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Posts posted by Steven Gaal
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OSCE Bociurkiw, we saw signs of heavy machine guns, no sign of missle
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MH17 Wreckage Seems to Show It Was Struck with Bullets and a R-60 Air to Air Missile
July 25, 2014 The Other===========================Russian air control radars apparently registered an unidentified blip suddenly appearing on screen close to flight MH17 at the moment it was apparently hit; this blip later disappeared. Kartopolov insisted the radar signature was a Ukrainian military jet, apparently an Su-25 that could have attacked Flight MH17, using its two R-60 short-range heat seeker “shoot-and-forget air-to-air,” which these military planes are designed to carry for self defense.
According to the chief of staff of the Russian Air Force, Lieutenant-General Igor Markushev, who together with Kartopolov presented the official Russian outline of the MH17 crash, Ukrainian officials deny any of their military aircraft were in air at the time over Donbas, “but you see that is not so,” which is an indication of guilt, he alleged.
Further evidence to support this claim is shown below.
The R-60 missile hole in MH17 notice rounded bullet holes bottom right going in which differs from shratnel holes coming out on the far left. Notice the scrapping on the right hand side with the metal dented in and the burn marks on the left and the metal pushed out.
More rounded bullets holes in the front bagage area of flight MH17
The section which was struck on MH17
Comparison of a huamn to BUK missile in greenwhich is too large when compared to the impact zone on MH17
for more info on R-60 Air-to-Air missiles see
http://weaponsystems.net/weapon.php?weapon=HH07%20-%20R-60
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After becoming Director of the CIA (DCI) in 1997, George Tenet did what Louis Freeh had done after his appointment as FBI Director. He began to cultivate close personal relationships with the rulers of Saudi Arabia. Like Freeh, Tenet grew especially close to Prince Bandar, the Saudi ambassador to the United States. Bandar and Tenet often met at Bandar’s home near Washington yet Tenet did not share information from those meetings with his own officers who were handling Saudi issues at the Agency. The CIA’s Saudi specialists only learned about Tenet’s dealings with the Saudi authorities inadvertently, through their Saudi contacts. It seems that Tenet was operating within a network that surpassed the interests of the American public. Therefore the unsolved crimes of 9/11, attributed largely to young men from Saudi Arabia, should be considered in light of Tenet’s actions.
As Deputy Director for the CIA, in 1996, Tenet had worked to install one of his closest friends and confidants, John Brennan, as CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia. Brennan is now the DCI but, in his previous role, Brennan often communicated directly with Tenet, avoiding the usual chain of command. At the time, as an apparent favor to the Saudis, CIA analysts were discouraged from questioning Saudi relationship to Arab extremists.
The unusual relationship that both George Tenet and Louis Freeh had with Saudi intelligence (and George H.W. Bush) recalls the private network that was created in the mid-1970s to accomplish covert actions though means of proxies. This private network included disgruntled CIA officers who had been fired by President Carter, as well as the group known as The Safari Club, and the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).
The Safari Club resulted from an agreement between Saudi Arabian intelligence chief Kamal Adham, Anwar Sadat of Egypt, the Shah of Iran, and French intelligence director Alexandre de Marenches. The BCCI network grew, with the blessing of DCI George H.W. Bush, through the guidance of the Safari Club, which needed a network of banks to help fund proxy operations, including off-the-books operations required by the CIA. This private network was utilized in the arming of the Mujahideen, the precursor to al Qaeda.
The U.S. aid to the Mujahideen did not officially start until 1980 but went on for many years under the name Operation Cyclone. This operation relied heavily on using the Pakistani ISI as an intermediary for funds and weapons distribution, military training, and financial support. Evidence suggests that covert U.S. support for a “CIA within a CIA” existed twenty years later, when Tenet began leading the CIA, and that terrorist operations were among those that were funded.
That possibility underscores the failure of George Tenet’s leadership of the CIA as the Agency failed miserably to detect and prevent al Qaeda terrorism. This failure might make more sense in light of British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook’s claim that al Qaeda was not originally a terrorist group but a database of operatives used by the CIA. In any case, it was almost as if Tenet wanted al Qaeda to not only remain viable, but to be seen as an ever-looming threat.
For example, in February 1998, Al Qaeda made public its second fatwah, repeating its declaration of holy war against the United States and its allies. It included the signatures of Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, head of the Jihad Group in Egypt. What did George Tenet’s CIA do in response?
- According to CIA officer Michael Scheuer, “The Agency’s Bin Laden unit was ordered disbanded” in April 1998. Although Tenet rescinded the order later, Scheuer commented that “the on-again, off-again signals about the unit’s future status made for confusion, distraction, and much job-hunting in the last few weeks” before the embassy attacks.
- In May 1998, Tenet traveled to Saudi Arabia to meet with Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah. Tenet and Abdullah made a secret agreement that Bin Laden, if captured, would not be given to the U.S. for trial but instead given to the Saudis. Recommending that the Saudis bribe the Taliban to turn Bin Laden over, Tenet canceled the CIA’s own operation to get Bin Laden.
- Michael Scheuer claimed that, between May 1998 and May 1999, U.S. leaders passed up ten opportunities to capture Bin Laden. According to Scheuer, it was George Tenet and his deputies who rejected the proposals. Apparently two declarations of holy war by al Qaeda were not enough to compel George Tenet to increase his agency’s focus on Bin Laden. Not only that, Tenet seemed to intentionally back off pursuing Bin laden in 1998 and 1999, obstructing U.S. attempts to capture al Qaeda’s leader.
The result was the August 7, 1998 bombings of two U.S. embassies in Africa. The date of the bombings marked the eighth anniversary of the arrival of American forces in Saudi Arabia. Just months before the bombings, the CIA had been warned by the Kenyan Intelligence Service that the embassy in Nairobi was going to be attacked by al Qaeda. But the CIA ignored the warning. Not only that, but the embassy bombings were “carried out by a cell that U.S. agents had already uncovered.”
Late that year, in a memo to the CIA, George Tenet declared war against al Qaeda. He wrote that “Our work to date has been remarkable and in some cases heroic” but “we must now redouble our efforts against Bin Ladin himself, his infrastructure, followers, finances, etc with a sense of enormous urgency.” He said, “We are at war…. I want no resources or people spared… either inside CIA or the [u.S. intelligence] community.”
Although meetings were held, Tenet did not attend them and his deputy went only once. The meetings were attended by few if any officers from other agencies and quickly stopped addressing the fight against al Qaeda. No other plan was made at the CIA or elsewhere in the U.S. intelligence community, as a result of this declaration of war by Tenet, to defeat al Qaeda.
Despite the attempts by Tenet and others to hype the threat from Bin Laden and his alleged network, as of August 1999 not even The Washington Post appeared to be convinced of the threat. Reporters Colum Lynch and Vernon Loeb at the Post questioned the emerging legend of al Qaeda by writing, “for all its claims about a worldwide conspiracy to murder Americans, the government’s case is, at present, largely circumstantial. The indictment never explains how bin Laden runs al Qaeda or how he may have masterminded the embassy bombings.”
Behind the scenes, Tenet’s lack of action suggested that he was also unconcerned. An example was given in March 1999 when German intelligence provided to the CIA the mobile phone number and first name of one of the alleged 9/11 hijackers—Marwan Al-Shehhi. The CIA did nothing with the information. Although Tenet later dismissed its importance, others said that the number could have been easily traced, leading to the capture of Al-Shehhi.
Additionally, the CIA appeared “to have been investigating the man who recruited the [alleged 9/11] hijackers at the time he was recruiting them.” Although there is no evidence that the CIA took actions to stop the plot as it was unfolding, there were many interesting leads to follow. For example, in the summer of 1999 Bin Laden was reportedly given $50 million by a group of oil-rich sheikhs. The New York Times reported on this gift which came via a single bank transfer: “The Central Intelligence Agency has obtained evidence that Mr. Bin Laden has been allowed to funnel money through the Dubai Islamic Bank in Dubai, which the United Arab Emirates Government effectively controls.”
The links between al Qaeda and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) were far greater, however. These included that the alleged plot architect Khalid Sheik Mohammed (KSM) was said to be living in Sharjah, UAE as of 1999. Sharjah was reportedly a major center of al Qaeda activity at the time. One of the alleged hijackers, Fayez Ahmed Banihammad, was from Sharjah, as was alleged plot financier Mustafa Ahmed Al-Hawsawi. All of the alleged 9/11 hijackers traveled through the UAE on their way to the United States, other than Mohamed Atta, Nawaf Al-Hazmi and Khalid Al-Mihdhar, the latter of whom was said to be the one to facilitate the travel of the others. Accused hijacker pilot Ziad Jarrah was detained and questioned in January 2000 at Dubai Airport. However, CIA and UAE officials failed to warn German intelligence about Jarrah, who traveled on to Hamburg.
Overall, the lack of communication and action taken by DCI Tenet regarding the men who would be accused of perpetrating the 9/11attacks was reflective of the same attitude exhibited by FBI Director Louis Freeh. With the strong ties between Tenet’s good friend Clarke and the UAE, it would seem that much could have been done to stop the 9/11 attacks long before they happened.
Perhaps coincidentally, the CIA’s tracking of two 9/11 suspects who did not travel to the U.S. through the UAE has been reported extensively. This began with the monitoring of a January 2000 meeting in Malaysia attended by KSM and several other alleged al Qaeda leaders. The meeting included the two alleged 9/11 hijackers Khalid Al-Mihdhar and Nawaf Al-Hazmi. These are the two suspects who Tenet claimed the CIA had been looking for only in the few weeks before 9/11. The CIA must not have been looking too hard because when the two suspects came to the U.S., they lived in San Diego with an FBI asset.
With regard to the CIA’s failed communications prior to 9/11, author Kevin Fenton lets Tenet off the hook, saying that there is “no evidence of [Tenet] doing anything intentionally wrong before the attacks. Fenton acknowledges that Tenet lied extensively in testimony to the Joint Congressional Inquiry, and that he gave “a string of evasive answers” to the 9/11 Commission. Yet Fenton’s premise is that low-level CIA and FBI officers kept a secret plan [the hiding of evidence about the two suspects] from their superiors.
The facts, however, suggest that high-level CIA leadership was behind the orders to hide the evidence about Al-Mihdhar and Al-Hazmi. Examples include the failure of the CIA station in Bangkok to communicate that the two suspects had left Thailand for the U.S., and the order referenced by the CIA station chief in Kuala Lumpur when he said that he was not supposed to show certain photographs related to the men. Although that order was disobeyed, and the surveillance photos of the Malaysia meeting were shared with FBI officers, such an order to a CIA station chief could not have come from low-level officers. Control of multiple CIA stations could only come from the top.
While the CIA withheld information about Al-Mihdhar and Al-Hazmi living in the United States, Tenet simultaneously kept the threat hype going. A month after the Malaysia meeting, he told the U.S. Senate that Bin Laden was planning “to strike further blows against America.”
Despite this apparent threat, Tenet had not ordered a National Intelligence Estimate on terrorism in his entire tenure, the last one having been produced in 1997. According to the 9/11 Commission, Tenet finally recognized this need and charged the CIA’s Counter Terrorism Center with making a strategic assessment. But as with so many other coincidences, the person who was to lead the assessment didn’t start work until the day before 9/11.
U.S. intelligence officers later said they were told to back-off investigation of Bin Laden and the Saudis. After the Bush Administration took over in January 2001, there was a “major policy shift” at the National Security Agency in that OBL could still be investigated, but they could not look at where he got his money.
Adding to suspicions about Tenet are the mysterious links between Tenet’s mentor, David Boren, and training for the alleged hijackers. Currently the co-chair of President Obama’s Intelligence Advisory Board, Boren is the long-time president of the University of Oklahoma, which has its own airport. In the years before 9/11, the FBI came to the airport several times to talk to people there about the training of terrorism suspects. It was later learned that the university airport was where Zacarias Moussaoui trained to fly, and that Mohamed Atta and other alleged hijackers had called, emailed and visited the airport in the two years before 9/11.
These clues were ignored as Tenet refused to cooperate with the official investigations into the events of 9/11 and as he lied to representatives of the U.S. Congress. Tenet lied to the 9/11 Commission about having met with President Bush in the month before the attacks. He lied under oath about CIA foreknowledge of the alleged hijackers, and he lied to the 9/11 Commission by failing to tell them about torture videos that his subordinates later destroyed.
The facts show that, as DCI from 1997 to 2004, Tenet was responsible for an agency that had, at the very least, failed miserably to perform its duties related to counterterrorism. Overall the evidence suggests that, as with Louis Freeh and the FBI, some of those failures were intentional. Concerns that Tenet and Freeh had developed secret paths of communication with Saudi authorities, and that they might have disrupted plans to capture or investigate al Qaeda suspects, were never addressed. Therefore, an ongoing investigation into 9/11 should include George Tenet and his actions leading up to the attacks.
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From PESWikiJump to: navigation, searchThe following is a translation by Alan Yim of http://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20140720000273-260114 published July 20, 2014 regarding Directory:Maglev Magnet Generator by Taiwan Edison Creative Technology Co., Ltd
Hi Sterling,
Here's the translation of another article from Chinatimes.com that mentions 40 W input to generate 1.8 kW output that I've mentioned before. Base on this article, I think the need for 40 W input is not just for start up but for the duration of the power generation. So this is essentially a QMoGen device. I believe the existence of the battery rack is to supplement the generator in case there is a momentarily load of larger than 1.8 kW (for instance a 2 kW boiler).
Maglev Generator Generates 1.8 kW Electricity from 40 W Input
Inventor Teng successfully developed the world's first "maglev generator" which powered a light during the demonstration yesterday.
Taiwanese inventor Mr. Hon Gi Teng had led the R&D team for nearly three years to develop the "Maglev Generator" which is capable of electricity generation without relying on external energy. Preliminary estimates suggest that it can produce 43 kilowatt hours of electricity a day, far more than the consumption by an average home. It is expected to be in mass-production in a year. Teng claimed that the installation can result in an annual electricity bill savings of about $60,000 ($2,000 USD).
During the product launch event, Teng first started up a single "maglev generator disc" through a coil to power up a 110W light. Then he started up an array of 6 maglev generator discs that powered up a fridge and air-conditioner.
Teng stated that the generator utilized permanent magnets. Each generator disc (rotor?) has 12 magnets, using the magnetic principle of repulsion to generate power. The power generated is stored in the battery rack.
Teng also added that each generator unit has six 12-magnet generator discs. Each disc is capable of generating 300 W of electricity. If the generator operates 24 hours, it can generate 43 kW-h a day, which far exceeds an average daily home's use of 10-15 kW-h. The battery rack is capable of storing 7.2 kW-h of electricity as standby.
In fact, the company originally researched for more efficient wind power technology. But one day they encountered no wind. Teng thought, "Is wind really the only option?" The team then started venturing into using a motor to replace the wind turbine. Teng said that it only requires 40 W to power the motor. This invention is to use 40 W to generate 1800 W of electricity.
Teng said that currently they still have the design of the casing left to be accomplished. It was expected to be finalized in a year's time. They were currently negotiating with Hon Hai (Foxconn) for manufacturing. They have already gotten distribution networks in Germany, Japan, and Myanmar, of which Myanmar has an estimated monthly demand of 20,000 units.
Coverage- (This bullet points to the present page. Hence, there is no hyperlink.)
Featured: Electromagnetic > QMoGen > Taiwan Edison >
Maglev Generator Generates 1.8 kW Electricity from 40 W Input (Translation) - The "Maglev Generator" is capable of electricity generation without relying on external energy. Preliminary estimates suggest that it can produce 43 kilowatt hours of electricity a day, far more than the consumption by an average home. It was expected to be on mass-production in a year. (PESWiki; July 28, 2014)
- Taiwan invention Maglev generator power 1800 watt 40 watt Health (Radio Taiwan International; July 20, 2014)
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Guest_Don Jeffries_*=====We've often heard that Greer was not JFK's regular driver, and this has sometimes been used to excuse his inept performance in Dealey Plaza. I would think that even a one hour seminar would have imparted enough information to a presidential limousine driver to make him realize that you don't slow down (or perhaps stop) when you hear the sound of gunfire during a motorcade. The total lack or reaction by JFK's entire Secret Service contingent that day was inexcusable and should have been properly investigated. Of course, we could say the same thing about the crime itself.
If I recall correctly, Vince Palamara interviewed Greer's son years after the assassination. The son admitted that Greer didn't personally like JFK, and his reason was that "well, he was Catholic, you know," or words to that effect. I would urge all critics to read the great research done by Palamara, much of which is available online.
.....I don't think Greer's modest background-although it makes for a nice story-has anything to do with his total lack of response during the app. six seconds of shooting. Greer and his fellow agents had to have been warned to be extra-cautious, if anything, with the climate in Dallas (remember Adlai Stevenson had been attacked just the month before by extremely conservative citizens there). He had been driving the presidential limousine for quite a while, and as I mentioned before, a one hour seminar should have been sufficient for him to know not to slow down (or stop) when he heard the sound of gunfire during a presidential motorcade. The fact that he turned around, saw JFK's obvious reaction to the first shot that struck him, and continued watching him until the fatal head shot, speaks volumes about his culpability, IMHO. At the very least, he should have sped up instantly once he saw JFK's hands rising to his throat (after hearing the sound of gunfire).
One of the very first steps that should have been taken in a real investigation of the assassination of JFK would have been the intense grilling of each Secret Service agent in the presidential contingent. They should have been asked the hard questions about total lack of reaction, the late night drinking the night before, and the undeniable fact that LBJ's Secret Service contingent was not confused at all, reacting instantly and keeping their man out of the line of fire.
It's true that it's easy to be a Monday morning quarterback and second-guess the response of these agents, in an undeniably stressful and fast-paced series of events. However, that was their job, and they had all been well-trained for it. Presumably, they had all been told that when shots are fired, there is very little time to react, and that they must be prepared to protect the president instantly. I can understand one, or two, or even three agents being lethargic and not reacting at all to the sound of gunfire, but for every agent there to stare into space, or actually slow the car down in the case of Greer, without running towards JFK to push him down out of the line of fire, is completely unbelievable to me. In terms of conspiracy, the most obvious participants, IMHO, were the Secret Service agents assigned to protect JFK.
=======BREAKDOWN OF SECRET SERVICE HIERARCHY/ INFRASTRUCTURE
THE TOP TREASURY OFFICIALS:
1) C. DOUGLAS DILLON- Sec of the Treasury (former OSS) : on a Cabinet
plane bound for Japan via Hawaii with *
2) ASST. SEC. ROBERT A. WALLACE- with Rowley at a luncheon in D.C.;
denied dead agent reports;
3) ACTING SEC. G. d’ANDELOT BELIN- stepped in in Dillon’s absence
1963-1964 (related to David?);
4) [uNDERSEC. HENRY “JOE” H. FOWLER- replaced Dillon in Jan. 1965]
THE PRESS SECRETARIES:
1) *PRESS SECRETARY PIERRE SALINGER- code book missing from plane;
according to Pierre, only missed “two or three” trips (almost definitely
only one: Texas); extremely knowledgeable about motorcade planning/
security- worked with Secret Service on all prior advance work… except
for the Texas trip;
2) ASST. PRESS SEC. (#2) ANDREW HATCHER- in D.C. inactive (allegedly
because Hatcher was African-American, but a member of JFK's Secret
Service detail, Robert Faison, was also African-American and was with
President Kennedy throughout the Texas trip);
3) ASST. PRESS SEC. (#3) MALCOLM KILDUFF- first trip on his own:
official debut; essentially a non-player out of the loop;
THE CHIEF’S OFFICE:
1) CHIEF JAMES J. ROWLEY- with Wallace^;
2) DEPUTY CHIEF PAUL J. PATERNI- member of OSS during WWII- worked with
James Angleton and Ray Rocca (liaison to WC); involved in limousine
inspection with Boring, beating Rowley and Kellerman---and the FBI--- to
the punch (skull particles, bullet fragments, vehicle damage/
windshield); involved in LHO income tax check investigation right after
assassination; checked on CIA connections of suspects Mosley and Homer
Echevarria for the Chicago field office- matter was summarily dropped by
a call from headquarters telling the field office agents who spoke to
Paterni to send all memos, files, and notebooks to D.C. and not to
discuss the case with anyone!; Thomas Kelley- liaison to WC: assigned by
Paterni to go to Dallas and speak to LHO;
3) DEPUTY CHIEF EDWARD WILDY- totally out of the loop;..
