major element of the GOP’s ethnic outreach organization, the OUN/B played a significant role in the Free Congress Foundation and, through that relationship, the destabilization of the Soviet Union. After the breakup of the USSR, Ykaterina Chumachenko–a key player in the OUN/B’s top U.S. front group and also Ronald Reagan’s Deputy Director of Public Liaison–married Viktor Yuschenko, the beneficiary of the “Orange Revolution.”
============================
FTR #779 OUN/B Redux: The Underground Reich and the Ukrainian CrisisPosted by Dave Emory ⋅ March 9, 2014 ⋅For decades, we have covered the OUN/B, a Ukrainian fascist organization allied with the German general staff in World War II. With a profound presence in the GOP’s Ethnic division, as well as the contemporary Ukrainian political infrastructure, the OUN/B is anything but an historical relic. Centered on the Swoboda party, as well as the Pravy Sektor, the military and judicial processes in the Ukraine are firmly under the control of the OUN/B heirs.
++++++++++++++++++++++
(ANTI RUSSIAN RACISM IS ALIVE AND WELL COMING FROM THE USA TODAY,GAAL)
McCain Carries on an Old GOP Tradition, Working with NazisPosted by Dave Emory ⋅ January 10, 2014COMMENT: During the recent political turmoil in the Ukraine, U.S. Senator John McCain repeatedly networked with Oleh Tyahnybok, head of the Swoboda party. (McCain was Edward Snowden’s choice of Presidential candidates in 2008, with neo-Nazi/Ku Klux Klan associate Ron Paul being Snowden’s 2012 selection.)
For Republicans, working with Nazis is more or less standard operating procedure.
Swoboda is directly descended from the OUN/B.
For decades, we have covered the OUN/B, a Ukrainian fascist organization allied with the German general staff in World War II. Having staffed the 14th Waffen SS (Galician) Division and the Einsatzgruppen (mobile execution squads) in the Ukraine, the OUN/B was a pivotal element in the postwar Gehlen spy outfit in its CIA and BND incarnations, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations and the GOP ethnic outreach organization.
For some time, the pro-EU/German bloc of Ukrainian political parties currently garnering headlines with protests in Kiev and other cities has manifested the fascist roots and alliances of the OUN/B.
Both Yulia Timoshenko’s “Fatherland” party and the UDAR party network with the Svoboda party of Oleg Tyagnibok (“Oleh Tiahnybok”), which has evolved directly from the fascist OUN/B of Stephan Bandera.
OUN/B has been deeply involved with covert operations and figures in the investigation into the assassination of President Kennedy, as well as the de-stabilization of the Soviet Union during the climactic phase of the Cold War. With a profound presence in the GOP’s Ethnic division, as well as the contemporary Ukrainian political infrastructure, the OUN/B is anything but an historical relic. The development of the OUN/B in both the U.S. and the Ukraine is explained in great historical depth in AFA #37.
In the past we have noted that Ykaterina Chumachenko, head of the OUN/B’s leading front organization in the U.S. and Ronald Reagan’s Deputy Director of Public Liaison, went on to marry Viktor Yuschenko and become First Lady of the Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution.”
With the Yuschenko regime in power, OUN/B founder Stephan Bandera was named a hero of the Ukraine. Roman Shukhevych was also granted that honor. Shukhevych lead the OUN/B-staffed Einsatzgruppe “Nightingale” in its liquidation of the Lvov Ghetto! (Lvov has also been known as Lemberg at various times in its recent history.)
On New Year’s Day, the Swoboda party organized and led a celebration of Stephan Bandera’s birthday. (See text excerpt below.)
“Far-right group at heart of Ukraine Protests Meet US Senator” ; News 4 [uK]; 12/16/2013.
EXCERPT: Ukraine’s pro-EU protests show no sign of stopping – US Senator John McCain dined with opposition leaders this weekend, including the extreme far-right Svoboda party.
During his trip the former US presidential candidate met with government and opposition figures, but gave his endorsement to the pro-Europe protesters.
Senator McCain later waved to protesters from the stage in Independence Square during a mass rally in Kiev, standing with Oleh Tyahnybok, leader of the anti-Semitic Svoboda party. . . . .