THE TOP THREE AGENTS OF THE WHITE HOUSE DETAIL (THE SAIC’S OFFICE):
1) SAIC GERALD A. BEHN- in D.C. inactive: first full vacation in three
years under JFK;
2) ASAIC (#2) FLOYD M. BORING- in D.C. at home but IN CHARGE OF PLANNING
THE TEXAS TRIP [bishop, 1988 edition, p. 558; Truman Library Oral
History, p.63- on all the advance work…assigned to all the advance work;
JFK Library Oral History;interviews with Sam Kinney and Floyd Boring
1993-1994]; involved in limo inspection with Paterni, Trade Mart
decision, PRS checks, giving Lawson the Dallas assignment, etc.-
http://www.njmetrone...ara/boring.html
3) ASAIC (#3) ROY H. KELLERMAN- First major trip on his own in a
supervisory capacity without either Behn OR Boring;
THE WHD ADVANCE AGENTS:
1) WINSTON G. LAWSON (LEAD CAR)- WHD advance agent (and former CIC
agent---still with the Former Intelligence Officers Association!): only
did advance work for a short time before Dallas;
2) DAVID B. GRANT (TRADE MART)- Lawson’s oft-forgotten partner from
11/13-11/22/63; physically joined Lawson in Dallas 11/18/63 from Florida
trip (manned by ASAIC Boring in place of Behn); Boring’s right hand man
for Chicago, Florida, and Texas advances;
THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE ADVANCE MEN:
1) JERRY BRUNO- CHIEF DNC ADVANCE MAN: early organizer but not in
Dallas---adamantly against Trade Mart/ choice of route (out of the
loop);
2) MARTY UNDERWOOD- DNC ADVANCE MAN for Houston and Austin---adamantly
against choice of route. Heard rumors of impending
assassination---received confirmation of plot from CIA Officer Win Scott
shortly after assassination (out of the loop)!;
3) JACK PUTERBAUGH- DNC ADVANCE MAN for Dallas: IN PILOT CAR WITH LT.
COL GEORGE WHITMEYER- taught Army Intelligence, not originally scheduled
to be in motorcade. As for Puterbaugh himself, he denied any involvement
in the Tade mart decision he was subsequently “blamed” for. He is often
blamed for the motorcade route change, as well…
THE SHIFT LEADERS OF THE WHD (SAIC ASSISTANTS):
1) ATSAIC EMORY P. ROBERTS – in command of FOLLOW-UP CAR in Dallas:
ordered agent Henry J. Rybka back from rear of limo at Love Field,
ordered agents not to move after first shot on Elm Street, recalled
agent John Ready during/ shortly after one of the (head) shots. Usurps
Kellerman’s authority at Parkland Hospital;
2) ATSAIC STEWART G. STOUT, JR.- stationed at the TRADE MART (out of the
loop);
3) ATSAIC ARTHUR L. GODFREY- stationed in AUSTIN (also out of the loop);
THE V.P./ LBJ DETAIL:
1) SAIC OF LBJ DETAIL H. STUART KNIGHT- in D.C. inactive- transfer to
become effective 11/25/63 (out of the loop);
2) ASAIC (#2) RUFUS W. YOUNGBLOOD- LBJ’s car: listens to walkie-talkie
w/ LBJ---both Dave Powers & Ralph Yarborough denied that Youngblood ever
vaulted over the seat the way LBJ claimed;
MISC.:
1) PRS AGENT GLENN A. BENNETT- temporarily assigned to WHD: why did he
ride in the follow-up car (he was an administrator)---to monitor threat
subjects?-
http://www.mindcushi...tomythreat.html
2) WILLIAM R. GREER- LIMO: slows limo, looks back at JFK twice, disobeys
Kellerman, etc.;
3) JOHN D. READY- neutralized by Roberts;
4) CLINTON J. HILL (ASSIGNED TO JACKIE)- disobeys Boring and Roberts by
riding on rear of limo four times before Elm St. AND by lunging for rear
of limo ON Elm Street;
PART TWO: FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC TRIPS INVOLVING MOTORCADES 1961-1963:
NORMAL SECURITY IN COMPARISON TO DALLAS-
1) agents on / near limo in Dealey Plaza/ Elm Street before/ during
shooting (up to/ inc. 11/18/63; Boring tells agents not to mount rear of
limo between 11/19 and 11/21, according to Clint Hill)- blamed on JFK!;
2) motorcycles- from upwards of 6 flanking units down to a measely 4
non-flanking units (11/18-11/22 Fort Worth; according to DPD, this
occure at the last minute: morning of 11/22+ meeting of 11/21 via SS/
Grant)- blamed on JFK!;
3) The Secret Service was knowledgable about prior/ existing threats of
11/2 [Chicago], 11/9 [Milteer/ Miami], and 11/18 [Tampa/ Miami]: Boring,
Grant, Bolden, Martineau, Kinney, etc. Remember PRS agent Bennett’s
mysterious placement in follow-up car on 11/22/63;
4) Protective Research Section (PRS): ZERO threats found for Dallas
trip, despite three known checks, Stevenson incident, Wanted for Treason
photos, and warnings to JFK: Senator William Fulbright, DNC advanceman
Marty Underwood, San Antonio Congressman Henry Gonzalez, etc.;
5) Deleted squad car (meeting of 11/21 between DPD and Secret Service/
Grant)
6) Motorcade route: two dangerous turns (90 and 120 degrees) involving
slow speeds in a warehouse district (TSBD)- changed between 11/18 and
11/19 in spite of at least two better/ alternate routes; driver- no
independent knowledge: had to follow the lead car;
7) Publication of route- by (and denied by) the Secret
Service---accomplished with the help of Betty Forsling Harris, Bill
Moyers, and “the agent in charge of the Dallas trip”!;
8) Vehicles out of original, numerical order- changed 11/22 at Love
Field;
9) Media (press busses), photographers (always in front- cancelled at
the last minute at Love Field), Cecil Stoughton ( rode near rear of
limo/ in follow-up car July to November 21, 1963), Godfrey McHugh, and
Ted Clifton- moved away from JFK/ limousine, against prior protocal /
motorcades. DMN photographer Tom Dillard. While confirming this last
minute cancellation, said this brought the press/ photographers “totally
out of the picture”!;
10) Omissions: Behn, Salinger (Hatcher), Knight, Bruno [Rowley, Dillon];
11) Trade Mart (VS. WOMEN’S BUILDING)- determined speed of cars,
motorcade route choices, and security of building---Secret Service had a
hand in this whole affair;
12) Sheriff Bill Decker (lead car)- order 11/22 not to participate…via a
call from D.C.?
13) Overpass crowded 11/22 in Dealey Plaza, against protocal;
14) Windows not watched 11/22, despite Lawson’s “usual instructions” to
do so;
15) ATSAIC Roberts: recall of SA Rybka at Love Field; recall of SA Ready
in the Plaza (SA Hill delay); order not to move; usurps Kellerman's
power at Parkland/ switch of allegiance;
16) Ambulances on standby- gone inc. “epileptic seizure” incident
12:25---five minutes before murder of JFK. Rike said his ambulance was
called to the Dealey Plaza area on several false alarms several days and
weeks before 11/22/63!;
17) No bubbletop- a protective device (shielded JFK via sun glare,
possible deflection, psychological deterrent)---often on car in partial
form, as well (just the rear piece, for example). Strange, multiple
responsibility [Harris, Lawson, Kellerman, Sorrels, O’Donnell, etc.];
ultimately, blamed on JFK (although it was Kinney’s sole/ regretted
decision)!;
18) JFK/LBJ: in same city in slow, open vehicles in close proximity to
each other---unique and quite a “no-no”;
19) Umbrella man- presence/ actions not noted about, written or oral
(cause for delay, confusion? Signal?). SS manual states that this is one
of many things to watch for!;
20) Special ordinance of 11/18 with DPD: permitted action against unruly
persons becoming involved with peaceful picketing---was this a loophole
designed to give plotters/ SS/ DPD some flexiblity to do certain things,
and not to do other things, regarding security?;
21) Greer: slows limo, 2 looks back, disobeys Kellerman; leads race to
Parkland ( despite contradictory radio transmissions of SS);
22) Marina captivity by SS;
23) Autopsy related: body, x-rays, photos, skull fragments, bullet
fragments---SS firmly in control of these crucial items of evidence;
24) CE399: in SS possession
25) Limo: in SS possession---soon after rebuilt, destroying moving crime
scene/ evidence;
26) “dead” agent---many media outlets reported this as fact, at
different times and in different ways (inc. location);
27) “SS” agents---phoney or REAL agents in the plaza;
28) drinking incident 11/21-11/22: inc. four agents who rode in the
follow-up car: Hill, Ready, Bennett, and Landis!;=====John Simkin
Winston G. Lawson is an interesting character. When I first began investigating him I felt his career as a SS agenr did not make sense.
Lawson joined the US Army in 1953 and after basic training was sent to the CIC Counterintelligence School in Holabird, Maryland. Based at Lexington, during the Korean War he took part in the interviewing of prisoners.
In 1955 Lawson returned to the Carnation Milk Company and had various sales or public relations jobs with them in Poughkeepsie. He applied to enter the Secret Service in 1956 but was not accepted until October 1959.
Why the reluctance to take him? Yet, once appointed he makes rapid progress. He did general investigative work in the Syracuse area, until being transferred to Washington in March, 1961. Soon afterwards he was given responsibility for organizing the security for trips being made by President John F. Kennedy and Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson.
How did the SS justify the fact that he was kept waiting to join for 3 years but within 16 months he had one of the most important jobs in the service?
http://www.spartacus.../JFKlawsonW.htm====#####====##############deep politics forumPeter Dale Scott writes:
"Another army reserve officer in Dealey Plaza may have been Winston Lawson,
the White House Secret Service agent responsible for the choice of the Kennedy
motorcade route (4 WH 318). Lawson’s first three reports of what happened on
and before November 22 raise considerable questions about his performance.
For example he reported that motorcycles were used on “the right and left flanks
of the President's car” (17 WH 605; cf. 17 WH 624, 18 WH 741) although photographs
show that they accompanied at the rear (21 WH 768–770). Numerous
later reports from the Dallas police agreed that at Lawson’s own instructions the
proposed side escorts were redeployed to the rear of the car (7 WH 581,
3 WH 244, 18 WH 809, 21 WH 571). This change, ostensibly for the sake of security,
would appear to leave the President more open to a possible crossfire."
HSCA concluded:
"The Secret Service’s alteration of the original Dallas Police Department motorcycle deployment
plan prevented the use of maximum possible security precautions … Surprisingly, the
security measure used in the prior motorcades during the same Texas visit shows that the
deployment of motorcycles in Dallas by the Secret Service may have been uniquely insecure
… The Secret Service knew more than a day before November 22 that the President did not
want motorcycles riding alongside or parallel to the Presidential vehicle …. "
As far as JFK's security preferences as described in the final sentence above are concerned, Vince Palamara writes,
"One would have to wonder if that last sentence was pure sarcasm, as at least 6 motorcycles
surrounded JFK’s limousine (including one or two directly beside him) on June 29, 1962 in Mexico City,
March 23, 1963 in Chicago,on the European tour of June–July 1963 (encompassing Germany, Italy,
England, and Ireland), the November 18, 1963 Florida trip,and, most importantly, in San
Antonio on November 21, 1963, Houston on November 21, 1963, and Fort Worth on the morning
of November 22, 1963. Indeed, the USSS Final Survey Report dated November 30, 1963 for the
Houston Trip of November 21, 1963 states: 'On all motorcade movements, six motorcycles
flanked the Presidential limousine … in the downtown area of Houston, in addition to the six
motorcycles flanking the Presidential limousine, 24 motorcycles flanked the President’s
limousine near the sidewalk (12 on each side).' As HSCA attorney Belford Lawson noted:
'If JFK’s views of motorcycle deployment were well known, then why did it take six days for the SS
to convey them to the DPD?'"
(for Palamara's full essay, see www.assassinationresearch.com/v4n1/v4n1chapter06.pdf )
=====
THE STRANGE ACTIONS (AND INACTION)
OF AGENT EMORY ROBERTS======Six weeks before JFK was murdered in Dallas, his Secret Service driver Tom Shipman died of a sudden heart attack in Camp David. This made room for William Greer. Greer didn't accelerate the limousine after the first shot, instead he slowed the car down. (vincepalamara.com)==drunkenshrew[ Vince Palamara was looking for records of Tom Shipman since at least 1997. Here is what he wrote in the article:SA Tom Shipman died in late 1963, before the Texas trip. This was the extent of the author’s knowledge from 1997, the time of discovery, until 1999, when the author came across an online website dedicated to fallen officers that listed Shipman’s middle initial,22 and, most importantly, on July 26, 2001, when the following information was discovered by the author, once again via the internet: the website of the Association of Former Agents of the U.S. Secret Service,23 which lists 34 agents that passed away in the line of duty—out of literally thousands of men and women—since the late nineteenth century. The only JFK-era agent listed is White House Garage/Chauffeur Special Agent Thomas B. Shipman: “October 14, 1963: Died of a heart attack while on a presidential protective assignment at Camp David, Maryland.”So while information about Shipman might have been hidden for a time, this is clearly no longer true. The unclear and unstructured article can be partially explained by Palamara's comment.
^^^^^^^^^
HOWEVER (Gaal)This made room for William Greer.The problem with this statement comes from the linked article. Greer was usually the driver for JFK, and Shipman was usually the driver of the following vehicle, the #2 car.
From the article:
Former agent Gerald Blaine told the author that Kinney, Shipman, and Greer were “the three consistent ones” that drove JFK’s car (commenting that Greer “usually” did), also adding that Shipman and Kinney drove the follow-up car, as well.############################################################Well it was certain Greer would be the driver for JFK after the Camp Daivd 'heart attack'. (Gaal) -
I don't think that Morales wanted to blackmail the CIA. I don't even think that Morales knew (as Bill Simpich suggests) that the CIA would start a mole-hunt and camouflage Oswald's 201 file.
The fact that the CIA did start a mole-hunt and did camouflage Oswald's 201 file is no proof that this was intended by David Morales. I think David Morales simply wanted to link Oswald with Kostikov in order to motivate the USA to invade Cuba.
+++++++++++++++
OR it wasnt a mole hunt (thats an assumption). It could be just to confuse other intel agencies identity of LHO long enough to be part of assassination project.)))))))))))))))))))))))
Ive done original research on Scribner, Hall and Casey (1963 law.firm) Casey was reported as a outside of the CIA Dulles operative. Hall was a Republican Party stalwart (heading Republican Party Congressional division and working on JFK-Nixon TV debates). Hall also was OSS working with Donovan. The Dulles were also Republican Party stalwarts helping Dewey right his speeches and setting up with illegal CIA monies the Ethnic Republican division. Scribner was head lawyer Treasury Dept.
------------------------------ then is replaced by
Gaspard d'Andelot Belin as head lawyer of the Treasury Dept. who socialized with Bundy,James Jesus Angleton,Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles
###########################################
I believe that a few members of the Secret Service were part of the assassination.
This does not fit into the "ROGUE" hypothesis.
-
So if I get this you are suggesting that Meheu (Sic) was heavily involved VS support
might be obtained for tactical operations in Dallas, most likely via Jack Ruby
Hancock VS Hancock
++++++++++++++
Never said heavily involved. I echo you in support word. I dont see where I stated he was the center of the operation. Not all truth reality is in governmental files. "Certainly nothing I've seen in hundreds of LAPD RFK files suggests that was a line of investigation they pursued." HANCOCK.
#####
Never said Collins was part of RFK. I suggested that Maheu was part of (and thats the word I used "part of " both.
#####
BTW more than LAPD detectives thought Maheu was part of RFK per link given.
http://realhistoryar...ard-hughes.
#####
The use of more than a "car" by Collins Radio personel and (and ) Hughes Security is not in the "files". Not all truth reality is in governmental files. I believe in the analysis of the Spiders Web. Yet none of that is in the files. The book distribution in Texas was a cover for the Transnationally protected narcotics traffic many years before the assassination. Arms were later added to the "book" distribution cover. There is no real governmental file on the Transnationally protected narcotics traffic theorem. This theorem is done by inference of who was not prosecuted and personal anecdotal information. If you recall at the TSBD there were oversized large cardboard boxes (SEE Spiders Web)...could they contain books ?? No...how about guns ??? No..... Uniforms ?? Maybe.. makes you think DONT IT ?? Im not talking about the wooden Little Pony book boxes (I think Im on the right side of the matter on that one).
#####
If you followed my forum posts you would conclude I believe that the assassination was done by a coordinated compartmentalized conglomeration of actors. -
Steve, I'm at a loss to understand the relevance....my remark was very specifically in regard to a scenario being discussed in that specific thread...having to do with what sort of unwitting support
might be obtained for tactical operations in Dallas, most likely via Jack Ruby. You have lost me in moving it into the RFK case thread. Of course what I have to say about LAPD detectives is
pretty unflattering and is in my essays on the RFK assassination on the MFF site.
As a general remark, I do think some people might have been manipulated in that case but that's another story entirely.
The LAPD detectives told (my) Dad Robert Maheu did the RFK hit. If he (Maheu) did RFK he then must have been part of JFK. Since the CIA knew that RFK was going to reopen his brothers case ,the CIA killed RFK. THATS how they are related.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
"having to do with what sort of unwitting support
might be obtained for tactical operations in Dallas, most likely via Jack Ruby." (Hancock) re detectives.
++
Well I have info also (as stated some personal anecdotal information) that Collins Security Dallas was part of the Elm St work.
Your (Hancock) speculation of ," unwitting support
"might be obtained for tactical operations in Dallas, most likely via Jack Ruby. "(Detectives), might be unnecessary since
Mahue would/could use selective personel Hughes Security and the addition of Dallas Collins Radio Security. This would give tighter operational control than using Ruby hirelings.
+++++++++++
see http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=3253
and
http://realhistoryarchives.blogspot.com/2008/06/john-meier-says-howard-hughes.html
-
I'm afraid I don't follow at all....I don't know when I have presumed anything in particular about Dallas private detectives? Larry
HANCOCK WROTE
And to answer your question, no, political connections inside DPD are the last thing you want since they show up in investigations. What you want is very simple, to access one or more officers or even detectives known to do a few marginally legal activities on the side...for money. If they have done a couple of things that would make them subject to blackmail, even better.
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21126&p=286920
-
Robert My Dad worked as an electrician at City Hall and the Glass house (LAPD HDQ) for 35 years. He knew a lot of detectives and he knew I was interested in the RFK matter. (Since as a kid I saw RFK kick off the California campaign at the Ambassador Hotel .I saw RFK speak at the same podium he would when a few days later he would say, "On to Chicago". (four minutes before being shot. ) The detectives told Dad Robert Maheu did the RFK hit. If he did RFK he must have been part of JFK.
#################################################################
by Trowbridge H. Ford blog
In sum, when Giancana agreed to testify before the Church Committee on June 19, 1975, Harvey knew that he had to act quickly or else risk all being lost. That every night he visited Giancana at his Chicago home to discuss his upcoming testimony. Harvey set the Mafioso completely at ease by appearing without his famous .45 automatic pistol, what he always carried, and what he had to do if he hoped to see him alone. When Giancana, while cooking a meal, indicated that he would tell what he knew to Church's people, Harvey pulled out a sawed-off .22 pistol, just purchased in Miami, from between his buttocks, where he usually carried a backup .38, and shot him through the back of the head. To make the message plain, Harvey then shot him six times around the mouth to make it look like a Mafia killing. The Agency had its own code of honor, and Harvey was not going to be anybody's fall guy.
===========================comments
William Weston said...
According to June 14, 1976 NYT obituary, William Harvey worked at Bobbs Merrill as a law editor since the late 1960s to the time of his death. Since Harvey killed Giancana almost a year earlier, then that would mean that the Bobbs Merrill job was really a cover for Harvey's continuing work of the CIA. I believe that there is something spooky about the whole schoolbook business as per my article Spider's Web: Texas Schoolbook Depository and the Dallas Conspiracy.
########################
I have some other anecdotal information . I believe elements of Hughes Security worked with elements of Dallas Collins Radio security. IMHO Hancock's presumption of the
use of Dallas private detectives is incorrect and that the Elm St CIA/military hit squad used the two aforementioned (in red) elements.
-
STATED TO ME THAT MY GHWB - The First International Bank of Houston info was incorrect. I disagree.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
- ==============
- =========
- George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography | The Last Bastillethelastbastille.wordpress.com/.../george-bush-the-unauthorized-biography/Jun 27, 2012 ... The First International Bank of Houston funded the Plumbers, who were ... broke (PLUMBERS ?,GAAL)
into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee. - ##############################################
- National City Bank of Cleveland
the Rothschilds had developed important financial interests in other parts of the United States. The House Banking and Currency Committee Report May, 1976, "International Banking", p. 60, identified the Rothschild Five Arrows Group and its present five branches:
- , London
- Banque Rothschild, France
- Banque Lambert, Belgium
- New Court Securities, New York
- Pierson, Holdring & Co., Amsterdam
These five were combined in a single bank, Rothschild Intercontinental Bank Ltd. The House Staff Report discloses that Rothschild Intercontinental Bank Ltd. has three principal American subsidiaries:
- National City Bank of Cleveland
- First City National Bank of Houston (First City Bancorp)
- Seattle First National Bank
- ===========
- Resigning as CIA director in January 1977 following the election of Democratic presidential candidate Jimmy Carter, Bush returned to Houston to accept the chairmanship of the First National Bank of Houston
GHWB and Jack Crihton (Empire Trust) shared the same lawyer ,Pat Holloway, who also was a lawyer for the conpiratorial Great Southwest Corporation.
"In his memoirs former Cuban intelligence official Fabian Escalante asserted that Nixon had met with an important group of Texas businessmen to arrange outside funding for the operation. Escalante, whose service was vaunted for its U.S. spy network, claimed that the Texas group was headed by George H. W. Bush and Jack Crichton." (Russ Baker)
Empire Trust via Kuhn and Loeb are connected to the Rothschilds. The real head of PERMINDEX is Edmund de Rothschild. Whose family gave GHWB a job in 1977. Its not a large assumptiom to assume the Rothschild/Kuhn-Loeb nexus controlled Empire trust spy network was the one Escalante is referring to in his comments.(Gaal) - ===
Empire Trust's John Loeb had a network of associates that amounted to "something very like a private CIA," wrote Stephen Birmingham in Our Crowd: The Great Jewish Families of
New York.(26) Empire worked hard to protect its foreign investments and especially its stake in the defense contractor General DynamicsEmpire entrusted its affairs in Texas to Baker Botts, the law firm of James Baker's family(27) Besides Rice, another Empire Trust director was Lewis MacNaughton, a Dresser Industries board member from 1959 to 1967.
[Dresser industries, as Baker shows earlier in the book, was an oil drilling equipment company with global intelligence connections that in some ways remind one of Howard Hughes Hughes Tool Co. The company connected the Harriman, Bush, Walker and Mallon families, and was a key platform for both H.W. Bush's political career in Taxes and, in the more literal sense, for CIA operations against Fidel Castro's Cuba in the late 1950's and the early (but how late??) 1960s --N.H.]
MacNaughton was the employer of George Bouhe, the Russian emigre who would later introduce George de Mohrenschildt to Lee Harvey Oswald. Perhaps the most curious of the Empire Trust figures was Jack Crichton, a longtime company vice president who joined Empire Trust in August 1953 and remained through 1962. (28)(Bouhe drove around Marina (PRE ASSASSINATION) and may have even helped in the diaper changes of the Oswald children,(Gaal))
============================= SEE Archives
- De Dallas a Montreal: La filiere montrealaise dans l'assassinat de JFK (French Edition) Paperback Maurice Philipps
To summarize from Philipps above information.
+++++++++++++++++++++
Understanding PERMINDEX:
Louis Mortimer Bloomfield (takes orders from Mantello),
Hans Seligman (important Banker who is confused as who controls PERMINDEX which he has invested in)
Georges Mantello (who takes orders from
Edmund de Rothschild). Thus Edmund de Rothschild controlled PERMINDEX and at least in part of control of Empire Trust spy network.- Rothchild family gave GHWB a top executive job and GHWB/Crichton are part of business group providing outside funding for covert operations.
- #############
- #############
- see Simpkin .
-
ON THE WEB SUPPORTING KIEV VIEW
-
Herald-Tribune: Sarasota family had 'many connections' to 9/11 terror attacks
Posted by Orangutan. on Wed, 04/17/2013 - 6:42pm
Herald Tribune - Sarasota Florida
Published: Tuesday, April 16, 2013
The Al-Hijji family abruptly left this home at 4224 Escondito Circle in Prestancia, Sarasota at least a week before the attacks on Sept. 11,2001. - HERALD-TRIBUNE ARCHIVE
Contrary to previous statements made by the FBI to the news media, a family living in the south Sarasota neighborhood of Prestancia had “many connections” to the terror attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, according to newly released FBI documents.
The family, Anoud and Abdulazziz al-Hijji, had links to 9/11 hijackers — including Mohamed Atta and Marwan al-Shehhi, who trained at a Venice flight school in preparation for the assault on New York and Washington, D.C., that killed 2,996.
Anoud al-Hijji is the daughter of Esam Ghazzawi, a powerful Saudi businessman with long ties to the Saudi royal family. The al-Hijjis have denied any involvement or relationship with the 9/11 hijackers.
But the family abruptly left the Prestancia home that they had lived in for six years roughly a week before the 9/11 attacks, leaving behind clothes, food, children's toys and other living essentials.
In the newly declassified documents, the FBI's Southwest Florida Domestic Security Task Force reported that the exit was done “quickly and suddenly.” The family left no forwarding address at the time, according to Realtors and property managers who were interviewed by the federal agency.
After being alerted to the family's hasty exit by nearby residents and investigating the circumstances and participants, the FBI said it concluded that the family had no connection to the terrorists.
“At no time did the FBI develop evidence that connected the family members to any of the 9/11 hijackers,” Steven E. Ibison, the FBI special agent in charge of the agency's Tampa field office, said in a Sept. 15, 2011, statement made in response to media questioning about the al-Hijjis at that time.
But portions of the FBI documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act by BrowardBulldog — a journalism organization led by former Miami Herald reporter Dan Christensen, who has been investigating the attacks — seem to directly contradict those statements.
“Further investigation of the (name deleted) family revealed many connections between the (name deleted) and individuals associated with the terror attacks on 9/11/2001,” a portion of declassified FBI documents state.
The agency redacted many of the names in the 31 pages released under exemptions that protect people's names in law enforcement records. But it is clear who the subjects are because the documents specifically cite the al-Hijjis' residence, which was 4224 Escondito Circle in Sarasota's “Estates at Prestancia” development at the time FBI agents were investigating.
Though the FBI stands by its statements, the documents renew questions — previously raised by former Florida governor and U.S. Sen. Bob Graham and others — that the U.S. has not fully disclosed the extent of its knowledge about links between the 9/11 attacks and Saudi officials.
A majority of the terrorists who orchestrated and participated in the attacks were Saudis.
The story of the Prestancia home came to the fore again this week because of a story by BrowardBulldog. Christensen and his organization has been litigating with the federal government in an effort to obtain classified FBI reports that illustrate the relationship between the al-Hijjis and the 9/11 terrorists.
Abdulazziz al-Hijji could not be reached for comment, but in email correspondence with The (London) Daily Telegraph a year ago, he strongly denied any involvement in 9/11.
“I have neither relation nor association with any of those bad people/criminals and the awful crime they did,” al-Hijji wrote.
Revelations
Among the more explosive revelations in the BrowardBulldog story is that an unidentified “family member” — purportedly of the al-Hijji family — was a flight student at Venice's Huffman Aviation, according to the FBI documents marked “secret” but with the word since crossed through.
Huffman gained notoriety in the wake of 9/11 as the place where suicide hijackers Atta and al-Shehhi learned to fly. Those two men were in the cockpits when jets slammed into the World Trade Center towers.
The story also references documents detailing a third person on a redacted FBI list as having “lived with flight students at Huffman Aviation” and being “arrested numerous times by the Sarasota County Sheriff's Office.”
The BrowardBulldog noted that the recently released FBI documents disclosed nothing about Wissam Hammoud, an al-Hijji friend who is now serving a 21-year prison sentence for weapons violations and for attempting to kill a federal agent.
Hammoud, 47, and an “international terrorist associate,” according to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, told investigators after his 2004 arrest that al-Hijji may have known some of the hijackers and that he considered Osama Bin Laden “a hero.” Though he acknowledged knowing Hammoud well, al-Hijji denied knowing 9/11 participants or revering Bin Laden in an interview with Christensen last year, the BrowardBulldog reported.
Hammoud was arrested in Sarasota County during July 1995 for driving with a suspended license, according to County Clerk of the Court records. He was subsequently given probation and the case was closed.
Questions
Though much about the allegations and evidence connecting the home in Prestancia to the 9/11 attacks is not new, the matter has lingered because of a lack of closure.
Questions remain, too, for Pat Gallagher, who was among the Prestancia residents who contacted the FBI in the aftermath of the terror attacks after “suspicious activity” — the agency's phrase — at the al-Hijji residence at Escondito Circle, including the family's sudden exit.
Though the house has since been sold twice, at the time it was owned by Ghazzawi, an importer and exporter whose circles included the Bin Laden Group.
Ghazzawi's influence also extends to his children. His 42-year-old son, Adel, is a board member of the New York-based think tank EastWest Institute, which counts the likes of Michael Chertoff, a director of Homeland Security under President George W. Bush and co-author of the Patriot Act, and retired Gen. James L. Jones, a former national security adviser to President Barack Obama, among its members.
The younger Ghazzawi operates Conektas, a firm in the United Arab Emirates that helps multinational companies establish businesses in the Middle East.
Abdulazziz al-Hijji was completing undergraduate work at the University of South Florida when he lived in the Ghazzawi house. He went on to receive a bachelor's in computer science.
FBI records indicate that he took a job after graduation with the Saudi oil concern Aramco in London, though he no longer appears to be working there, BrowardBulldog reported.
Interviewed by the FBI, Anoud al-Hijji said the family's flight was a “regularly scheduled departure.”
But the FBI conducted a substantial investigation centered on the al-Hijji household.
Six weeks after 9/11, agents found that Prestancia's digital scan system had picked up at least two license plates registered to Atta and Ziad Jarrah, another 9/11 terrorist, who had allegedly visited the Escondito Circle house in the months leading up to the attacks. The men purportedly identified themselves to security guards.
But the declassified FBI records say the agency “appears not to have obtained the vehicle entry records of the gated community.”
Graham — the former head of the Senate Intelligence Committee and chairman of the joint congressional inquiry into U.S. intelligence gathering surrounding the terrorist attacks — said he remains convinced that the federal government at several levels has failed to divulge all it knows about 9/11 and its Saudi connections.
He contends that 28 pages of a final report to Congress were censored because they dealt with the Saudi role in 9/11.
Ties
The U.S. and Saudi Arabia have had a special and mutually beneficial relationship since 1957, when the Saudi king made a state visit to President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
King Saud visited the U.S. with an entourage of at least 60, one of whom appears to have been Esam Ghazzawi's father, Abbas.
At the time, Eisenhower agreed to sell Saudi Arabia up to $500 million worth of weapons in exchange for permission to maintain an airbase in Saudi territory.
The deal did not gel overnight. Abbas Ghazzawi apparently worked on it, after flying into New York from Madrid on Jan. 25, 1957, according to a passenger list kept by U.S. officials. The elder Ghazzawi was accompanied by three other Saudis, including a man who would later serve as Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the U.S., Faisal al-Hegelan.
The Ghazzawi family's ties to America grew stronger years later when, in 1970, 17-year-old Esam Ghazzawi married American Deborah G. Browning. Their first child, Adel, was born that year on Nov. 19.
The family later established what has been a long presence in Southwest Florida, through the purchase of a pair of bayfront lots on Longboat Key's Putter Lane. Neighbors had little interaction with the man they referred to as “the Arab.”
“That's what we called him,” said former neighbor Betty Blair. “We didn't know his name. All we knew was his kids were in camp so he came for the summer. Two little boys.”
Esam and Deborah Ghazzawi bought the Prestancia home in September 1995, records show.
Five months earlier, Anoud Ghazzawi married al-Hijji. He was 19 and she was 17, their Sarasota County marriage license shows.
While here, they made an effort to blend in, driving popular cars like a Volkswagen Beetle, a Jeep Grand Cherokee and a Chevy Tahoe.
But they did not stay completely under the collective radar. FBI documents reference a dispute with the Prestancia Community Association over unpaid homeowner dues.
The Ghazzawis were frequent visitors to the al-Hijji household, neighbors, acquaintances and an attorney familiar with the case said.
Carla DiBello knew the al-Hijjis and met Esam Ghazzawi on several occasions. “I remember him being very eccentric. He loved going to big dinners and always had a lot of security,” said DiBello, who now lives in Beverly Hills and is in charge of developing business for Kim Kardashian Productions.
As for how Esam Ghazzawi made his living, “all I know about him was that he worked for the King of Saudi from what Anoud told me, but she was always very secretive about what her dad did for them,” DiBello said.
Ghazzawi is still active in business in the Middle East, and sits on the board of the London subsidiary of EIRAD, which makes connections for global firms.
When United Parcel Service wanted to do business in Saudi Arabia, for instance, EIRAD became its handler.
When the al-Hijjis left Southwest Florida for Saudi Arabia “on or about 08/27/2001,” according to the FBI documents, they flew first to Washington, where they met Esam Ghazzawi.
When Ghazzawi left the U.S., Adel Ghazzawi apparently took over the family's affairs here.
It was Adel, then 30 and an American citizen, who tried to get a Prestancia lien lifted so the house could be sold. The lien came after the series of brushes with Prestancia's community association.
“The HOA had great difficulties with them,” said Jone Weist, at that time property manager for much of Prestancia. “It was nothing criminal, but this is not a neighborhood where you let the grass grow for a month.”
Problems mounted when the family departed in 2001, leaving a large mound of garbage at the curb. Eventually, a foreclosure lawsuit was filed.
When not helping his family, Adel Ghazzawi worked with Conektas, a company that “assists multinationals in developing synergistic relationships with credible partners to successfully penetrate and establish solid businesses in the Middle East region.”
“Adel has a vast wealth of business, family and personal relationships within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia,” his biography reads.
On the EastWest website, Ghazzawi says he has raised more than $1 billion for Middle Eastern projects.
The family ultimately settled the homeowner case and sold the house in September 2003 for $440,000, to Joel Schemmel, records show. Schemmel has since sold the property, according to the county.
Documents
Because Floridians made up his former political constituency and many of the 9/11 terrorists lived in the Sunshine State just prior to the attacks, Graham has made it a personal mission to delve into the connections between the attacks and Saudi Arabia.
Graham, 76, says that neither he, nor his staff, ever received any information regarding the alleged activities in Prestancia from the FBI or other law enforcement.
The FBI contends there is a good reason for that.
“At no time did the FBI develop evidence that connected the family members to any of the 9/11 hijackers,” Ibison said in 2011.
Now, despite the documents from their files, the agency is standing by its assessment.
“What Ibison said back then, that is the conclusion, knowing everything we know today,” David Couvertier, an FBI spokesman, said Tuesday. “The Bulldog is getting information that was already taken into consideration.”
But Graham is unswayed.
In an interview Tuesday, Graham said he is “extremely pleased” with the FBI's release of new documents.
“Basically, they said they had conducted an investigation and hadn't found anything,” Graham said. “Now we know that as far back as April of 2002, they had a statement in their files written by a responsible law enforcement official, who I cannot name, saying there were many connections between the hijackers and this family in Sarasota.”
“There are more than those 30-some pages of documents which would indicate that the public statements of the FBI are not accurate,” Graham said.
Full Article: http://www.heraldtri...732?p=all&tc...
CLICK HERE to read newly released documents about possible Sarasota connection to 9/11 hijackers.
+++++++++++++++++++++++
The FBI has a credibility problem
The typical FBI message amounts to trust us even if there is no reason to do so. The FBI has never explained to the public why the UBLU obstructed the investigation into al-Hazmi and al-MIhdhar. The FBI has continuously promoted Dina Corsi who played a key role in preventing criminal agents from being involved in the search for them. She has never had to explain her conduct to the public. Al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar tie into Graham's linkage of high level Saudi support. Evidently it was just a huge coincidence that the UBLU protected two guys who lived with FBI informant Abdussattar Shaikh. Nobody at the FBI has to explain any of this. Instead a spokesman issues an authoritative statement and that is good enough. It is definitely good enough for most US "journalists" who evidently have no curiosity about this story at all. That definitely includes Steve Coll who refers to the al-Hazmi/al-Mihdhar issue as an unforced error. Kurt Eichenwald in 500 Days praises the CIA for warning the Bush administration but he has zero to say about CIA/FBI obstruction.
Think about it this way. Imagine if we were to learn the CIA and FBI knew the ID of two Boston Marathon bombers months ago but continually prevented agents from pursuing leads. When the public finds out an FBI spokesman says "There is no substance to these allegations. We had no idea." And then the US media says "Good enough for us. Who are we to question the intelligence community?" The same media then goes on and on about how much they care about the victims even though they were unwilling to do the one thing they had the capacity to do and that is get answers as to how and why people were murdered.