“15,000 Ukraine Nationalists March for Divisive Bandera” [AP]; USA Today; 1/1/2014.
EXCERPT: About 15,000 people marched through Kiev on Wednesday night to honor Stepan Bandera, glorified by some as a leader of Ukraine’s liberation movement and dismissed by others as a Nazi collaborator.
The march was held in Ukraine’s capital on what would have been Bandera’s 105th birthday, and many of the celebrants carried torches.
Some wore the uniform of a Ukrainian division of the German army during World War II. Others chanted “Ukraine above all!” and “Bandera, come and bring order!”
However, many of Bandera’s followers sought to play down his collaboration with the Germans in the fight for Ukraine’s independence as the leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukraine’s foremost nationalist organization in the first half of the 20th century.
Bandera, who died 55 year ago, remains a deeply divisive figure in Ukraine, glorified by many in western Ukraine as a freedom fighter but dismissed by millions in eastern and southeastern Ukraine as a traitor to the Soviet Union’s struggle against the occupying German army.
...
His group also was involved in the ethnic cleansing that killed tens of thousands of Poles in 1942–44. The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists portrayed Russians, Poles, Hungarians and Jews — most of the minorities in western Ukraine — as aliens and encouraged locals to “destroy” Poles and Jews.
Bandera was assassinated in 1959 by the KGB in West Germany. [Actually, it was probably BND that killed Bandera, and his assassination at the hands of “the KGB” was involved in part of the cover-up of the JKK assassination. See AFA #‘s 15, 37, as well as FTR #158–DE.]
In January 2010, less than a month before his term in office was to end, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko posthumously decorated Bandera with the Hero of Ukraine award. That led to harsh criticism by Jewish and Russian groups. The award was annulled by a court in January 2011 under President Viktor Yanukovych.
Kiev has been the scene of massive pro-European protests for more than a month, triggered by Yanukovych’s decision to ditch a key deal with the European Union in favor of building stronger ties with Russia.
The nationalist party Svoboda, which organized Wednesday’s rally, was one of the key forces behind the protests, but other opposition factions have said the Bandera rally is unrelated to the ongoing protest encampment in central Kiev.
-
MH17 Was Forced by Two Fighter Escorts Into Path
The Fighter ‘Escort’
Radar evidence suggests that MH17 was ‘escorted’, i.e. forced, into the kill-zone by two Ukrainian fighters. Some reporting suggests that these might have been Su-25 Frogfoots (Frogfeet?). It has been pointed that the Su-25 only has a ceiling of FL250, i.e. 25,000 feet, but the Russian Ministry of Defence, who ought to know, state that it can reach FL330 for a limited period.
One has to be careful with the performance envelope of a ground-attack aircraft like the Su-25. The service ceiling figure will be for an aircraft with full military equipment, such as armor plate. You don’t need armor when shooting down an unarmed airliner. The 25 also has an air refuelling probe, which adds weight and increases drag. I suspect that a lightened Su-25 could easily reach and maintain 33,000 feet.
However, the escort was more likely Su-27s. They are highly agile and powerfully armed. A 777 captain isn’t going to take on a couple of Su-27s. Their role was to make sure that the target airliner followed Kiev ATC’s direction to fly over territory controlled by separatists, so that they could be blamed. Russian satellite overheads show several Buks, or shall we say Buk-like vehicles, positioned close to rebel territory, within range of the interception point.
############################################################
+++++++++++++++++++++++ Gee if you have the facts why lie ????? see below
############################################################
‘Wrong time, altered images’: Moscow slams Kiev’s MH17 satellite data -
Here’s a great and very long interview of Russ Bellant on the OUN-B and its ties to both Svoboda and the GOP and why it’s still very relevant history today: (LINK)
Foreign Policy In Focus
Seven Decades of Nazi Collaboration: America’s Dirty Little Ukraine SecretAn interview with Russ Bellant, author of “Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party.”