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<a href="http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=complete_911_timeline_6921#complete_911_timeline_6921" title="View in context">August 27, 2001: Saudi Family Flees Residence Linked to 9/11 Hijackers
A Saudi family abruptly moves out of a Sarasota, Florida, residence linked to individuals who will later be accused of being among the 9/11 hijackers. The residence is owned by a Saudi couple, Esam Ghazzawi and his American-born wife, Deborah, and is occupied by Esam’s daughter, Anoud, and her husband, Abdulaziz al-Hijji. An unnamed counterterrorism officer will, in 2012, describe, “The car registration numbers of vehicles that had passed through the Prestancia community’s North Gate in the months before 9/11, coupled with the identification documents shown by incoming drivers on request, showed that Mohamed Atta and several of his fellow hijackers [Marwan al-Shehhi, Walid al-Shehri, and Ziad Jarrah]—and another Saudi terror suspect still at large [Adnan Shukrijumah]—had visited 4224 Escondito Circle on multiple occasions.” The counterterrorism officer will also say that “link analysis… tracked phone calls—based on dates, times, and length of phone conversations to and from the Escondito house—dating back more than a year before 9/11. And the phone traffic also connected with the 9/11 terrorists—though less directly than the gate logs did.” [Broward Bulldog, 3/12/2012] According to the Broward Bulldog, “The counterterrorism agent said Ghazzawi and al-Hijji had been on a watch list at the FBI and that a US agency involved in tracking terrorist funds was interested in both men even before 9/11.” [Broward Bulldog, 9/8/2011]
Residence Hastily Abandoned - A suspicious neighbor, Patrick Gallagher, will email the FBI on the day of the 9/11 attacks, but apparently the FBI will not investigate until about a month later, after Larry Berberich, senior administrator and security officer of the Prestancia gated community, contacts local law enforcement. According to Berberich and the counterterrorism officer: “[T]here was mail on the table, dirty diapers in one of the bathrooms… all the toiletries still in place… all their clothes hanging in the closet… TVs… opulent furniture, equal or greater in value than the house… the pool running, with toys in it. The beds were made… fruit on the counter… the refrigerator full of food.… It was like they went grocery shopping. Like they went out to a movie.… [but] the safe was open in the master bedroom, with nothing in it, not a paper clip.… A computer was still there. A computer plug in another room, and the line still there. Looked like they’d taken [another] computer and left the cord.” [Broward Bulldog, 9/8/2011] The family also leaves three vehicles and “huge piles of trash in front of the… home.” [Broward Bulldog, 9/13/2011]
Terrorism Links Alleged by FBI Informant - In addition to the visitor logs and call records, FBI informant Wissam Taysir Hammoud will allege that al-Hijji has links to the 9/11 hijackers. In 2004, the FBI and the Sarasota County Sheriff’s Office will interview Hammoud at the Hillsborough County Jail. Hammoud will tell them that al-Hijji introduced him to Adnan El Shukrijumah, that al-Hijji considered Osama bin Laden a “hero,” that al-Hijji may have known some of the 9/11 hijackers, that al-Hijji talked about “going to Afghanistan and becoming a freedom fighter,” and that al-Hijji tried to recruit him. At the time of the interview, Hammoud will be serving a 21-year sentence for attempted murder and weapons violations, and is classified as an “International Terrorist Associate” by the US Bureau of Prisons. [Broward Bulldog, 3/12/2012]
Al-Hijji Professes Innocence - Responding to the allegations in email correspondence with the London Daily Telegraph in 2012, al-Hijji will acknowledge having been friends with Hammoud, but will say the other allegations against him are false: “I have neither relation nor association with any of those bad people/criminals and the awful crime they did,” he will say. “9/11 is a crime against the USA and all humankind, and I’m very saddened and oppressed by these false allegations.” [Broward Bulldog, 3/12/2012]
FBI Repeatedly Denies 9/11 Links - Following news reporting on the events, the FBI will say in a prepared statement given to the Tampa Bay Times that the related leads “were resolved and determined not to be related to any threat nor connected to the 9/11 plot,” and that “[a]ll of the documentation pertaining to the 9/11 investigation was made available to the 9/11 Commission” and the Joint Inquiry. [Tampa Bay Times, 9/13/2011] And in a letter denying records requested under the Freedom of Information Act, the FBI will say, “At no time during the course of its investigation of the attacks, known as the PENTTBOM investigation, did the FBI develop credible evidence that connected the address at 4224 Escondito Circle, Sarasota, Florida to any of the 9/11 hijackers.” [Broward Bulldog, 2/20/2011] OOPS !!!
Senate Intelligence Committee Chair Disputes FBI Statements - Senator Bob Graham (D-FL), chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, will deny that the Joint Inquiry received information regarding the Saudis and the Escondito Circle address, and will press the FBI to provide the records it says it turned over. The FBI will delay turning these records over for several months, and when it finally does provide two classified documents from 2002 and 2003 to Graham, Graham will say, “An important investigative lead was not pursued and unsubstantiated statements were accepted as truth.” The Broward Bulldog will also report that Graham says, “[T]he agent suggested that another federal agency be asked to join the investigation, but that the idea was ‘rejected.’” Graham will attempt to interview this agent, but find he has been ordered by FBI headquarters not to talk [ Broward Bulldog, 2/20/2011]
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OOPS !!
Florida al-Qaeda fugitive Esam Ghazzawi linked to BCCI and two dead Saudi Princes
This follows up my posting yesterday, which examined the Miami Herald report Wednesday that the FBI had covered up the escape of a Saudi financier living in Florida who had hosted Mohamed Atta at his Sarasota villa in the months leading up to the 9/11 attacks. See, http://journals.democraticunderground.com/leveymg/595
Esam Ghazzawi, his daughter, Anoud, and her husband, Abdulazzi al-Hiijjii suddenly disappeared on August 30, 2001, leaving behind a million dollar, fully furnished Sarasota home, several automobiles, and their personal belongings. For ten years, the FBI withheld information from Congressional investigators and the public that Ghazzami has been visited by Atta and another hijacker, and phone records showed numerous calls to other figures involved in the 9/11 attack. Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2011/09/07/2395698/link-to-9...
Ghazzawi linked to BCCI and two dead Saudi Princes
Background checking since yesterday’s news account reveals evidence that Ghazzawi, who was on US government watch-lists along with his daughter and son-in-law, has a long history of association with Saudi financiers linked to terrorism and major global bank frauds in the 1980s and 1990s. He now lives openly in Jeddah and owns the posh Orient Restaurant in Khobar, KSA. Most intriguingly, he is mentioned in a 1997 London court document as having held funds for Prince Fahd bin Salman, a member of the Saudi Royal family who died suddenly at the age of 46 on July 24, 2001.
Prince Fahd's father Salman is the governor of Riyadh and brother of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia. The eldest of four brothers, and born in 1955, Prince Fahd acted as deputy governor of Riyadh's Eastern Region during the Gulf War of 1991. Little has ever been written about the death of Fahd, but his involvement with BCCI was noted several years earlier in connection with a law suit in London. Reprinted at: http://www.sauduction.com/issues/11
PRINCE FAHD BIN SALMAN'S DUBIOUS BANKING PRACTICES
Private Eye reports: "Prince Fahd bin Salman, eldest son of ... Prince Salman, the governor of Riyadh ... a court case brought by the BCCI liquidators over the little matter of $397,000 owed to the rogue bank. Since 1994 the liquidators had been seeking repayment of this money under a guarantee given by the prince for the overdraft of an offshore company, Colchest Corporation N.V. In an unusual response, Prince Fahd sought to offset against this debt money held at another BCCI branch in the name of one Esam Ghazzawi, claiming that this was his money. The court of appeal rejected this suggestion on the basis that it was unclear who owned what in the Ghazzawi accounts."
Prince Fahd’s death five weeks before Ghazzami suddenly fled his Sarasota home, barely 6 weeks before 9/11 might not in itself be more than coincidence. However, the unfolding story takes a particularly sinister turn when one realizes that Faud’s older brother, Prince Ahmed bin Salman died almost exactly a year later (November 17, 1958 – July 22, 2002), and his death has been labeled the first of a series of post-9/11 U.S. targeted killings of prominent figures identified as having had leading roles in the attacks.
In his 2003 book Why America Slept, author Gerald Posner writes that Prince Ahmed bin Salman had had ties to al-Qaeda and had advance knowledge of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. When 9/11 figure Abu Zubaydeh was captured, Posner claims that he revealed to American interrogators the identity of a number of top al-Qaeda backers, including Prince Ahmed, and the head of the Pakistani Air Force, who died with his family and closest aides in a February 2003 mid-air transport plane explosion.
To the timeline of events leading up to 9/11, including the 08/30/2001 flight of Ghazzawi and his family, we must now add the death five weeks earlier of Prince Faud and the death almost a year to the day of his older brother, Prince Ahmed. Their father is a co-director of the Saudi intelligence service along with Prince Turki bin Faisal, who suddenly resigned his 25 year commission as the Director of the Saudi General Intelligence agency and departed his long-time post in Washington suddenly on September 4, 2001. That is another important date that should put on anyone’s 9/11 timeline.
It is now past time for the redacted material in the 9/11 Report about Saudi al-Qaeda finance to be released, and the case reopened to examine new evidence.
###
OOPS !! adnan khashoggi BCCI
911bloggerRep. Massie on shocking 9/11 documents: “It challenges you to re-think everything”
===========
By: Joshua Cook Jul 16, 2014
Posted by Joe on Wed, 07/16/2014 - 2:50pm.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ItE28oeMnas#t=143
Rep. Massie speaks at Press Conference Regarding 9/11 Documents
Published on Jul 11, 2014
http://benswann.com/rep-massie-on-shocking-911-documents-it-challenges-you-to-re-think-everything/
Rep. Massie on shocking 9/11 documents: “It challenges you to re-think everything”
By: Joshua Cook Jul 16, 2014
+++++
Rep. Massie: "It challenges you to re-think everything. I think the whole country needs to go through that."
In March Benswann.com reported that Reps. Thomas Massie (R-KY), Walter Jones (R-NC), and Stephen F. Lynch (D-MA), along with families who lost loved ones on Sept. 11, 2001, urged the president to declassify 28 pages from the 9/11 congressional investigation report, providing more information to the general public.
On Friday Rep. Massie commented on his Facebook page after giving a press conference:
“Before we involve ourselves in #Iraq, Congressmen and their constituents need to know more about the events leading up to 9/11. Understanding what enabled this tragedy to occur is fundamental to drafting a strategy for the Middle East.
That’s why I joined families of 9/11 victims and Congressman Walter Jones and Congressman Stephen Lynch at a press conference to promote the release of 28 classified pages from an official 9/11 report. Based on my reading of the documents, I am confident that making these 28 pages public would not damage our national security.”
During a press conference Rep Massie said, “As I read it, and we all had our own experience, I had to stop every couple of pages and just sort of try to absorb and try to rearrange my understanding of history. “It challenges you to re-think everything. I think the whole country needs to go through that.”
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2 comments below
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Orangutan. on Wed, 07/16/2014 - 9:23pm.»===
GREAT article! (as usual for Washington'sBlog) Cool 2 minute video by Rep Massie.
I emailed my Congressman to support HR 428 and "to help expose the 9/11 Cover-up".
LINK to HR 428 - https://beta.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/house-resolution/428
TomT on -
deep background rifile##############################Jim Hargrove (deep politics forum)LEE Oswald and Gunrunner Robert McKeownJohn Armstrong asked me to post this for him:
============================ QUOTE ON =========================
I would like to share a thought with JFK researchers interested in Oswald's alleged purchase of the rifle.
While HARVEY and Marina were in New Orleans (specifically, at Lake Pontchartrain with the Murrets), LEE Oswald arrived at Robert McKeown's home in Baytown, TX (early Sept, 1963, Saturday morning). LEE Oswald introduced himself to McKeown and repeatedly asked McKeown to acquire and sell rifles to him. McKeown had previously supplied guns and armaments to Castro, and had become a very close personal friend of Castro. McKeown refused to sell rifles to Oswald and he left. If Oswald had purchased a rifle from McKeown, then that rifle would have been found on the 6th floor of the TSBD and an irrefutable link from Oswald to Castro would have been established.
Oswald's attempt to purchase a rifle from McKeown occurred during the first week in Sept., 1963. The thought occurred to me that as of September, the "plotters" had not yet chosen/selected the rifle to be placed on the 6th floor. The FBI took possession of the original Klein's microfilm in the early morning hours of 11/23/63. Photographs of Klein's documents showing that Oswald purchased a MC rifle, allegedly taken from the microfilm, were shown to Klein's VP Waldman for identification (as was the money order). The microfilm subsequently disappeared (not in the National Archives) and FBI photographs are all that remain.
McKeown was interviewed for several hours by the HSCA (I have tape recordings of his interview, obtained from the National Archives). Oswald and McKeown's meeting was discussed at length in Harvey and Lee.
=========================== QUOTE OFF ===========================
In John's book, he says that McKeown ran a coffee processing plant in Santiago in the early 1950s with the blessing of Carlos Prio, who was overthrown by Batista in 1952. McKeown was deported by the Batista regime when it was discovered he was supplying weapons to Prio's backers.
By 1956 McKeown was running guns from Miami to Castro's forces, and then the narrative REALLY gets interesting. Here's how John wrote it up on p. 178 of Harvey and Lee:
=========================== QUOTE ON ============================
In 1957 McKeown returned to his native Texas and lived in Baytown, the small community adjacent to Kemah, Texas, where Jack Ruby collected and stored guns and ammunition for shipment to Mexico. It was in Houston, at the Shamrock Hotel, that McKeown first met Fidel Castro, with whom he began a long and close relationship.
McKeown soon began delivering large quantities of arms, munitions, and supplies to Mexico for delivery to Castro. He was paid with CIA cash bundled in Pan American Bank of Miami wrappers. Castro himself piloted his boat to Mexico, picked up the arms from McKeown, and returned to Cuba....
========================== QUOTE OFF ============================
The book goes on to describe a letter from Hoover to the Warren Commission describing the "conspiracy" of McKeown and others to send munitions to Castro. Other discussions about LEE Oswald and McKeown are scattered throughout the book in chronological order.
--Jim*************** -
Spy agencies can insert . .
it on your computer things like kiddie porn, causing the chilling potential
implications of such manipulation for framing or blackmailing people.... Blackmail People … Including High-Level Officials?################################################################################NSA to Frame You by Infecting Your Computer with Child Porn ...beforeitsnews.com/.../nsa-to-frame-you-by-infecting-your-computer-with-child-porn-huge-false-flag-underway-to-shut-down-internet-media-...Dec 27, 2013 ... The NSA has a long history of falsely framing people for crimes in order ... Their
goal is to plant 'child porn' virus in computers across the nation.
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^New Snowden Docs: British Spies Seed the Internet with False ...www.washingtonsblog.com/.../new-snowden-docs-british-spies-seed-internet-false-information-including-ability-manipulate-results-online-polls-a...3 days ago ... The capabilities, detailed in documents provided by NSA ... chilling potential
implications of such manipulation for framing or blackmailing people. ... Or insert
it on your computer. Like kiddie porn, if they really want you dead.
)))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))
Are Governments Using Evidence of Homosexuality and Child Pornography to Blackmail People … Including High-Level Officials? -
The end point of this NSA work ? To program the individual and then read/redo the program. Penultimate totalitarianism.
- therundownlive.com/pentagon-rolls-out-darpa-plan-to-implant-chip-in-soldiers-brain/
Feb 15, 2014 ... Will there be a kill switch put into these black box chips destroying the soldier and
information? .... We reported prior, DARPA is working on backing up memories
on a ... Sign up for a Monthly Subscription or Donate via Bitcoin!**************************************
- 1984
- There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life. All competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always — do not forget this, Winston — always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face — forever.
********************************************
Thursday, July 17, 2014
U.S. Military Seeks To Brain Scan Troops For "Signs of Potential Betrayal"Nicholas West
Activist Post
The massive investment in neuroscience undertaken by the U.S. BRAIN project and its sister initiative the Human Brain Project is increasingly taking a turn toward the examination of mental health. In fact, hundreds of European scientists working on the project are threatening a boycott because of this direction. In their view, the initial directive was to be more focused on repairing organic injuries and disorders such as Parkinson's, Alzheimer's and physical brain damage sustained in accidents. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder would be one area that might involve the military.
However, there is a disturbing trend developing in law enforcement and medicine to use what has been learned about the human brain in order to adopt pre-crime systems and predictive behavior technology.
But could a brain scan become standard procedure to see which troops might be inclined to commit insider attacks?
Troops overseas have been working alongside Iraqi and Afghan troops for years, but a new interest is being taken in evaluating potential extremists who are infiltrating to kill from within.
The numbers of these incidents are statistically low as reported by Defense One, which cites the inside killing of "several troops in recent years." But a former Army counterintelligence agent sees the opportunity to apply new technology that presumably can screen people for mal-intent. The system is called HandShake:Here’s how the HandShake system works: AU.S.soldier would take, say, an Iraqi officer and outfit the subject with a special helmet that can pick up both electromagnetic signals (EEG) and perform functional near-infrared imaging (fNIRs) which images blood flow changes in the brain. The soldier would put the subject through a battery of tests including image recognition. Most of the pictures in the tests would be benign, but a few would contain scenes that a potential insider threat would remember, possibly including faces, locations or even bomb parts. The key is to select these images very, very carefully to cut down on the potential false positives.[...]When you recognize a picture that’s ofto you, your brain experiences a 200 to 500 microsecond hiccup, during which the electromagnetic activity drops, measurable viaEEG. The reaction, referred to as the P300 response, happens too fast for the test subject to control, so the subject can’t game the system.The fNIR readings back up theEEGnumbers. Together, they speak to not only whether or not a subject is a traitor buthowlikelyan individual is to act on potentially criminal or treasonous impulses.The system then runs all the data through what Veritas calls aFriend or Foe Algorithm.The output: the ability to pinpoint an insider’s threat potentialwith 80 to 90 percent accuracy,according to the company. () [emphasis added]The company, Veritas, has issued the following video promo for their system:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q22vvRbBrX0&feature=player_embedded
It's obviously ironic that this system is intended to be used on people who never should have encountered the U.S. military in the first place, since the U.S. military arrived based on lies. Moreover, to those flagged by such a system, they are clearly open to being tortured under the policies that have been established in the War on Terror world in which we live.
This system comes at an expense in excess of $1 million dollars to deploy and $500,000 per month thereafter, per site, according to the company's founder. Both the monetary cost and the ethical costs should ensure that this technology never sees the light of day. However, the military-industrial complex has a provable track record of caring very little about either.
Note: The article linked below demonstrates how the biometric identification system in Afghanistan already has trickled down to the streets of America. If brain scanning technology is successful overseas, it is guaranteed to show up inside the United States. It's already been proposed for air travel and other applications under the FAST system (Future Attribute Screening Technology). Additionally, with the increased war on whistleblowers, this would be a wonderful tool for employers to weed out those whose desire is not to undermine, but simply to expose criminality. -
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\ the burger dosent lie/ Gaal
McDonald’s franchisees most pessimistic in a decade
====McDonald's franchisees' sales outlook for the next six months is the darkest it's been in more than a decade, according to a new Janney Capital Markets report.
Following the report, McDonald's shares fell 1.5 percent in trade on Wednesday.
Source: McDonald's | FacebookWhen asked to rate their forecast from 1 (poor) to 5 (excellent), franchisees surveyed reported an average of 1.84. This marks the lowest level since the firm began polling franchisees in 2003.
Read MoreMcDonald's answers'Why doesn't your food rot?'
"It is striking to hear the franchisees so concerned about the direction of the business," said Mark Kalinowski, restaurant analyst at Janney, in a phone interview. "I think that gets to a lot of challenges that McDonald's is facing."
Source: Project PieFranchisees cited a range of issues including a complex menu, the economy and marketing missteps. On the company's last earnings call, McDonald's CEO Don Thompson admitted the chain had been "chasing a few too many limited-time offers" and said the company is working to make sure it's not "implementing too many products."
Despite hopes that the U.S. consumer would show signs of being on a "better footing" by now, Kalinowski said the fast food giant's still operating in a challenged environment.
Based on the survey's results, Janney lowered its U.S. same-store sales forecast to a 2.6 percent drop for June and a 1.8 percent decrease for July.
It's also dropped its full value estimate for McDonald's to $96 from $98.
===
—By CNBC's
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Now lean into the device lady. BUT IM PREGNANT !!!!
Rules are rules lady !!
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OOPS ! TSA to give you 400,000 Volts (see post # 1 Above)15 Jul 2014Reporter stopped by TSA agent who didn't know the District of Columbia is in the United States
====It's something most of most students learn in elementary school -- the United States is made up of 50 states and the District of Columbia. But Channel 9's Justin Gray found out it's a lesson that an Orlando agent with the Transportation Safety Administration seems to have missed.
Gray, who lives in Washington, D.C., was flying out of Orlando International Airport when a TSA agent said Gray's District of Columbia driver's license wasn't a valid form of identification. Gray said his license is legal and up-to-date, but the TSA agent didn't seem to know what the District of Columbia was when Gray arrived at the security checkpoint over the weekend.
When Gray handed the man his driver's license the agent demanded to see Gray's passport.
Grays told the agent he wasn't carrying his passport and asked why he needed it.
The agent said he didn't recognize the license.
Gray said he asked the agent if he knew what the District of Columbia is, and after a brief conversation Gray realized the man did not know.
Gray was able to get through security and then stopped to complain to a TSA supervisor.
Critics of the TSA said that what happened to Gray is a sign that the problems at TSA are bigger than just not knowing geography.
Read More http://www.wftv.com/news/news/local/orlando-tsa-agents-getting-geography-refresher/ngfmH/ -
their enablers=================Cybersecurity bill will expand surveillance powers of US military and intelligence agencies
Thomas Gaist
==
The Senate Intelligence Committee voted 12-3 last week in favor of the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA) of 2014, new legislation that massively expands the data-gathering powers of the US security, intelligence and military bureaucracies, by allowing “voluntary” information sharing between private companies and the government.
The Intelligence Committee “marked up” the bill in two secret sessions closed to the public. The bill, which was drafted by Senators Saxby Chambliss (Republican, Georgia) and Dianne Feinstein (Democrat, California), is now set to go before the chamber as a whole.
CISA clears the way for virtually unrestrained information sharing between the US government and corporations. Under the bill, large quantities of data can be transferred from companies to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) without any form of legal review, so long as the data is considered “cybersecurity information.”
Once acquired from the telecommunications corporations, DHS will then automatically share the data in real time with the US National Security Agency (NSA), Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM), and other sections of the Defense Department (DoD) bureaucracy. The government agencies are authorized to retain data shared in this way indefinitely.
These legislative changes amount to a far-reaching extension of the powers of the military apparatus to intervene in civilian electronic systems. As the New America Foundation (NAF) wrote in its report, “Analysis of the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act of 2014: A Major Step Back on Privacy, DHS would serve merely as a portal for DOD entities to receive cyber threat indicators, and there would be no functional distinction between sharing with a civilian agency and sharing directly with the NSA.” The broad language of CISA, New America wrote, “may be interpreted to authorize the government to gain direct access to a company’s information systems to receive cyber threat indicators.”
Broad language in CISA leaves the door open for companies to engage in “hack-back” activities, such as deploying malware and spyware on the machines of customers, according to the NAF report. Individuals who are harmed by CISA-based activities have no avenue to address their grievances, since the bill contains strong protections for companies from any liabilities associated with information sharing, protecting them against lawsuits by users whose privacy and democratic rights are violated by such operations.
Exemptions from the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and other “sunshine laws” are built into the legislation, shielding the information sharing programs from public scrutiny.
At the same time, the bill hands the US government another powerful weapon for its war against “insider threats” (government terminology for leakers and whistleblowers), allowing for data collected through the mass information sharing to be used for prosecutions launched under the Espionage Act.
The CISA legislation effectively transfers new surveillance powers to domestic police agencies. State and local law enforcement are empowered by CISA to “use, retain, and further share” data obtained through the information sharing program to launch or aid investigations completely unrelated to cybersecurity.
Numerous civil rights and watchdog organizations have announced opposition to the CISA bill. The Center for Democracy in Technology (CDT) described CISA as a “backdoor wiretap,” writing that CISA “addresses none of the Snowden revelations about the NSA” and would “funnel more private communications and communications information to the NSA.”
Writing for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), Sandra Fulton argued that the CISA bill “poses serious threats to our privacy, gives the government extraordinary powers to silence potential whistleblowers, and exempts these dangerous new powers from transparency laws.”
As noted by Fulton, “the definition they are using for the so-called ‘cybersecurity information’ is so broad it could sweep up huge amounts of innocent Americans’ personal data … CISA would circumvent the warrant requirement [established in the Fourth Amendment] by allowing the government to approach companies directly to collect personal information, including telephonic or Internet communications, based on the new broadly drawn definition of ‘cybersecurity information.’”
CIPSAisBack.org, a web site dedicated to monitoring US cybersecurity legislation, wrote that the bill “would allow for and encourage sweeping data mining taps on Internet users for the undefined purpose of domestic ‘cybersecurity.’”
CISA may also bolster US government efforts to “stockpile vulnerabilities,” a practice whereby weaknesses discovered in existing computer networks are not disclosed to the network operators, but instead are recorded for possible future exploitation by teams of government hackers. As revealed by Edward Snowden last summer, Washington has already ordered the hacking of hundreds of civilian targets in China.
Under the auspices of “cybersecurity,” the US government is building powerful new components of the national security state, empowered to carry out new forms of surveillance and data acquisition as well as cyber-attacks against computer systems deemed threatening by the government. These powers can be used to shut down web sites, networks, and entire sections of the Internet.
While the Constitution prohibits military and espionage operations inside the US, intelligence officials have openly expressed ambitions to overcome these restrictions.
As a senior intelligence agent told the New York Times in 2009 in the lead-up to the launch of the Pentagon’s Cyber Command (CYBERCOM), “These attacks start in other countries, but they know no borders. So how do you fight them if you can’t act both inside and outside the United States?”
CYBERCOM went operational in May of 2010, under the command of General Keith Alexander. Alexander told the Brookings Institute in 2010 that while CYBERCOMMAND currently plays no role in the nation’s civilian networks, in exceptional circumstances an executive order could be issued allowing the DoD-based agency to assume control over civilian information systems.
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British Government forces Surveillance Bill through the House of Commons in a single day. A dissenting MP describes it as "Democratic banditry resonant of a rogue state."Civil liberties groups took Britain's spy agencies to court Monday in a bid to limit electronic surveillance, as the country’s government tries to pass legislation to extend snooping powers.
A special court, the Investigatory Powers Tribunal, is hearing a challenge to mass online surveillance from groups including Liberty, Amnesty International and the American Civil Liberties Union.
The organizations claim that mass collection of individuals’ communications data breaches the rights to private life and freedom of expression.
“Not content with forcing service providers to keep details of our calls and browsing histories, the government is fighting to retain the right to trawl through our communications with anyone outside and many inside the country,” said Liberty legal director James Welch. “When will it learn that it is neither ethical nor efficient to turn everyone into suspects?”= -
Gallup Slams Lid On Hopes For US EconomyJuly 11th, 2014==
Wolf Richter wolfstreet.com, www.amazon.com/author/wolfrichter
Consumers are “straining against rising prices on daily essentials to afford summer travel, dining out, and discretionary household purchases – the kinds of purchases that ordinarily keep an economy humming.” That’s what Gallup found when it used a new survey to dive deeper into consumer spending.
Its regular monthly survey has been mixed. The average dollar amount consumers spent in June swooned to $91 per day from $98 in May, after a crummy January-April period ranging from $78 to $88 per day. The May spurt seems to have been an outlier that had given rise to a lot of speculation consumers would finally hit “escape velocity,” now obviated by events. But from 2012 until late last year, the averages had been rising.
So Gallup dove deeper into the issue with its new survey conducted in mid-June to sort through what consumers are spending more or less money on. And what it found was that they’re buying a little more – “just not the things they want.”
They’re spending more on things they have to buy, and in many instances they’re spending more in these categories because prices have jumped. At the top of the list: groceries.
- Groceries: 59% spent more, 10% spent less.
- Gasoline: 58% spent more, 12% spent less
- Utilities: 45% spent more, 10% spent less
- Healthcare: 42% spent, 8% spent less
- Toilet paper and other household goods: 32% spent more, 5% spent less
- Rent, the biggie: 32% spent more, 9% spent less.
These categories are household essentials. They’re on top of the priority list. And in order to meet the requirements of these items, consumers are cutting back where they can. Gallup found that “the increasing cost of essential items is further constraining family budgets already hit hard by the Great Recession and still reeling from a stagnant economy.” Hence, the less essential the expense, the more it got cut. Here is the bottom of the list, which explains part of the recent retail woes:
- Retirement savings: 18% spent more, 17% spent less.
- Leisure activities: 28% spent more, 31% spent less
- Clothing: 25% spent more, 30% spent less
- Consumer electronics: 20% spent more, 31% spent less
- Travel: 26% spent more, 38% spent less
- Dining out: 26% spent more, 38% spent less
Then there are summer travel plans, so future spending. They show just how bifurcated the economy has become. On the positive side of the ledger, 69% of American plan to travel this summer, the highest since 2006, and far more than the 52% in 2009 during the depth of the Great Recession. And those travelers intend to spend more on transportation, food, lodging, and entertainment than last year, as Gallup put it, “further pressuring their already-strained budgets.”
But about one-third plan to spend only one night or less away from home. So not exactly a long vacation. And 36% are planning to travel less than last year, even worse than in the terrible year of 2010, when 33% were cutting back from the already terrible year 2009.
And what about “escape velocity” in consumer spending? Despite what Wall Street economists and other hype mongers have been predicting for five years in a row, Gallop soberly puts slams the lid on those speculations:
If there was any doubt that the U.S. economy is still struggling to get back on its feet, the results of this poll reinforce that reality. Because consumer spending is the lifeblood of a healthy economy, these findings suggest that discretionary spending still has a ways to go before it will fuel the kind ofAmericans have been hoping for.Americans who are struggling to make ends meet, and who cut discretionary spending in order to pay for essentials, form a large part of the middle class. But there are others who don’t have these problems, who are doing well. A dichotomy that shows up in “dining out.”
“Dining out” made the bottom of the list: 38% of the people cut back, while only 26% spent more on it. The restaurant industry should be groaning in pain.
But someone must be eating out. The Restaurant Performance Index (RPI) for May,released on June 30, rose again, “driven by stronger sales and traffic levels and an increasingly optimistic outlook among restaurant operators.” May was the third month in a row that the Current Situation Index was above 100, and therefore in expansion mode.
Smell of conundrum? Nope. But a sign of America’s dual-track society. The 26% of consumer who spent more on dining out might well belong to that group whose median household income exceeds $50k a year. They feel flush and their confidence has soared to post-recession highs. But the confidence of consumers making less than $50k a year has barely moved up from the recession bottom. And the gap between the two is at a record high. Read…. This Chart Truly Depicts What’s Wrong With the ‘Recovery’ in America
Read more at http://investmentwatchblog.com/gallup-slams-lid-on-hopes-for-us-economy/#xpx7pvVmxx23yiCF.99
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PS I never claimed to have posted it first, so CONGRATULATIONS and THANK YOU SO MUCH for finding it and posting it for me!
LOL
// Graves
CONGRATULATIONS and THANK YOU SO MUCH,after I corrected the issue ,your reposted about it three times.
GRAVES THE KING OF UNNECESSARY REPOSTERS !!!
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I wouldn't be surprised if you believed Robert Vinson's tale of a CIA-owned military cargo plane landing on the bank of the Trinity River to take Oswald's "double" away." // GRAVES
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Never posted on the issue.As a matter of fact I communicated to Jack White that the story was hard to believe. It was to open an operation.for the CIA As to Vallee the document you keep showing car registration I posted first in the thread,not you.
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Since you dont acknowledged what has become the major issue of the thread (level of CIA involvement in JFK assassination). I will repost the uncommented upon post # 84. Continual reposting seems Mr. Graves forte.==================================== ===
Posted Yesterday, 12:29 AM
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JFK Assassination: First JFK Conspiracy Theory Was Paid For By The CIA-
CIA Miami Chief of Covert Operations George Joannides’ actions in 1963 provide strong evidence that certain Central Intelligence Agency personnel manipulated Lee Harvey Oswald (pictured above) for propaganda purposes both before and after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963. Above: Oswald handing out leaflets for his "Fair Play For Cuba" committee in New Orleans in Aug. 1963. WikiCommons
Less than one day after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, a Central Intelligence Agency-funded organization in Miami published a special edition of its monthly magazine in which it linked the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, to Cuban President Fidel Castro.According to JFKFacts.org moderator Jefferson Morley, this was the first JFK assassination conspiracy theory to reach the public in print.
Moreover, the CIA propaganda effort remains exactly that -- a lie and an attempt to spread a conspiracy theory -- because there has never been a preponderance of evidence -- let alone incontrovertible evidence -- that Castro or Castro-backed groups organized or implemented a plot to murder the U.S. president.
The Nov. 23, 1963, special edition of the magazine, Trinchera (in English: Trenches), was published by members of the Cuban Student Directorate, a CIA-funded organization based in Miami.
Leaders of the Directorate, also known as the DRE, its Spanish acronym, received $51,000 per month in 1963 dollars ($389,000 per month in 2013 dollars), or roughly $4.8 million per year, from the CIA, according to an April 1963 memo found in the JFK Library in Boston.
Declassified CIA records prove that the publication was paid for by undercover CIA Officer George Joannides, who was chief of psychological operations in the CIA’s Miami station.
Ongoing Suit To Make Public JFK Assassination Files Held By CIA
Morley is the plaintiff in the ongoing Morley v. CIA suit, which seeks to make public Joannides’ classified files.
Morley believes Joannides’ files -- and at least some of the information in the more than 1,100 other related classified files from key CIA officers -- will provide more information regarding the Nov. 22, 1963, assassination of President Kennedy. The CIA, which said the files are “not believed relevant” to the JFK assassination, has refused to make public the files, citing “national security.” However, the CIA's claim has never been independently verified.
In Morley’s suit, his attorney has responded to the CIA’s latest brief, on the issue of court fees. Having won on appeal twice, the plaintiff Morley argues that the standard practice of the U.S government paying court fees for a successful appeal should apply. The CIA counters that the litigation has not generated any significant new information, and therefore the government should not have to pay the court fees. The issue is now in the hands of U.S. Judge Richard Leon.
Other files related to the JFK assassination that the CIA refuses to make public include the files of CIA Officers David Atlee Phillips, Birch D. O’Neal, E. Howard Hunt, William King Harvey and Anne Goodpasture.
Regarding the Directorate (DRE), within the CIA, the south Florida Anti-Castro group was known by its code name AMSPELL. The group was “conceived, created and funded by the Agency in September 1960 and terminated in December 1966,” according to a CIA memo, dated April 1967.
CIA Miami Psychological Warfare Operations Chief Joannides handled contacts with the DRE, according to Joannides’ July 1963 job evaluation. With the CIA’s support, the DRE engaged in “intelligence collection, political action and propaganda.”
In its Nov. 23, 1963, special edition, the DRE's Trinchera focused on comments Oswald made during a debate on a New Orleans radio program with DRE Delegate Carlos Bringuier in August 1963. The DRE asserted that Oswald and Castro were “the presumed assassins.”
Also, earlier, in August 1963, Joannides’s AMSPELL had a series of encounters with a Castro supporter named Oswald in New Orleans. The Cuban students confronted and publicized Oswald’s one-man chapter of the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which generated newspaper, radio and TV coverage of Oswald’s obscure, tiny political action group.
Hence, two objective facts stemming from the above are:
1) Joannides was running “psychological warfare” operations aimed at discrediting Castro supporters in the United States in the summer of 1963.
2) Members of Joannides’ AMSPELL network played a leading role in publicizing Oswald’s pro-Castro views both before and after Kennedy was assassinated.
The question Morley v CIA seeks to answer is: are the two facts related?
The CIA could clarify the situation, but, as noted, the CIA won’t make public or release the aforementioned files on Joannides, nor will it make public the files of the other key CIA officers.
CIA: Pattern Of Obstruction Regarding Joannides, Et Al.
So what, one may ask, is the CIA hiding? What is in the Joannides’ file and the other CIA officers’ files that the Agency is so worried about?
It might be something as minor as an operation or project that was mismanaged or had failed despite a large amount of money, time, energy or resources allocated to it. No U.S. government department wants to be seen foundering or mismanaging public dollars -- particularly not in the current era of fiscal austerity.
That said, given the CIA’s history of failing to tell the truth and obfuscation, the Joannides’ files may indicate something more substantial, something that reflects adversely -- or worse -- on the Agency. That’s because the CIA’s latest refusal to make public the files represents the fourth time the Agency has opposed a public interest effort to obtain the full truth on the assassination of President Kennedy. Those incidences:
1) Warren Commission: delay and obstruct. In 1964, CIA Deputy Director Richard Helms, “the man who kept the secrets,” and Joannides’ boss, never told the Warren Commission that Kennedy’s alleged assassin had scuffled with the CIA-backed Cubans in New Orleans. Helms also never disclosed that Joannides -- and other CIA agents who were under his supervision and funding -- had helped communicate the story of Oswald’s pro-Castro activities. It wasn’t until 1998 -- when the CIA was forced to disclose Joannides’ support for Oswald’s antagonists among the anti-Castro students -- that the public learned of this psychological warfare operation. The Agency has resisted further disclosure about the nature, focus and objective of Joannides’ operations in 1963 ever since.
2) HSCA: lie, deflect, delay and obstruct. In 1978, Joannides served as CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), which re-investigated the JFK assassination, but he did not disclose the obvious conflict of interest to the HSCA in regard to his role in the events of 1963.
HSCA Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey said that had he known who Joannides was at that time, Joannides would have not continued as CIA liaison, but would have become a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the HSCA staff or by the committee. In addition, Joannides’ failure-to-disclose occurred despite the fact that Blakey and the CIA had a pre-investigation agreement between the HSCA and the CIA that CIA personnel who were operational in 1963 could not be involved in the committee’s investigation.
Many would consider the above deception by the CIA audacious, to put it diplomatically.
When Morley first informed Blakey about a decade ago about Joannides’ role in the very anti-Castro activities from 1963 that the HSCA was investigating, Blakey was flabbergasted:
“If I’d known his [Joannides’] role in 1963, I would have put Joannides under oath -- he would have been a witness, not a facilitator,” Blakey, now a law professor at the University of Notre Dame, told The New York Times. “How do we know what he didn’t give us?”
3) ARRB: lie again, delay and obstruct. After Oliver Stone’s seminal 1991 film “JFK” increased debate about who was behind Kennedy’s murder, the public pressured Congress to declassify more files related to the JFK assassination, and Congress created the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) to oversee the release of more documents. However, incredibly, the CIA once again failed to tell the ARRB about Joannides’ 1963 work, and the board was blinded to a legitimate and germane investigation area.