By Paul H. Rosenberg, March 18, 2014
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
As the Ukrainian crisis has unfolded over the past few weeks, it’s hard for Americans not to see Vladimir Putin as the big villain. But the history of the region is a history of competing villains vying against one another; and one school of villains—the Nazis—have a long history of engagement with the US, mostly below the radar, but occasionally exposed, as they were by Russ Bellant in his book Old Nazis, The New Right And The Republican Party (South End Press, 1991). Bellant’s exposure of Nazi leaders from German allies in the 1988 Bush presidential campaign was the driving force in the announced resignation of nine individuals, two of them from the Ukraine, which is why he was the logical choice to turn to illuminate the scattered mentions of Nazi and fascist elements amongst the Ukrainian nationalists, which somehow never seems to warrant further comment or explanation. Of course most Ukranians aren’t Nazis or fascists—all the more reason to illuminate those who would hide their true natures in the shadows…or even behind the momentary glare of the spotlight.
Your book, Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party exposed the deep involvement in the Republican Party of Nazi elements from Central and Eastern Europe, including Ukrainian, dating back to World War II and even before. As the Ukrainian crisis unfolded in the last few weeks there have been scattered mentions of a fascist or neo-fascist element, but somehow that never seems to warrant further comment or explanation. I can’t think of anyone better to shed light on what’s not being said about that element. The danger of Russian belligerence is increasingly obvious, but this unexamined fascist element poses dangers of its own. What can you tell us about this element and those dangers?
The element has a long history, of a long record that speaks for itself, when that record is actually known and elaborated on. The key organization in the coup that took place here recently was the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists [OUN], or a specific branch of it known as the Banderas [OUN-B]. They’re the group behind the Svoboda party, which got a number of key positions in the new interim regime. The OUN goes back to the 1920s, when they split off from other groups, and, especially in the 1930s began a campaign of assassinating and otherwise terrorizing people who didn’t agree with them.
As World War II approached, they made an alliance with the Nazi powers, they formed several military formations, so that when Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, they had several battalions that went into the main city at the time, where their base was, Lvov, or Lwow, it has a variety of spellings [also ‘Lviv’]. They went in, and there’s a documented history of them participating in the identification and rounding up Jews in that city, and assisting in executing several thousand citizens almost immediately. There were also involved in liquidating Polish group populations in other parts of Ukraine during the war.
Without getting deeply involved in that whole history, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists to this day defend their wartime role, they were backers of forming the 14th Waffen SS Division, which was the all-Ukrainian division that became an armed element on behalf of the Germans, and under overall German control. They helped encourage its formation, and after the war, right at the end of the war, it was called the First Ukrainian division and they still glorify that history of that SS division, and they have a veterans organization, that obviously doesn’t have too many of members left but they formed a veterans division of that.
If you look insignia being worn in Kiev in the street demonstrations and marches to the SS division insignia still being worn. In fact I was looking at photographs last night of it and there was a whole formation marching, not with 14th Division, but with the Second Division, it was a large division that did major battle around the Ukraine, and these marchers were wearing the insignia on the armbands of the Second Division.
So this is a very clear record, and the OUN, even in its postwar publications has called for ethno-genetically pure Ukrainian territory, which of course is simply calling for purging Jews, and Poles, and Russians from what they consider Ukrainian territory. Also, current leaders of Svoboda have made blatantly anti-Semitic remarks that call for getting rid of Muscovite Jews and so forth. They use this very coarse threatening language that anybody knowing the history of World War II would tremble at. If they were living here, it would seem like they would start worrying about it.
Obviously these people don’t hold monopoly power in Ukraine, but they stepped up and the United States has been behind the Svoboda party and these Ukrainian nationalists. In fact the US connections to them go back to World War II and the United States has had a long-standing tie to the OUN, through the intelligence agencies, initially military intelligence, and later the CIA.
Your book discusses a central figure in the OUN, Yaroslav Stetsko, who was politically active for decades here in America. What can you tell us about his history?