U.S. Judge Jack Tunheim, ARRB chairman from 1994-1995, said that had the board known about Joannides’ activities in 1963, it would have been a no-brainer to investigate him:
“If we’d known of his role in Miami in 1963, we would have pressed for all his records,” Judge Tunheim said, the New York Times reported.
4) Obstruction No. 4: Morley v CIA
Fast-forward 18 years into the now postmodern era, and the CIA’s response to petitions for pubic disclosure in the Morley v CIA case looks a lot like its stance versus the Warren Commission, the HSCA and the ARRB: refuse to make public the documents, seek to delay, obfuscate the issues, and do not confirm or deny.
Moreover, the CIA’s stance versus Morley looks all the more problematic due to the fact that it has been 50 years since the assassination of President Kennedy. The Cold War is over: the United States won. There is no existential threat to the United States. Russia, the world's second strongest military power, while not a U.S. ally, is not an enemy, either, but a rival. Cuba’s centrally planned communist economic model has been discredited for decades, and it will likely become a market-oriented economy in the decade ahead. Cuba also poses no threat to the U.S. or its interests in the region -- i.e., don’t expect Cuba to invade Florida or export its centrally planned economic system to Brazil or Mexico any time soon. Even so, the CIA argues that making public the classified JFK assassination files would cause “extremely grave damage” to U.S. national security.
JFK Assassination Investigation Status
It must be underscored that, to date, there is no smoking gun or incontrovertible evidence of a plot or conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy, but there is a pattern of suspicious activity, along with a series of anomalies and a commonality of interests among key parties, that compel additional research and the release of non-public documents.
Further, the CIA probably is not covering up some tectonic, systemic crisis-triggering secret about the assassination of President Kennedy, or even evidence of a colossal Agency operational failure that would prompt the American people to call for a dismantling of the national security state apparatus.
But you would not know it from the CIA’s stance toward the old, still-classified JFK assassination files.
See Also:
The Reissue of Oswald and the CIA^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^By John Newman
Reviewed by James DiEugenioOswald and the CIA is not an easy book to read. And I think this is one of the reasons that it was underappreciated when it was first published in 1995. One would expect this result in the mainstream press. But even the research community was not up to the task of understanding the true value of this important work when it was originally published.
Jerry Rose's The Fourth Decade discussed the book twice: once directly and once indirectly. That journal specifically reviewed the book in late 1995 (Vol. 3 No. 1). The reviewer was a man named Hugh Murray. His review was completely inadequate. He gave the book less than two pages of discussion. Murray never even addressed the volume's two crucial chapters on Mexico City, which are the key to the book. (This would be like criticizing the Warren Report and never addressing the single bullet theory.) In the summer of the following year (Vol. 3 No. 3), Peter Dale Scott did something that may have been even worse. He wrote a long article for Rose's publication entitled "Oswald and the Hunt for Popov's Mole". This piece seriously distorted and misinterpreted both the book itself and some of the important information Newman had unearthed. This sorry performance partly explains why the book's achievement was never really comprehended even within the critical community.
But to be honest, Newman made some mistakes that contributed to the book's disappointing reception. The author felt it was important to get the book out quickly. He thought he should do so while the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB)) was still operating in order to draw attention to its work. I thought this was an error at the time. I still do. For there were some documents, not fully processed at the time, which would have been useful to the endeavor. For instance, The House Select Committee's Mexico City Report, aka the Lopez Report, had not yet been fully declassified. And to his credit, Newman updated his work on Mexico City with a 1999 article for Probe (Vol. 6 No. 6 ). This is included in The Assassinations.
Secondly, because of this haste, the book is--to put it gently--not adroitly composed. Newman's previous book, JFK and Vietnam, also deals with a complex topic: President Kennedy's intent to withdraw from the Vietnam conflict. Yet that book is skillfully arranged and written. When I asked the author about the comparison between the two, he said, "But Jim, that book was ten years in the making." I should also add that he had an editor on the first book. Something he did not have, at least to my knowledge, on the second.
Third, Major John Newman was an intelligence analyst for twenty years. And he approached Oswald and the CIA in that vein. In other words, he played to his strengths. Therefore the book is a study of Oswald as he is viewed through the intelligence apparatus of the United States government. Or, as the author notes, it's about "Oswald the file". The author rarely tries to fill out the story or the personage. For instance, the alleged attempted suicide of Oswald in Russia is not mentioned here. Ruth Paine is mentioned once; Michael Paine not at all. Only a highly disciplined, almost obsessed mind, could hew to that line almost continuously. Or the mind of a former intelligence analyst. Consequently, because of its inherent longeurs, the book makes some demands on the reader. Which some, like Scott and Murray, were not up to.
IINow, with caveats out of the way, lets get to the rewards in this valuable, and undervalued, book. No person, or body, not even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), has ever dug more deeply into what the American intelligence community knew about Oswald prior to the assassination. What Newman reveals here literally makes the Warren Commission look like a Model T Ford. All the denials issued to that body by the likes of John McCone and J. Edgar Hoover are exposed as subterfuges. Contrary to their canards, there was a lot of interest in Oswald from the time he defected to Russia until the assassination.
Newman first discovered this when he was hired by PBS to work on their ill-fated Frontline special about Oswald in 1993. And it was this discovery that inspired him to write the book. The CIA Director at the time of the debate in Congress over the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board had testified there were something like 39 documents at CIA about Oswald. Most of them were supposed to be clippings. Newman discovered there was many, many times that amount. Further, he discovered the Agency held multiple files on Oswald. And finally, and perhaps most interestingly, there were some puzzling irregularities within the record. (When the author expressed his continuing bewilderment about this to the archivist, the archivist replied, "Haven't you ever heard of Murphy's Law?" To which Newman shot back, "Every time I turn around I'm walking into Mr. Murphy.")
Mr. Murphy makes his appearance right at the start. Once Oswald defected to Russia in 1959 the FBI opened up a file on him for security purposes. But at the CIA there is a curious, and suspicious, vacuum. Richard Snyder of the American Embassy in Moscow sent a cable to Washington about Oswald's defection. But the exact date the CIA got it cannot be confirmed (p. 24). Further, the person who received it cannot be determined either. Since Oswald was a former Marine, the Navy also sent a cable on November 4th. This cable included the information that Oswald had threatened to give up radar secrets to the Soviets. But again, no one knows exactly when this cable arrived at CIA. And almost as interesting, where it was placed upon its immediate arrival. (p. 25) This is quite odd because, as Newman points out (Chapter 3), Oswald's close association with the U-2 plane while at Atsugi, Japan should have placed alerts all over this cable. It did not. To show a comparison, the FBI recommended "a stop be placed against the fingerprints to prevent subject's entering the US under any name." (Ibid) So, on November 4, 1959, the FBI issued a FLASH warning on Oswald. This same Navy memo arrived at CIA and, after a Warren Report type "delayed reaction", eventually went to James Angleton's CI/SIG unit on December 6th. Angleton was chief of counter-intelligence. SIG was a kind of safeguard unit that protected the Agency from penetration agents. It was closely linked to the Office of Security in that regard. But as Newman queries: where was it for the previous 31 days? Newman notes that the Snyder cable and this Navy memo fell into a "black hole " somewhere. In fact, the very first file Newman could find on Oswald was not even at CI/SIG. It was at the Office of Security. This is all quite puzzling because, as the author notes, neither should have been the proper resting place for an initial file on Oswald. This black hole "kept the Oswald files away from the spot we would expect them to go-the Soviet Russia division." (p. 27)
Another thing the author finds puzzling about this early file is that he could find no trace of a security investigation about the danger of Oswald's defection. This is really odd because while talking to some of his friends the author found out that Oswald knew something that very few people did: the U-2 was also flying over China. If Snyder's original memo said that Oswald had threatened to give up secrets on radar operation to the Russians, and Oswald had been stationed at the U-2 base in Japan, there should have been a thorough security investigation as to what Oswald could have given the Russians. For the obvious reason that the program could be adjusted to avoid any counterattack based upon that relayed information. Newman could find no evidence of such an inquiry. (pgs 28,33-34) Further, the author found out that Oswald was actually part of a unit called Detachment C, which seemed to almost follow the U-2 around to crisis spots in the Far East, like Indonesia. (p. 42)
Needless to say, after Oswald defected, the second U-2 flight over Russia--with Gary Powers on board--was shot down. Powers felt that, "Oswald's work with the new MPS 16 height-finding radar looms large" in that event. (p. 43) The author segues here to this question: Whatever the CIA did or did not do in regard to this important question, it should have been a routine part of the Warren Commission inquiry. It was not. As the author notes, "When called to testify at the Warren Commission hearings, Oswald's marine colleagues were not questioned about the U-2." (p. 43) Oswald's commander in the Far East, John Donovan, was ready to discuss the issue in depth. The Commission was not. In fact, Donovan was briefed in advance not to fall off topic. (p. 45) When it was over, Donovan had to ask, "Don't you want to know anything about the U-2." He even asked a friend of his who had testified: "Did they ask you about the U-2?" And he said, "No, not a thing." (Ibid) Donovan revealed that the CIA did not question him about the U-2 until December of 1963. But this was probably a counter-intelligence strategy, to see whom he had talked to and what he had revealed. Why is that a distinct probability? Because right after Powers was shot down, the CIA closed its U-2 operations at Atsugi. Yet, Powers did not fly out of Atsugi. As Newman notes, the only link between Powers and Atsugi was Oswald. (p. 46)
Right after this U-2 episode, Newman notes another oddity. The CIA did not open a 201 file on Oswald for over a year after his defection, on 12/8/60. (p. 47) This gap seriously puzzled the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Investigator Dan Hardway called CI officer Ann Egerter about it. It was a short conversation. She didn't want to discuss it. (p. 48) The HSCA tried to neuter the issue by studying other defector cases. But as Newman notes: defection is legal but espionage, like giving up the secrets to the U-2, is not. (pgs 49-50) So the comparison was faulty. In fact, when Egerter finally opened Oswald's 201 file, the defection was noted, but his knowledge of the U-2 wasn't. This delay in opening the 201 file was so unusual that the HSCA asked former CIA Director Richard Helms about it. His reply was vintage Helms: "I am amazed. Are you sure there wasn't? ... .I can't explain that." (p. 51) When the HSCA asked where the documents were prior to the opening of the 201 file, the CIA replied they were never classified higher than confidential and therefore were no longer in existence. Newman notes that this is a lie. Many were classified as "Secret" and he found most of them, so they were not destroyed. Further, the ones that were classified as confidential are still around also. (p. 52)
And this is where one of the most fascinating discoveries in the book is revealed. Although no 201 file was opened on Oswald until December of 1960, he was put on the Watch List in November of 1959. This list was part of the CIA's illegal HT/LINGUAL mail intercept program-only about 300 people were on it. Recall, this is at a time when Oswald's file is in the so-called Black Hole. It was not possible to find a paper trail on him until the next month. How could he, at the same time, be so inconsequential as to have no file opened, yet so important as to be on the quite exclusive Watch List? This defies comprehension. In fact, Newman is forced to conclude, "The absence of a 201 file was a deliberate act, not an oversight." (p. 54) Clearly, someone at the CIA knew who Oswald was and thought it was important enough to intercept his mail. Long ago, when I asked Newman to explain this paradox in light of the fact that his first file would be opened at CI/SIG, he replied that one possibility was Oswald was being run as an off the books agent by Angleton. In light of the other factors mentioned in this section, i.e. concerning the U-2 secrets, the "black hole" delay, plus what we will discover later, I know of no better way to explain this dichotomy.
IIIIn his analysis of the Russian scene with Oswald on the ground, Newman made clear two important points. First, whereas most of the attention prior to this book was on embassy official Richard Snyder's interaction with Oswald, Newman revealed a man behind the scenes, peering through the curtains: John McVickar. It was this other embassy official who asked Priscilla Johnson to interview Oswald without Snyder's OK. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is the timing. Oswald had actually refused an interview with American reporter Bob Korengold. He had not been very forthcoming with Aline Mosby, the first journalist to talk to him. Then two things happened. First, the Russians communicated to Oswald that he would be allowed to stay in Russia (p. 73). Second, after McVickar gave Johnson the tip about Oswald, the defector agreed to meet her at her room. He arrived at nine at night. He stayed until well past midnight. (p. 72) What makes this interesting is that Newman reveals that Oswald's room at the Metropole Hotel was equipped with an infra-red camera for the observation of its occupants-and the CIA knew this. (p. 9) Second, Oswald found out he would be allowed to stay through a Russian official who actually visited his room.
After the long interview with Priscilla Johnson, McVickar had dinner with the reporter. Johnson, of course, worked for the conservative, and intelligence affiliated, North American News Alliance. At this dinner, somehow, some way, McVickar revealed that Oswald was going to be trained in electronics. (p. 84) Which he was.
Besides the discoveries about McVickar, Newman actually found documents that revealed that Johnson had applied to work for the CIA as early as 1952. She then worked with Cord Meyer, who helped fund the Congress for Cultural Freedom, exposed later as a CIA conduit. At the time Newman wrote the book, it was not yet revealed that the CIA did not hire her because they later deduced she could be used to do what they wanted anyway and they classified her as a "witting collaborator." (The Assassinations p. 435) The story based on this interview received little play in the media at the time, although it did announce that Oswald was a defector. But after the assassination, Johnson revised this original story-to Oswald's disadvantage-- and it received circulation through the wire services, including the front page of the Dallas Morning News. Thanks to Newman we now know that McVickar was ultimately responsible for it.
Another hidden action that was first revealed in this book was that in 1961, the CIA launched a counterintelligence program against the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which had been formed the year before. According to the author, that effort was launched by the CIA's Office of Security, under the orders of James McCord. (p. 95) Further, this operation was done within the United States, which made it illegal for the Agency, and without the permission of the FBI. Making it even more interesting is that, as Newman first revealed, David Phillips was also part of this program. (p. 241) This program used neighbors hired as spies, and double agents posing as sympathizers, both reporting back to the CIA. (p. 241)
When Oswald decided he wanted to return from Russia, Newman notes another appearance by Mr. Murphy. Actually two. No "lookout" card was inserted on Oswald by the State Department. Although it appears that one was prepared, it was never active. (p. 138) This would have alerted State and other agencies that a security risk had applied to reenter the country. Second, many FBI files that contained the security risk information on Oswald from 1959 are now missing. (p. 153) Finally, the FBI very selectively issued documents from these files to the Warren Commission. The HSCA got more of the picture. But in 1994, when the author went looking for the information hinted at to the HSCA, he couldn't find them. (p. 154)
When Oswald tries to return, he negotiates to have potential legal proceedings against him dropped. (p. 218) Interestingly, he was taken off the Watch List in 1960, then placed back on it in August of 1961. (But yet, his mail was opened even when he was off the list! p. 284) And at this time, there is the first documentary evidence that the CIA had an operational interest in Oswald. At the end of a memo about Oswald's probable return, the chief of the Soviet Russia division wrote, "It was partly out of curiosity to learn if Oswald's wife would actually accompany him to our country, partly out of interest in Oswald's own experiences in the USSR, that we showed operational intelligence interest in the Harvey [Oswald ] story." (p. 227)
Marina got her exit visa surprisingly fast. Oswald explained his behavior there as, "It was necessary to make this propaganda because at the time he had wanted to live in Russia." (p. 235) Oswald thought his passport would be confiscated when he returned. But, surprisingly-or not-Oswald was actually able to sign papers for a government loan at the American Embassy. A man named Spas Raikin of the Travelers Aid Society was contacted by the State Department to meet Oswald and his new wife in New York in June of 1962. The Oswalds made it through customs and immigration without incident. And without any evidence of an attempt at a debriefing.
When Oswald arrived back in Texas, FBI agent John Fain did do an interview with him. Oswald then got a job at Leslie Welding, and started to subscribe to communist newspapers. At this point, Mr. Murphy pops up again. Even though the FBI had informants in many post offices looking out for just this sort of thing-a former defector subscribing to communist periodicals- and Oswald has signed a post office form instructing the post office to deliver him foreign propaganda, the Bureau did an inexplicable thing. In October, they closed their Oswald file. (p. 271)
What makes the timing of this fascinating are two events. First, the CIA campaign against the FPCC begins to heat up, and the FBI opens up a similar front against the FPCC led by Cartha De Loach. (p. 243) Second, George DeMohrenschildt, the Baron, enters Oswald's life. In his interview with the Warren Commission, the Baron tried to conceal his knowledge of who J. Walton Moore was. Moore was the head of the CIA office in Dallas who, it was later revealed, approached the Baron about going out to meet the returned defector. But DeMohrenschildt told the Warren Commission that Moore was "some sort of an FBI man in Dallas. Many people consider him the head of the FBI in Dallas." (p. 277)
Newman closes this section of the book with a beautiful Mr. Murphy episode. He notes that FBI agent James Hosty was now, rather belatedly, looking for Oswald and his wife. This was in March of 1963. Hosty also recommended that Oswald's case be reopened. The grounds for this reopening? Oswald had a newly opened subscription to the Communist newspaper, The Worker. (p. 273) But, as the author notes, when the Dallas FBI office had previously learned of an earlier such subscription-to the exact same publication-it had closed his file! This recommendation had a caveat. Hosty left a note in Oswald's file "to come back in forty-five to sixty days." (Ibid) But by then, of course, Oswald would be in New Orleans. Newman poses the question: Was the reason Oswald's case was closed for these six months because DeMohrenschildt was now making his approach to Oswald? (p. 277) Was another reason because Oswald was now about to enter the fray, along with the CIA and FBI, against the FPCC in New Orleans? (p. 289)
IVThe two finest parts of this distinguished work are the sections on New Orleans and, especially, Mexico City. Newman notes that the official story is that the FBI lost track of Oswald while he was organizing his FPCC group in New Orleans under the name of Hidell. This is when many credible witnesses place him in league with Guy Banister and Sergio Arcacha Smith at 544 Camp Street. But even though FBI agents Regis Kennedy and Warren DeBrueys were specialists on the anti-Castro beat in New Orleans, the FBI holds that Hosty did not know that Oswald moved to New Orleans until June 26th. In this book, the author demonstrates with a chart why this is so hard to believe. On page 300 he lists seven different events between May 14th and June 5th that should have caused the Bureau to realize that Oswald had moved. If you believe the Bureau, it wasn't enough.
The author suspects this methodical obtuseness was due to the fact that Oswald was in, what Newman calls, his "undercover" phase in New Orleans. That is, he has visited Jones Printing to order flyers with two different stamps applied, neither of them in his name. The first is under the name Hidell, and the second is addressed 544 Camp St. Newman believes that Banister was using Oswald to smoke out leftwing students and liberal professors at Tulane, like Prof. Leonard Reissman. Newman also brings out the fact that in a memo to the Bureau from New Orleans, the information that several FPCC pamphlets contained the 544 Camp St. address was scratched out. (p. 310)
The next discovery made by the author is also arresting. The FBI says they discovered Oswald was in New Orleans at the end of June. (p. 317) Yet they did not verify where he lived until August 5th. As Newman notes, the latter is the same day that Oswald broke out of his undercover mode and contacted some Cuban exiles, using his real name. Or as the author puts it: " ... the FBI's alleged blind period covers-to the day-the precise period of Oswald's undercover activity in New Orleans." (Ibid)
On August 5th, Oswald begins to play an overt role as an agent provocateur with Carlos Bringuier of the anti-Castro exile group, the DRE. The Warren Commission never knew that the DRE had a CIA code name, AMSPELL. When Oswald is arrested on Canal Street after his famous altercation with Bringuier, he actually had the Corliss Lamont booklet, "The Crime Against Cuba" with him. This had the "FPCC 544 Camp Street" stamp on it. (As I showed in my first book, this particular pamphlet was very likely provided to Banister through the CIA itself. See Destiny Betrayed, p. 219) Newman then details Oswald's arrest, his court date, his activities in front of the International Trade Mart-with flyers in his own name with his own address, and how Oswald now goes to the papers to get ads published for his cause. Oswald was attracting so much attention that J. Edgar Hoover requested a memorandum on him in late August with a detailed summary of his activities. This went to the CIA. When Oswald debated Bringuier on a radio program, the moderator Bill Stuckey offered the tape to the FBI. And the DRE reported the incident to the CIA. As Newman builds to his climax, all of this is important in light of what will happen next.
After creating a lot of bad publicity for the FPCC in New Orleans, Oswald now lowers his profile again. At the Mexican consulate in New Orleans, he and CIA operative Bill Gaudet get visas to go to Mexico on September 17th .Why is the date important? Because on the day before, the 16th, the CIA told the FBI they were considering countering FPCC activities in foreign countries. A week later, Oswald leaves New Orleans on a bus to Mexico.
What Newman does with the legendary Oswald trip to Mexico is, in some respects, revolutionary. Greatly helped by the release of the finally declassified Lopez Report, he actually goes beyond that magnificent document. According to the Warren Commission, Oswald was in Mexico City from Friday September 27th to Wednesday October 3rd. The ostensible reason was to acquire an in-transit visa from the Cuban consulate so he could travel from Cuba back to the Soviet Union. But as Newman notes, this story makes little sense and is likely a ruse. (p. 615) Oswald already had a passport to Russia, but the stamp warned that a person traveling to Cuba would be liable for prosecution. If he really wanted to go to Russia, Oswald could have gone the same roundabout route he had in 1959. The route he was choosing this time actually made it much harder, if not impossible, to get to Russia in any kind of current time frame.
When Oswald first shows up at the Cuban consulate it allegedly is at 11:00 AM on Friday. (p. 356) Yet as the author notes on his chronological chart, he is supposed to have already called the Soviet Consulate twice that morning. (Ibid) The problem with those two calls is that they were both in Spanish which, as the Lopez Report notes, the weight of the evidence says Oswald did not speak. He tells receptionist Silvia Duran he wants an in-transit visa for travel via Cuba to Russia. But he has no passport photos. He leaves to get the pictures taken. When he returned with the photos, Duran told him that he now had to get his Soviet visa before she could issue his Cuban visa. (p. 357)
Oswald now went to the Soviet Consulate. But here we find another problem with what is supposed to be his third call there. The time frames for the call and the visit overlap. He cannot be outside calling inside when he is already inside. (Ibid) Further, this call is also in Spanish, which creates a double problem with the call. Once inside, Oswald learns he cannot get a visa to give to Duran unless he requested it from Washington first. And the process would take weeks. Oswald now makes a scene and is escorted out. He goes back to the Cuban consulate. Oswald tells Duran there was no problem with the Soviet visa. She does not buy his story and calls the Soviet consulate. They tell her they will call her back. Embassy official and KGB secret agent Valery Kostikov calls back. Oswald's attempt falls apart since Oswald knows no one in Cuba and the routing to the Russian Embassy in Washington will take too long. (p. 359) This call seems genuine. But as the author notes, and as we shall see, there was one problem with it: neither Duran nor Kostikov mentioned Oswald by name.
Oswald creates another scene and quarrels with Cuban counsel Eusebio Azcue. Now, and this is important, Duran insists that this is the last time she saw or spoke to Oswald. This created a serious problem because the Warren Commission reported that she did talk to him again.(p, 408) The apparent source for this is an FBI memo of Dec. 3, 1963. The HSCA realized this was a problem. So they grilled Duran on this point. They tried three different ways to get her to admit she could be wrong. She stuck by her story. (pgs 409-410)
Why is this so problematic? Because on the next day, Saturday September 28th, the Lopez Report says there was a call from a man and a woman to the Soviet Consulate. Further, in his interviews, Newman discovered that the Russians maintain that the switchboard was closed on Saturday. (p. 368) From this and other evidence, Newman concludes that the man in this call is not Oswald. Duran says the woman is not her. Further evidence of this impersonation is that Oswald had visited the Russian Consulate earlier that day. And this phone conversation has little, if any, connection to what he discussed there. From information in the Lopez Report, from CIA Station Chief's Winston Scott's manuscript, and interviews with the transcribers, there was also a call made on Monday, the 30th, from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. This call is apparently lost today.
Finally, on Tuesday, October 1st, there are two calls from Oswald to the Soviet Consulate. Right off the bat, these are suspicious because they are in poor Russian. Yet Oswald was supposed to have spoken fluent Russian. So again, these two calls appear to have been made by an imposter.
But why? In the new Epilogue written for this edition, Newman writes it is because when Duran originally called the Soviet Consulate, Oswald's name was not specifically mentioned. When Oswald then went to the Soviets on Saturday, and created another scene, this was the last of the actual encounters. The specific problem was this: There was no direct record made between Oswald and Kostikov. As we shall see, this could not be allowed. So the two calls on Tuesday had to be made. And the necessity was such that the risk was run of exposing the charade by not having Oswald's voice on the tapes. Why was this so important?
VPrior to Oswald's Mexican odyssey, the FBI reports on his FPCC forays in New Orleans went into a new operational file at CIA, which did not merge with his 201 file. (p. 393) According to the author, this file eventually contained almost a thousand documents. Newman dates the bifurcation from September 23rd: shortly after Oswald goes to the Mexican consulate, and right about when he leaves New Orleans. The FBI report goes to Oswald's CI/SIG soft file and his Office of Security file. (p. 394) But after the assassination, all the FBI reports suddenly revert back to Oswald's 201 file. Only two compartments in the Agency had all of Oswald's file-CI/SIG and Office of Security. As we shall see, there is a method to all this meandering.
At CIA HQ, after the information about Oswald in Mexico City arrives, a first cable is sent on October 10. This cable is meant for the FBI, State Department and the Navy. This cable describes a man who does not resemble Oswald. He is 35 years old, has an athletic build, and stands six feet tall. (p. 398)
At almost the same time this cable was sent, a second cable from CIA HQ goes to Mexico City. This one has the right description of Oswald. So therefore, in a normal situation, the officers in Mexico City could match the description to their surveillance take. But it was missing something crucial. It said that the latest information that CIA had on Oswald was a State Department Memorandum dated from May of 1962. This was not true. For just one example, the Agency had more than one FBI report about Oswald's FPCC activities in New Orleans. Yet, for some reason, the file used to draft this cable was missing the FBI New Orleans reports. What makes these two varyingly false cables even more interesting is that Angleton's trusted assistant Ann Egerter signed off on both of them for accuracy. (p. 401) Apparently, she didn't know what she was signing, or if they contradicted each other. Further, Egerter sent Oswald's 201 file, which was restricted, to the HQ Mexico City desk until November 22nd. (Ibid)
For the first cable, Jane Roman was the releasing officer. She also participated in the drafting of the second cable. What makes her participation in all this so interesting is that she had read the latest information about Oswald in New Orleans on October 4th, less than a week before she signed off on the first cable. When Newman confronted her with these contradictory documents, she said: "I'm signing off on something that I know isn't true." (p. 405) She went on and tried to explain it with this: "I wasn't in on any particular goings-on or hanky-panky as far as the Cuban situation ... to me it's indicative of a keen interest in Oswald, held very closely on a need-to-know basis." (p. 405) Note her reference to the "Cuban situation". For it was Oswald's activities with the Cubans in New Orleans that was left out of the second cable to Mexico City. Therefore Mexico City chief Win Scott could not coordinate Oswald's New Orleans activities with what Oswald had done on his home turf.
For the second cable, the releasing officer was Tom Karemessines who was deputy to Richard Helms. It has never been explained why this cable had to go so high up into officialdom for permission to release it.
There is one last piece to this mosaic that is necessary for its deadly denouement to be fully comprehended. Ann Egerter testified that their counter-intelligence group knew Kostikov was a KGB agent. But the story is that they did not know he was part of Department 13, which participated in assassinations, until after Kennedy's assassination. (p. 419)
All of this is absolutely central to the events that occur on November 22, 1963. Consider: Here you have a defector who was in the Soviet Union for almost three years. He returns and then gets involved confronting anti-Castro Cubans in New Orleans. He then goes to Mexico City, and visits both the Cuban and Soviet embassies trying to get to Russia from Cuba. He creates dramatic scenes at both places, and here is the capper: He talks to the KGB's officer in charge of assassinations in the Western Hemisphere. By the time Oswald returned to Dallas, the alarm bell should have been sounding on him throughout the intelligence community. Especially in view of Kennedy's announced visit to Texas. He should never have been allowed to be on the motorcade route. The Secret Service should have had the necessary information about him and he should have been on their Security Index.
This did not happen. In fact, at the time his profile should have been rising, these false cables within the CIA and to the FBI, State, and Navy were actually lowering it. The final masterstroke, which made sure the information would be concealed until November 22nd, was not discovered until after the book's initial publication. As stated above, the FBI had issued a FLASH warning on Oswald back in 1959. After four years, this was removed on October 9, 1963! This was just hours before the first CIA cable mentioned above was sent. (The Assassinations p. 222)
As Newman notes, "the CIA was spawning a web of deception". (p. 430) When JFK is killed, and Hoover tells President Johnson about Oswald's trip to Mexico City and his visits to both the Cuban and Russian embassies, the threat of nuclear war quickly enters the conversation. But when the FBI discovers that the voice on the tapes are not really Oswald's it does two things: 1.) It points to something even more sinister, therefore throwing the intelligence community into a CYA mode, and 2.) It forces the Agency to hatch a cover story: the tapes were routinely destroyed days after they were made. The result of all this was an investigation that was never allowed to investigate. A presidential commission whose leader was told beforehand that millions of lives were at risk because the Cubans and Russians might be involved. And it exposed an intelligence community that was asleep at the switch, therefore allowing the alleged assassin to be moved into place by the KGB. The result was therefore preordained: a whitewash would follow. And Newman presents written evidence from both J. Edgar Hoover and Nicolas Katzenbach demonstrating that the subsequent inquiry was curtailed at its inception. Deputy Attorney General Katzenbach wrote that speculation about Oswald had to be "cut off" and the idea that the assassination was a communist conspiracy had to be rebutted. (p. 632) Newman later discovered that Hoover realized he had been duped by the CIA about Oswald in Mexico City. (The Assassinations, p. 224)
In his new Epilogue for this 2008 edition, Newman explains why only someone who a.) Understood the inner workings of the national security state, and b.) Understood and controlled Oswald's files, could have masterminded something as superhumanly complex as this scheme. One in which the conspiracy itself actually contained the seeds that would sprout the cover-up.
In this new chapter, Newman names James Angleton as the designer of the plot. (p. 637) He also names Anne Goodpasture, David Phillips' assistant in Mexico City, as the person who hatched the internal CIA cover up by saying the ersatz tapes had been destroyed in October. This is evidenced in a cable she sent on 11/23 (pgs 633-634). Yet she probably knew this was false. Because she later testified to the ARRB that a voice dub of a tape had been carried to the Texas border on 11/22/63, the night before she sent the cable (p. 654). Further, Win Scott had made his own voice comparison after the assassination. He could not have if the tapes had been destroyed. (p. 635) Angleton made sure Scott's voice comparison never became public by swooping into Mexico City and confronting, nearly threatening, Win Scott's widow after he died. Once he was inside the house, he removed four suitcases of materials from Scott's office. This included the contents of his safe where the Mexico City/Oswald materials had been stored. (p. 637)
This remarkable book could never have been composed or even contemplated without the existence of the Assassination Records Review Board. No book takes us more into Oswald's workings with the intelligence community than this one. And his section on Mexico City is clearly one of the 5 or 6 greatest discoveries made in the wake of the ARRB. The incredible thing about the case he makes for conspiracy and cover up is this: The overwhelming majority of his evidence is made up of the government's own records. Its not anecdotal, its not second hand. In other words, its not from the likes of Frank Ragano, Billy Sol Estes, or Ed Partin. It is material that could be used in a court of law. And it would be very hard to explain away to a jury. Imagine the kind of witness Jane Roman would make.
Which is why it all had to be concealed for over thirty years. So much for there being nothing new or important in those newly declassified files. Angleton knew differently. Just ask Win Scott's widow. Or read this book.
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UPDATE GOVERNMENT TO INVESTIGATE BBC
))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))BACKGROUNDMargaret Thatcher 'personally covered up' child abuse allegations against senior ministersThe Tory Prime Minister is said to have held a meeting with a rising star, who was tipped for promotion, and told him: “You have to clean up your sexual act”PAClaims: Margaret ThatcherMargaret Thatcher personally covered up child abuse allegations made against one of her senior ministers, according to explosive new claims.
The Sunday People reports Tory Prime Minister is said to have held a high-powered meeting with the rising star, who was being tipped for promotion, and told him: “You have to clean up your sexual act.”
It followed an allegation that the minister had sexually abused young boys at the home of one of his political allies in 1982.
However the minister apparently ignored the warnings.
It is claimed that four years later he was spotted by police seeking young boys for sex at Victoria railway station in London.
But no action was taken.
The extraordinary claims – made to the Sunday People by a source with inside knowledge of Scotland Yard in the early 1980s – are now expected to be put before the Westminster child abuse inquiry announced last week by the Prime Minister.
They go to the very heart of claims that there was an Establishment cover-up to protect politicians , judges and police officers involved in a sick paedophile network.
David Cameron has already agreed to a full-scale investigation into historical allegations of child abuse.
He has appointed Lady Butler-Sloss, a retired senior judge who chaired the Cleveland child abuse inquiry in the late 1980s, to head the investigation.
And although the probe is in its infancy, its findings could be explosive – particularly if evidence emerges that a former Prime Minister knew about the allegations.
Labour MP Tom Watson said: “If true, these extraordinary revelations reveal a remarkable state of affairs – so much so that they’re almost impossible to imagine.
“Yet that is what people said about Jimmy Savile and look what happened with him.
“These claims should be investigated by the new child-abuse inquiry.”
According to the source, the minister’s alleged interest in abusing young boys first came to light after he stayed at the home of a constituency agent.
The agent, responsible for securing local election success for the Tory MP, is believed to have alerted authorities.
A high-level meeting involving then Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher, Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw, a senior policeman and an MI5 officer was held to discuss his alleged behaviour.
The minister, according to the source, was then summoned to 10 Downing Street.
But, instead of being disciplined or sacked, the minister was warned about his future behaviour and the matter was swept under the carpet.
Four years later, fresh allegations surfaced.
Led the way: The Sunday People from April 20 of this year
In 1986, the politician was alleged to have been found seeking rent boys in the men’s toilets at Victoria railway station in central London.
The toilets were the target of an undercover sting by Scotland Yard detectives.
Officers approached the minister and warned him about his behaviour. It is believed a report was filed by a CID officer.
Our source says this information was relayed personally to him at the time by Alec Marnoch, a highly respected police officer and Operations Commander of the Yard’s No 8 Area which covers Westminster and the West End.
Mr Marnoch, who died aged 58 in 1999 soon after his retirement, also intimated to the source that police working in Piccadilly Circus had got a report of the same politician importuning at one of London’s most notorious rent-boy haunts – the “chicken rack”.
The “chicken rack” was a set of metal railings close to Piccadilly underground station which was a vice hotspot in the 1980s.
Boys as young as 13 waited there to be picked up by men for sex – often VIPs such as politicians, TV stars or even policemen.
Scotland Yard was unable to confirm whether the politician had been named in connection with either the “chicken rack” or Victoria Station.
A spokesman for the Metropolitan Police said: “We will fully co-operate with the panel chaired by Baroness Butler-Sloss and provide detail of relevant information.
“While these and live police investigations are ongoing it would be inappropriate to comment further.”
The Sunday People has been leading the way since Mr Watson first stunned Parliament and PM David Cameron in October 2012 with claims of a high-profile paedophile network with links to 10 Downing Street.
Since breaking the story, we have produced a string of exclusives about the alleged VIP paedophile ring and reveal how far it reached.
We first revealed the existence of the “Dickens dossier” which was handed to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan.
Its disappearance has prompted the Butler-Sloss inquiry.
The dossier, compiled by now-dead MP Geoffrey Dickens , contained information that would blow the lid off a secret VIP paedophile network, according to Mr Dickens’s son Barry.
He says that in the weeks after his father submitted the dossier, the family’s home was twice “professionally” burgled.
The Home Office admits there is no trace of the dossier and that 114 “potentially relevant files” have been destroyed or lost.
The Home Office was forced to defend Baroness Butler-Sloss, 80, after it was claimed she buried allegations about a bishop from a child-abuse review in 2011.
She reportedly told a victim she did not want to include the allegations in a review of how the Church of England dealt with two paedophile priests because she “cared about the Church” and “the Press would love a bishop”.
A Home Office spokesman said: “The integrity of Baroness Butler-Sloss is beyond reproach and we stand by her appointment unreservedly.”
========================Recently PublishedTory child abuse whistleblower: 'Margaret Thatcher knew all about underage sex ring among ministers'Former activist Anthony Gilberthorpe says he sent Thatcher a 40-page dossier in 1989 accusing Cabinet members of abusing underage boys
http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/margaret-thatcher-personally-covered-up-3848836#ixzz37LLjxDMg -
Martin the Hughes film has some interesting items.
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___________________________________BUT AS JENNINGS/HOLLAND/GARY MACK KNOW-KNEW,the case is closed for LHO acted alone.================================================dallasnews
"When the car is going down [Houston] street, that window is in the frame of the shot," says filmmaker Tom Jennings, executive producer of The Lost JFK Tapes: The Assassination. "I saw what looks to me like someone moving up there, and I believe it is Lee Harvey Oswald."
In 1964, the FBI examined the Hughes film and was unable to find a clear image in the window. But later technological improvements refined the frames.
"A 1993 computer enhancement of the original film for a PBS/Frontline program, Who Was Lee Harvey Oswald?, found a moving object in the window as President Kennedy's car passed underneath," says Gary Mack, curator of the Sixth Floor Museum at Dealey Plaza. "The movement suggests an object turning from its left to its right or right to left as one looks at the film. The Sixth Floor Museum acquired the original Hughes film in 2002 and video blowups of the window seem to confirm the PBS/Frontline findings."
Forgotten footage
In 1995, Jennings was rooting through the archives of the Sixth Floor Museum researching a piece on Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald. "Tape after tape, I kept seeing images I'd never seen before, and I told Gary [Mack], 'We should do a documentary with just these images.' But there's been so much done on this topic that everyone I talked with thought they'd seen it all."
It was a highlight reel that he showed to National Geographic Channel senior vice president Michael Cascio that got him a green light. "It got the reaction I hoped it would have," Jennings says. "He kept saying, 'I've never seen that before, I've never seen that before.' "
"It documents an important period in a way we feel has not been done," Cascio said before a private screening Tuesday at the Sixth Floor Museum.
The Lost JFK Tapes represents an addition to the lay assassination oeuvre because Jennings consciously avoids running the bases of well-worn sources. In his film, there is no Walter Cronkite, no Pulitzer-winning photo of Ruby shooting Oswald and no Zapruder film. There is also no contemporary narration, only the voices of the era.