Yaroslav Stetsko was the number two leader of the OUN during World War II and thereafter. In 1959, Stefan Bandera, who was head of the OUN, was killed and that’s when Stetsko assumed the leadership. Stetsko in 1941 was the guy who actually marched into Lvov with the German army June 30, 1941 and the OUN issued a proclamation at that time under his name praising and calling for glory to the German leader Adolf Hitler and how they’re going to march arm in arm for the Ukraine and so forth. After the war, he was part of the key leadership that got picked up by the Americans.
There’s a number of accounts I’ve seen, at least three credible up reports, on how they were in the displaced person camp, the Allied forces set up displaced persons camp and picked up tens of thousands of these former allies of Hitler from countries all over the East, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania – there weren’t Polish collaborators I think most people know the Germans heavily persecuted and murdered millions of Polish residents – but Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, and so forth, Belorussia. They had them in these camps they built and organized them, where the Ukrainians were assassinating their Ukrainian nationalist rival so that they would be the undisputed leaders of Ukrainian nationalist movement, so they would get the sponsorship of the United States to continue their political operation, and they were successful in that regard. So when Bandera was out of the picture, Stetsko became the undisputed leader of Ukrainian nationalists.
The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in 1943 under German sponsorship organized a multinational force to fight on behalf of the retreating German army. After the battle of Stalingrad in ’43 the Germans felt a heightened need to get more allies, and so the Romanian Iron Guard, the Hungarian Arrow Cross, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and others with military formations in place to assist came together and formed the united front called the Committee of Subjugated Nations and again worked on behalf of of the German military. In 1946, they renamed it the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, ABN. Stetsko was the leader of that until he died in 1986.
I mention this in part because the OUN tries to say well during the war we fought the Germans and the communists. The fact of the matter is that they were the leadership of this whole multinational alliance on behalf of the German the last two years of the war and in the war thereafter. All the postwar leaders of the unrepentant Nazi allies were all under the leadership of Yaroslav Stetsko.
What happened when Stetsko, and others like him from other German allied forces came to the United States?
In the United States, when they came, his groups organized ‘captive nations’ committees, they became, supposedly, the representatives of people who are being oppressed in Eastern Europe, the Baltic countries, by the Soviet. But they were, in fact, being given an uncritical blank check to represent the voices of all these nations that were part of the Warsaw Pact when in fact they represented the most extreme elements of each of the national communities.
The Captive Nations Committee in Washington DC for instance was run by the person who headed the Ukrainian organization of nationalists, that was true in a number of places. In my hometown area near Detroit as well, they played a major role. In the early 50s, when they were resettled in the United States, there was at least 10,000 of them that were resettled, when you look at all the nationalities. They became politically active through the Republican national committee, because it was really the Eisenhower administration that made the policy decision in the early 1950s, and brought them in. They set up these campaign organizations, every four years they would mobilize for the Republican candidate, whoever it would be, and some of them like Richard Nixon, in 1960, actually had close direct ties to some of the leaders like the Romanian Iron Guard, and some of these other groups.
When Richard Nixon ran for president in 1968, he made a promise to these leaders that they would if he won the presidency he would make them the ethnic outreach arm of the Republican National Committee on a permanent basis, so they wouldn’t be a quadrennial presence, but a continuing presence in the Republican Party. And he made that promise through a guy named Laszlo Pasztor, who served five years in prison after World War II for crimes against humanity. He was prosecuted in 1946 by non-Communist government that actually had control of Hungary at the time. There was a period from ’45 to ’48 when the Hungarian Communist Party didn’t run Hungary. They were the ones who prosecuted him. He had served as a liaison between the Hungarian Nazi party and Berlin; he served in the Berlin embassy of the Hungarian Arrow Cross movement. This is the guy that got picked to organize all the ethnic groups, and the only people that got brought in were the Nazi collaborators.
They didn’t have a Russian affiliate because they hated all Russians of all political stripes. There were no African Americans or Jewish affiliates either. It was just composed of these elements, and for a while they had a German affiliate but some exposure of the Nazi character of the German affiliate caused it to be quietly removed, but other [Nazi] elements were retained.
...
Your book was an important revelation but was not alone. Your book notes that Jack Anderson reported on the pro-Nazi backgrounds of some of the ethnic advisors as far back as 1971, yet when your report came out almost two decades later, everyone responded with shock, surprise, and even denial. What lessons should we draw from this history of buried history? And how should it influence our thinking about the unfolding crisis in the Ukraine?