"It's as if you had a remote control in 1963 and went from channel to channel," Jennings says. "That's how this plays."
Another view
There is an amazingly well-restored copy of Orville Nix's home movie that captured the shooting from the south side of Dealey Plaza. The frantic foot flailing of Secret Service agent Clint Hill as he tries to climb aboard the limousine without getting hit by a pursuing Cadillac shows him within a nanosecond of falling.
"Clint Hill came very close to being the third casualty of the assassination," says Mack.
A Houston Street sequence from the Hughes film is slowed to clearly illuminate President Kennedy leaning in to hear something Jackie is saying - probably the final words between the president and first lady.
And the clip of two bewildered boys west of the triple underpass waving enthusiastically as the blood-soaked Lincoln speeds past them is one of dozens of poignant moments.
Conspiracy hounds will dissect B reel news footage of Jack Ruby loitering with reporters Saturday night in a hallway near Oswald's interrogation room, the night before he shot him. Was Ruby stalking Oswald or was he merely a cop groupie?
The Ultimate USAEC secrets per the JFK hit.
in JFK Assassination Debate
Posted · Edited by Steven Gaal
Case for Helms & JJA.
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So, it's really less comfortable to think that the forces that murdered JFK got away with their crime and are still out there, and through their surrogates are still active in local politics today.
You don't have to believe my theory, Paul B. I don't want true-believers. I'm seeking EVIDENCE and FACTS and I'm doing my best to connect the dots. BUT I'M ONLY ONE GUY.
It's important, if we're really going to solve the JFK murder, to pinpoint the exact people who did it. It is useless, IMHO, to just name people without Evidence, simply because they were rich and powerful and hated JFK. That is the easy way out. I'm not looking for the easy way out.
Finally, Paul B., your argument about plausible deniability seems to be genuine, but really it's not very strong. It's simply saying that NOBODY can ever figure it out, and that the CIA modus operandi of plausible deniability is the EASY ANSWER, that is -- they destroyed all the Evidence, and so nobody will ever find it.
That means we can really stop looking -- we can stop trying to solve the JFK murder -- as long as we simply accuse the CIA and stick to that story with our hands over our eyes, ears and mouths.
I have already offered a viable explanation why high-level CIA officers like Helms, Angleton and Dulles were so good at covering-up the murders of their rogue employees -- National Security. The Truth would have led to Civil War, and in 1964 that would have led to World War Three. That's actually a fact, and so it's also a justifiable position. The key was to prevent these people from talking. TREJO
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At a RFK COPA meeting in LA was a FBI doc given out cc'ed to CIA. RFK was going to reopen the Elm St case (re RFK own statements (via informant)). I write this because you said below. (GAAL)
(((So, it's really less comfortable to think that the forces that murdered JFK got away with their crime and are still out there, and through their surrogates are still active in local politics today. Trejo)))
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circumstantial evidence is evidence. I write this because you said this below. There are numerous Dulles connections. (see above thread,please let me add the "Party".)
( I'm seeking EVIDENCE and FACTS,TEJO)
How many Dulles connections do we need till we collapse and say this is reality ??? (Gaal)
So they have a party, and while neither Schmidt nor Michael Paine were present, Ruth Paine met Marina Oswald and became fast friends, while it would take a while longer for Michael Paine to meet Lee Harvey Oswald.
In a footnote, (p. 353), Epstein notes: “Kuetemeyer had been experimenting, according to Schmidt, on a group of schidoids during World War II. The experiments had been interrupted in 1944, when Kuetemeyer had become involved in the plot to assassinate Hitler and had been forced into hiding from the Nazis.”
Dr. Whilhelm Keutemeyer was a professor of psychosomatic medicine and religion at the University of Heidelberg, Germany. Keutemeyer’s son was Volkmar Schmidt’s best friend, and Schmidt looked to Keutemeyer as a surrogate father figure. Keutemeyer was also a colleague of Swiss psychoanalysist Carl Jung, who attempted to use his professional associations in attempts to influence Hitler’s behavior. When that failed they just tried to kill him.
According to Schmidt, Keutemeyer was also associated with Herr Von Halen and Dr. Adam von Trott zu Solz, both of whom were captured, tortured and executed because of their roles in the failed assassination and coup of July 20, 1944. (For details of their roles Peter Hoffman’s the History of German Resistance, 1933-1944, MIT Press, 1977).
Also involved was one Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, a Gestapo officer assigned to Switzerland, who tried to get the OSS chief of Bern, Allen Dulles, to broker a separate peace between Germany and the Western Allies, without Hitler, to fight the Russians together. This plot evolved into the July 20th bomb explosion at the Fuhrer’s “Wolfschanze” bunker headquarters near Rastenburg, Germany.
Col. Claus Schenk Grav von Stauffenberg planted a briefcase bomb under the map table next to Hitler, left the bunker, witnessed the explosion and the flew back to Berlin where he met with Gisevius. Together they drew up press releases to counter Goebel’s propaganda, but when it became clear that the bomb failed to kill Hitler (the heavy wooden table leg saved his life), those responsible were rounded up and executed. Many hundreds, some say thousands were eventually implicated, but somehow, Gisevius went underground and eventually escaped using false identification provided to him by Allen Dulles, though his personal assistant Mary Bancroft.
Mary Bancroft, the stepdaughter of the publisher of the Wall Street Journal, was also Dulles’ mistress at the time, and served as a intermediary between Dulles and Gisevius. She also helped Gisevius translate his history of the Third Rich, later published as “Bis zum bittern Ende.” (two volumes, Fretz & Wasmuth, Zurich, 1946, 1954; To the Bitter End,” Richard and Clara Winston, Jonathan Cape, London, 1948; Rutten & Loening, Hamburg, (1964).
As related in her own “Autobiography of a Spy” (William Morrow, 1983), Mary Bancroft was a close personal friend of Michael Paine’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young. Their intimate friendship dated from the 1920s when Ruth Forbes Paine was married to New York architect Lyman Paine, one of the founders of the Trotyskite movment in the U.S. and father of Michael Paine. Bancroft and Ruth Forbes Paine traveled extensively overseas and were together on board an ocean liner when Bancroft met her future husband, a Zurich businessman.
Hans Bernd Gisevius was called to testify for the defense at the Nurenberg trials, but instead of aiding them, he helped send the Nazis to the gallows. He then came to America where Allen Dulles provided him with a $5,000 a month retainer and set him up in the home of his CIA deputy Tom Braden. At the time Braden was head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), and his assistant was Cord Meyer, Jr., who would later take his place. Cord Meyer, Jr. was the co-founder of the World Federalists, which also included it’s Philadelphia adherents, Michael’s mother Ruth Forbes Paine Young and Priscilla Johnson McMillan, when she was a student at Bryn Mawr.
So there you have it - Dr. Wilhelm Keutemeyer, Dr. Hans Bernd Gisevius, Mary Bancroft and Allen Dulles, four direct participants in the July 20, 1944 Hitler assassination attempt and failed coup d’etat, who also became related to the events that culminated in what happened on November 22, 1963.
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First National Bank of Boston owned by the Cabots controlled Textron which controlled Bell Helicopter. Textron went to the Pentagon lobbying in 1958 for increased Helicopter use in warfare. The Vietnam war AKA the Helicopter War. Michael Paine worked at Bell Helicopter and was a Cabot on both sides of his family.
The description of Lee Oswald sent by CIA headquarters to its Mexico City office on 10 October was: “five feet ten inches, one hundred sixty–five pounds, light brown wavy hair, blue eyes”. Simpich points out that this description was not entirely correct, and that other descriptions of Oswald in official files prior to the assassination were also incorrect, but in different ways. In some files, his name is given as Lee Henry Oswald; in others he is said to have acquired Soviet citizenship. In this example it is Oswald’s weight that is incorrect. On the day of his arrest, Oswald weighed 131 pounds, not 165.21
This series of inaccurate files was generated by the CIA’s internal counter–intelligence department, which hoped to identify moles within the CIA and the FBI by noting where particular items of incorrect information surfaced. Although not sinister in itself, (But COULD BE. Bad information could let slip patsy into Dallas,GAAL) this is further proof that Oswald was being followed closely by elements within the CIA long before the assassination.
It may or may not be coincidental that this particular item of incorrect information surfaced very soon after the assassination, twice:
The new records suggested George Joannides was one such SAS operative. The reason for his interest? The bulk of the available evidence indicates that Joannides in late 1963 was running a psychological warfare operation designed to link Lee Harvey Oswald to the Castro government without disclosing the CIA’s hand.
George E. Joannides (pronounced “Joe-uh-NEE-deez”) is a new and important character in the Kennedy assassination story. The son of a well-known Greek-American newspaper columnist in New York City, he went to law school and joined the CIA in 1951. Joannides, fluent in Greek and French, was sent to the Athens station. By 1963, he was 40 years old, a rising protégé of Tom Karamessines. He was highly regarded for his skills in political action, propaganda and psychological warfare operations. A dapper, witty man, Joannides presented himself publicly as a Defense Department lawyer. In fact, in 1963 he was Dick Helms’ man in Miami.
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A keen interest in Oswald
The agency’s interest in Oswald in late 1963, Roman explained, was the result of his involvement with the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee, often known by its acronym, FPCC. The agency had wiretap transcripts proving that the FPCC was funded by the Cuban government, via Castro’s delegation at the United Nations in New York. It was Oswald’s FPCC activities that most interested the counterintelligence staff in 1963, she said.
Newman then reviewed the routing slips on two documents about Oswald that Roman herself had received in September 1963.
The first was the FBI report from agent Hosty in Dallas. Hosty reported on Oswald’s address in the summer of 1963 and his recent leftist political activities, including his subscription to the Socialist Worker newspaper.
The second report was more provocative. It was a report from the FBI in New Orleans, dated September 23, 1963. Oswald, it seemed, had gotten arrested. He had been handing out FPCC pamphlets on a street corner in New Orleans on August 9, 1963 when he was confronted by some members of the militantly anti-Castro group called the Directorio Revolucionario Estudantil or DRE, which was known to North American newspaper readers as the Cuban Student Directorate. An altercation ensued. Oswald and some of the Cubans were arrested. An agent in the New Orleans office of the FBI wrote up a report and sent it to Washington.
The FBI, it should be noted, was not the only organization interested in Oswald’s political activities. The Cuban students were also collecting intelligence on the young ex-Marine.
The Cuban Student Directorate, long since forgotten, was among the most prominent anti-Castro organizations of the day. Composed of exiled middle-class students from the University of Havana, the Directorate rallied young people in Miami against Castro’s communist movement. It won headlines around the world for sensational actions such as attempting to assassinate Castro outside a Havana hotel in August 1962. At CIA headquarters in Langley the group was known by the code name AMSPELL. With the U.S. support, the Directorate flourished and established chapters in cities throughout North and South America in the early 1960s.
The Directorate followed up on Oswald’s antics just as the FBI did. In August 1963, the New Orleans delegation of the group reported to the Directorate’s headquarters in Miami that a Castro supporter named Oswald was trying to infiltrate their ranks. The Directorate leaders in Miami authorized the New Orleans chapter to issue a press release denouncing Oswald’s pro-Castro ways. The New Orleans students also challenged Oswald to a debate on a local radio program. When Oswald accepted they made a tape of his remarks criticizing U.S. policy toward Cuba.
Of course, none of this was in the FBI records. At the time of our interview with Jane Roman, Newman and I knew only that the Directorate had received funding from the CIA under a program with the code name of AMSPELL. There was, it turns out, much more to know. All we had was the FBI report on the arrest of Oswald and his antagonists in the Cuban Student Directorate that was forwarded to the CIA. The routing slip showed that Roman signed for it on October 4, 1963.
Newman recounted the circumstances in which she signed for the report. Five weeks after his brawl with the Cuban Student Directorate in New Orleans, Oswald had caught a bus to Mexico City where he visited both the Cuban and Russian diplomatic offices seeking a visa. The CIA surveillance team watching two offices figured out the visitor’s name was Lee Oswald. The surveillance team reported their finding to David Atlee Phillips, the chief of Cuban operations in Mexico City. Phillips notified his boss, Win Scott, the chief of the Mexico City station. On October 8, 1963, Scott sent a cable to headquarters in Washington asking for more information about Oswald. Two days later, headquarters sent a response.
This was the next document that Newman gave to Roman for her perusal. She had helped prepare it thirty-one years before.
This three-page cable, dated October 10, 1963, seems innocuous. It was drafted by a woman named Charlotte Bustos. She worked on the Mexico desk of the CIA. It was her job to handle such routine inquiries. She did this by checking to see if the agency had ever opened a so-called 201 file on anyone named Lee Oswald. (A 201 file, sometimes known as a personality file, is opened on anybody of interest to the agency.) Because of his defection to the Soviet Union in 1959, Oswald already had a 201 file at CIA headquarters. Bustos reviewed it and drafted a reply. By the end of the workday on October 10, 1963, her draft had been revised by other CIA offices for coordination, authentication, and approval. No CIA cable could go out with such vetting.
The markings at the bottom of the document indicated which offices and which officers had been consulted. Jane Roman was identified as one of the officers who had seen in the cable “in draft form.” The cable was also seen by an “authenticating officer” whose task it was to vouch for its contents. That was J.C. King, the chief of all CIA operations in the Western Hemisphere. Finally, the cable had to be signed by a “releasing officer” who approved the policy contents of the message. That was Tom Karamessines, who served as top deputy to covert operations chief, Richard Helms.
At 10:28 p.m. on the night of Wednesday, October 10, 1963, the cable went to Mexico City.
Partisans of the anti-conspiratorial interpretation of Kennedy’s death stress that this cable was routine. It certainly seems to be, despite the hour at which it was sent. In the cable, Karamessines passed on to Mexico City what the agency purported to know about Lee Oswald: that he had defected to the Soviet Union in October 1959, that he had married a Russian woman, and that he had moved back to the United States in the spring of 1962. The cable stated that the “latest HDQS [headquarters] info[rmation]” about this young American was a State Department report from May 1962, which stated that his time in the Soviet Union had “a maturing effect” on him.
In the interview, Newman called Roman’s attention to this seemingly minor statement.
“It’s not even a little bit untrue,” he noted bluntly. “It’s grossly untrue.”
The juxtaposition was clear.
On the table was one cable which showed that Roman had signed off on the statement that the “latest HDQS info” on Oswald was a report from State Department report dated May 1962.
On top of that cable was the cable and routing slip that showed she had just a few days before signed for the two FBI reports on this same Lee Harvey Oswald. She had signed for the second of these reports on Oct. 4, 1963.
Newman’s implication was clear. If Roman had read the FBI reports, then she knew on October 10, 1963 that Oswald had just a few weeks earlier been handing out pamphlets on behalf of the FPCC, the most prominent pro-Castro organization in the United States. Moreover, Oswald’s pro-Castro activism had embroiled him in an altercation with members of the Cuban Student Directorate, one of the agency’s most favored front groups in the anti-Castro cause. All of this information was on Jane Roman’s desk in October 1963.
The logical conclusion: On October 10, 1963 the “latest HDQS info” on Oswald wasn’t a 17-month old State Department memo speculating about Oswald’s state of mind. It was a month-old FBI document about Oswald’s contacts with a CIA-sponsored organization. And Jane Roman—if she had done her job—had known it.
Roman thought carefully about what Newman was suggesting. Her response was telling. She didn’t deny that she had read the FBI reports on Oswald. She couldn’t--not with her initials on the routing slips.
Instead, Roman spoke about who had responsibility for the handling the contents of a cable about Oswald. She said the responsibility did not belong to CI/LS but to another office in the agency’s Directorate of Plans: the Special Affairs Staff (SAS). She was precise on why the cable didn’t it mention Oswald’s most recent activities, namely his clash with the anti-Castro Cubans in New Orleans.
“The only interpretation I could put on this [the language of the cable] would that this SAS group would have held all the information on Oswald under their tight control,” she said.
In the fall of 1963, the SAS was a new bureaucratic entity in the CIA. Created at the behest of the Kennedy White House, it was tasked with overthrowing of the government of Cuba without too much “noise,” meaning domestic political consequences. It was the bureaucratic incarnation of John and Robert Kennedy’s secret but abiding determination to remove Fidel Castro from power. It was created after the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962 was resolved. When the showdown over Soviet missiles in Cuba ended peacefully, Castro’s grip on power was stronger than ever.
Some thought JFK had squandered an opportunity to get rid of Castro. Others thought he had acted prudently. There was consensus that Operation Mongoose, the Kennedy brothers’ first covert program to oust the charismatic communist, was going nowhere. The SAS was created in January 1963 to take over the job. As for tactics, the Kennedy brothers didn’t care what SAS did as long as the White House had plausible deniability. The SAS operatives tried everything from assassination conspiracies to propaganda to political action to “psychological warfare,” the contemporary term of art for espionage that deceived and disoriented and divided the communists. Along the way, some of the SAS men became interested in the very obscure character named Lee Harvey Oswald.
At least that was Jane Roman’s reading of the cables.
These SAS men were being very careful with what they knew about Oswald. Under their tight control. Roman stressed that she was not privy to such things. She said that, for the counterintelligence staff, running such a check on a then-unknown personality like Oswald was simply mundane duty.
“All these things that you have shown me so far before the assassination would have been very dull and very routine,” she said.
That was very likely true, and Newman didn’t dispute it. He stressed a different point: that Roman, having read the FBI cables on Oswald and having seen the draft form of the cable to Mexico City, personally knew that the line about “latest HDQS info” on Oswald was not entirely accurate.
“You had to know that this sentence here was not correct,” Newman said.
“Well, I had thousands of these things,” Roman protested.
“I’m willing to accept whatever your explanation is,” Newman allowed, “ but I have to ask you this--”
Roman was getting testy.
“And I wasn’t in on any particular goings-on or hanky-panky as far as the Cuban situation,” she added.
“Right, so you wouldn’t have”--Newman groped for the right words, “what you’re saying is” He finished the thought: “…tried to examine it that closely?”
“Yeah, I mean, this is all routine as far as I was concerned,” she answered.
“Problem though, here,” Newman noted. He pointed to the line in the cable about “latest HDQS info.”
Roman understood his point and finally conceded it: “Yeah, I mean I’m signing off on something that I know isn’t true.”
I’m signing off on something that I know isn’t true.
This was doubly interesting. Roman was not only acknowledging not only was somebody in SAS interested in Oswald six weeks before Kennedy was killed. She was stating that whoever that somebody was made an affirmative decision to withhold information about him from other CIA officers before November 22, 1963.
Newman did not dwell on the point. He did not imply that Roman was involved in anything sinister. She was merely saying that she participated in drafting a cable in which the men higher up in the clandestine operations division chose not to tell the whole truth—something that was in the nature of their jobs.
Responsibility for the cable on Oswald, Roman said, belonged to the most senior officer who signed it, Tom Karamessines.
She was no doubt correct. Karamessines was Dick Helms’ right hand man. While Helms was sleek and bland, an Ivy Leaguer who was barbered to the nines and kept a clean desk, Karamessines was an earthy assimilated New Yorker. He had distinguished himself as a frontline soldier in the vicious Greek civil war of 1946-48. He went on to become the chief of the CIA station in Athens, the largest outpost of U.S. intelligence in the Near East. There he recruited a large number of Greek-Americans to work for the agency. In March 1962, Helms made him his top assistant and trusted him totally.(Greek mechanics ?? ,Prouty)
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see
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21126&p=288603
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FOR more JJA see Probe JJA parts I & II