I don’t believe it’s ever too late to become familiarized and educated about the history of this phenomenon both the wartime history and our postwar collaboration with these folks. There were a number of exposés written about the émigré Nazis. There was a 1979 book called Wanted and it did a number of case stories of these people being brought in to the United States, including the Trifa story. Christopher Simpson did a book called Blowback that discussed the policy decisions, it’s an incredible book. He’s a professor at American University and he did years of research through the freedom of information act and archives, and got the policy documents under which the decisions were made to bring these folks together, and not just into the United States but to deploy them around the world.
Like my book, it didn’t get the attention it deserved. The New York Times book reviewer was negative toward the book. There are people that really don’t want to touch this stuff. There’s a lot of people who don’t want it touched. I think it’s really important for people who believe in openness and transparency and democratic values, who don’t want to see hate groups come back to power in other parts of the world to know what happened.
There’s not very many Americans that really even know that the Waffen SS was a multinational force. That’s been kind of kept out of the received history. Otherwise people would know that there were Ukrainian Nazis, Hungarian Nazis, Latvian Nazis, and they were all involved in the mass murder of their fellow citizens, if they were Jewish, or even if they were co-nationalists that were on the other side of the issue of the war. They were just mass murderers, across Eastern Europe. And that history, those facts aren’t even well-known. A lot of people didn’t even know this phenomenon even existed.
I think all Americans have a responsibility to know what their government is doing in the foreign policy in Europe as well as elsewhere around the world, as well as Latin America as well as Africa. Since our policy was to uphold apartheid in South Africa why weren’t Americans challenging that more? They began challenging that in the 80s, but the apartheid regime was run by the Nazi party. They were allied with Germany in World War II, they were the Nationalist party and they took power in 1948 and the United States backed that for decades. We backed the death squads in Latin America, even though they massacred tens of thousands of people – 30,000 people in Chile alone. Americans aren’t being attentive to what their government is doing abroad, even though it’s been doing done with their tax dollars and in their name, and I think we just have a general responsibility.
I went to these meetings, I went to these conferences, I went over a period of years. I met with them directly, most of the people I wrote about, I met with them personally or in group meetings. People can’t afford to do that on their own, timewise, but there’s enough literature out there they can read and pursue it, they will get enough enough of a handle to get what the real picture is, to demand change. I’m not totally partisan in this, but I think the Republican Party was extreme on this, but the Democrats folded and didn’t challenge this when they knew it was going on.
There is an old Roman poet that once said truth does not say one thing and wisdom another. I’m a believer in that. Tell the truth and wisdom will follow.
###############
see
. . .In Washington, the OUN-B reconstituted under the banner of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), an umbrella organization comprised of “complete OUN-B fronts,” according to Bellant.By the mid-1980’s, the Reagan administration was honeycombed with UCCA members, with the group’s chairman Lev Dobriansky, serving as ambassador to the Bahamas, and his daughter, Paula, sitting on the National Security Council.Reagan personally welcomed Stetsko, the Banderist leader who oversaw the massacre of 7000 Jews in Lviv, into the White House in 1983.“Your struggle is our struggle,” Reagan told the former Nazi collaborator. “Your dream is our dream.”. . . -
))))))))))))))))))))
Ive done original research on Scribner, Hall and Casey (1963 law.firm) Casey was reported as a outside of the CIA Dulles operative. Hall was a Republican Party stalwart (heading Republican Party Congressional division and working on JFK-Nixon TV debates). The Dulles were also Republican Party stalwarts helping Dewey write his speeches and setting up with illegal CIA monies the Ethnic Republican division. Scribner was head lawyer Treasury Dept.
------------------------------ then is replaced by
Gaspard d'Andelot Belin as head lawyer of the Treasury Dept. who socialized with Bundy,James Jesus Angleton,Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles
###########################################
Posted 27 August 2005 - 08:02 PM
Fletcher Prouty in his book ,The Secret Team, discussed Allen Dulles ambition to have the CIA penetrate all areas of the US government.Prouty used the existence of a high level FAA bureaucrat that was really a CIA asset to example CIA penetration. It is my supposition that Dulles started to penetrate the US Secret Service in the early 1950s. I come to this idea by my finding the 1963 lawfirm of Scribner,Hall, and Casey in Wash. DC area. Casey being William Casey,who was identified as a POST (thats post) WWII operative of Allen Dulles in the, The Secret War Against the Jews Book.
In 1952 Dulles had a dangerous plan to aid the Republican Party's control of the US Presidency. Dulles set up the Republican Ethnic Division (aka with some variation Heritage Groups today). THe Ethnic Division was organized initially in five states. These groups in the 1950s were a danger to the Republican Party in that key leaders were made up of recent displaced WWII Fascsists,Nazi and neo-Nazis.
Though information was reported circa 1979-1980 about these groups, this information on the Ethnic Divisions was never given the emphasis it should have gotten (LIBERAL PRESS ???). Dulles set up the Republican Ethnic Division to counter the Jewish vote that he felt caused Governor Dewey's razor thin loss to Truman.
A portion of the money for the creation of this Ethnic Divison would come from the money-laundering organization, The Crusade for Freedom,which was aided by William Casey and Ronald Reagan in the early 1950s. The head of the Republican Congressional divison in 1952 was Leonard (W) Hall. Mr. Hall would also chair the Republican Party. Hall had to have full knowledge of this fascists operation. Some of the money also came from the CIA (very illegal). In 1963 we see the lawfirm of Scibner,Hall and Casey. Who was Fred Scribner ? Mr. Scribner was head lawyer for the Treasury Department from the mid 50s till late 50s and also later the Under Secretary . On the internet I found a document that had Scribner working in the hiring of IRS agents. Now Dulles was so fixated on Presidential control he started the Ethnic Divisions which could have distroyed the Republican Party.
What strenghtens this theory is that Dulles also was a friend of another Head Lawyer at the Treasury Deptment, Gasper d' Andelot Belin. Dulles,his lover Mary Bancroft, JJA (Chief CIA CI), the Belin's,and the George Bundy's (Bundy being brother of Belins wife) ,would all share lunch and tennis at the Belin's. "Nobody could beat Allen ,at tennis",mused Mary about the Belin lunches. (A very competitive man, NO ??) There are some misspellings at NARA ,but you can find that Belin did work on the still secret (along with his mother's) Oswald tax returns. It is my supposition that via his relationship with the head lawyers of the Treasury Dept, Dulles penetrated the Secret Service.
MORE ON LEONARD HALL'S connections
JOHN HOWLEY '29
"Pop" Howley died on Sept. 1, 2000. He was 93. At Princeton, he was Phi Beta Kappa. He then attended Harvard law school, graduating in 1932, and was with the firm of Donovan, Leisure, Newton & Irvine until WWII, when he followed "Wild Bill" Donovan, senior partner of the firm, into the Office of Strategic Services (now the CIA), which Gen. Donovan headed throughout the war. After the war, together with Leonard Hall, who was later the Republican national chair, and William Casey, who later headed the Securities and Exchange Commission and the CIA, they formed the law firm of Hall, Casey, Dickler and Howley, a renowned law firm.=====
I believe that a few members of the Secret Service were part of the assassination.
This does not fit into the "ROGUE" hypothesis.
see#####################The Doomsday Project and Deep Events: JFK, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and 9/11Peter Dale Scott=========The State, the Deep State, and the Wall Street OverworldPeter Dale Scott=========The National Security State and the Assassination of JFK The CIA, the Pentagon, and the `Peace President`========== -
Report: “Worst he’s ever seen” says Alaska boat captain — Fishermen “talking about Fukushima… convinced it has something to do with it” — Salmon “not showing up… many have lesions or worms and parasites” — Crabs “more easily damaged… a lot of dead catch” — Herring, cod, halibut, pollock catches “dropping off cliff”===ENENews
Green Roots (Daily Kos), by CanisMaximus, July 29, 2014 (emphasis added): Alaska Fisheries In Midst Of An Economic Collapse — And not one politician is talking about it. But fisherman [...] people in the villages [...] People who rely on outfitting the boats, who repair boats; the fish buyers and brokers [...] cannery workers, the roe packers, and all the ancillary businesses. They’re talking about it. And what they are talking about is ocean acidification. My daughter is a customer service rep at a major company. She deals with customers from all over the state [...] she hears a LOT of ‘local’ news from people [...] since the opening of the herring fishery and the salmon fisheries, [it's] been about the failure of the runs. [...] One captain with whom my daughter spoke said it’s the worst he’s ever seen. He’s hauled maybe 5 tons when he should have had 100-120 thousand pounds. [...] The salmon just aren’t showing up, especially Reds and Kings. Many have lesions or worms and parasites. The crabs they are seeing are more easily damaged and there is a lot of ‘dead catch’ [...] many of the old-timers are talking about Fukushima too. She says these guys are convinced it has something to do with it. Other fisheries and species are also dropping off the cliff (herring, rock cod, ling cod, halibut, pollock) [...]
KDLG, July 9, 2014: Concerns of radiation from [Fukushima] affecting Alaskan seafood has been ruled out by the US Food & Drug Administration. [...] State Veterinarian Robert Gerlach says the concern in the public was that the radiation would pass via water and through the fish. [...] there is little radiation in the fish from the explosion. The only radiation found in the sample did not pose a health risk. >> Full broadcast here
Reports from other government agencies:
- NOAA/GEOMAR: After about 2 years… the northern edge has begun to enter the Bering Sea
- Fisheries and Oceans Canada: Why Measure 137Cs in Arctic? Pacific water contaminated with Fukushima 137Cs flows through Bering Strait
- Dept. of Energy: Monitoring at Amchitka [Alaska] Appears to Show Impacts from Fukushima
Recent reports from Alaska:
- Official: “Big, big decline” in Alaska caribou — “Mortality very high” after Fukushima began
- 'Mystery disease' on Pacific coast of Alaska -- Livers 'crumble'... Hearts enlarged, pale... Yellow lymph nodes... Blood-filled lungs (PHOTOS) -- Professor: Worrying there's no answers, big public health concern -- Testing carcasses for Fukushima radioactivity (AUDIO)
- Over 50 dead seals, sea lions, whales, walrus recently stranded in Alaska -- Dozens of seals suffering from baldness, skin sores -- Experts: "Marine transported Fukushima radionuclides... may represent a new stressor to ecosystem"
- Professor: Concern that Fukushima is impacting Alaska; “Unusual animals showing up dead… Seals w/ unknown disease… 1st ever cases of avian cholera”
- Large die-off of Alaska seabirds from disease never found before in state history — Official: It’s super, super common… except it’s first time — Hundreds dead per km²; Continued to wash ashore — ‘Relatively’ natural; Witness: Head flopped backward, appeared to have seizure, then dropped dead (AUDIO) December 12, 2013
- Officials in U.S. report “very rare mutations” in Pacific sea life — “Never seen anything like this” — Photos show red crabs completely white, “shockingly bright blue… almost unnatural”, or with yellow legs — Environment “could play a role” — Also observed recently by Japan (VIDEO) July 22, 2014
- Over 50 dead seals, sea lions, whales, walrus recently stranded in Alaska — Dozens of seals suffering from baldness, skin sores — Experts: “Marine transported Fukushima radionuclides… may represent a new stressor to ecosystem” May 6, 2014
- Conditions never seen before by scientists in Pacific seals and walrus — Thyroid cysts, lesions of reproductive system, retained placenta — Hunters concerned — Oceanographers to discuss radiation from Fukushima on Alaska radio tomorrow January 27, 2014
- Alaska: 28% of polar bears with skin lesions & hair loss, thyroids tested by gov’t… like symptoms in seals & walrus — Surprisingly high mortality of musk ox, weak immune system suspected — High rate of embryo deaths & bad eggs for geese November 18, 2013
July 31st, 2014 | Category: Audio/Video Clips, US
Secret Service Agents Response
in JFK Assassination Debate
Posted