Steven Gaal

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No charges against SWAT officers who maimed toddler during raid

Police probe claims pro-UK campaigners took illegal postal vote ‘tallies’

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Reply: Walker denied that Oswald had shot at him. The bullet was not matched to any weapon owned by Oswald. At the time of the event, the Dallas Morning News reported a 30.06 bullet. (Of course, the Warren Report omitted this.) A witness, Kirk Coleman, saw two men, but neither was Oswald. A photograph of a car behind Walker's house turned up at Ruth Paine's house and was ascribed to Oswald. While the police had that photograph, the license plate disappeared from the back of the car. However, Chief Curry's book (1969) contains a photograph of Oswald's possessions, including that Walker photograph. In that version, the license plate is intact – which strongly implies that the police had cut it out of the other one.

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http://www.ctka.net/2014_reviews/greenfield.html

Further, the best witness to the Walker shooting, young Kirk Coleman, said he saw two men escaping from the scene after the shooting. Both drove separate cars and neither resembled Oswald. Further, according to the Commission, Oswald did not drive.

http://www.ctka.net/reviews/corsi.html

Corsi states that DeMohrenschildt was an important link to several pieces of evidence that the Warren Commission used to conclude that Oswald killed Kennedy. Some of it had to do with the Gen. Edwin Walker shooting incident that occurred on March 10, 1963. At 9 pm that evening a bullet penetrated General Walker's window and slammed into the wall, only narrowly missing his head. De Mohrenschildt testified to the Commission that he had joked to Oswald if he was the guy who shot Walker. Although Oswald never said yes, the Baron saw guilt in his face. In 1967, four years after the assassination, and four years after the infamous backyard photos showing Oswald holding a rifle were found in Ruth Paine's garage, another backyard photo was found in DeMohrenschildt's storage unit. This backyard photo was signed "To my friend George from Lee" and dated "5/IV/1963, the Cyrillic version of April 5, 1963 (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 82). This photo, because of its different boundary at the edge and finer resolution, is suspected of being a plant, in order to incriminate Oswald for the Walker shooting. Pacepa believes that this is a further proof that DeMohrenschildt knew more about the Walker incident than he ever admitted. Yet George was puzzled as to how is showed up in his belongings so many years after the fact.

Two pieces of physical evidence implicated Oswald in the Walker shooting. Photos of Walker's house, which were found in Ruth Paine's garage, and a handwritten note in Russian allegedly left from Lee to Marina. Pacepa found telltale clues in this note proving that Oswald was a KGB agent. He claimed that in that letter Oswald instructs Marina what to do in case he is arrested. In that note Pacepa recognized KGB codes like "friends" a code for support officer and "Red Cross" a code for financial help.

Pacepa is really stretching things. He then stretches further. He constructs a myth to demonstrate that Oswald shot at Walker. The truth is that both the picture and the note were surfaced by Ruth Paine after the assassination. Again, the police had searched her house for two days after the murder and had failed to recover the items. After they got it, the Secret Service had the note returned to Ruth because they thought it was from her. (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pp. 77-78). It is fairly evident that DeMohrenschildt and Ruth Paine were CIA assets. And it was Ruth who was the person that produced the most incriminating evidence that convicted Oswald in the public mind as the president's killer. This included evidence that Oswald was in Mexico, the Kostin letter, and the Walker photographs and note. Yet Corsi sidesteps her great importance in the case and chooses to listen to Pacepa. None of the crucial information above regarding Ruth Paine is reported in his book. In fact, Corsi seems to accept the idea that Oswald actually shot General Walker. As Gerald McKnight wrote in his book Breach of Trust , the bullet fired into the Walker house was a steel-jacketed 30.06 bullet. But after the assassination the FBI changed the bullet to a 6.5 copper jacketed bullet. Even the bullet stored in the National Archives today is copper jacketed (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 76).

The Pacepa story is not over yet. Corsi seems to believe Pacepa's claims that the KGB advised all the Eastern Bloc Intelligence services to spread the rumors that the CIA and LBJ had killed JFK so as to divert world attention away from the Soviet Union. To prove Pacepa right, Corsi brings up the case of Vasili Mitrokhin, a retired KGB officer who claimed that the KGB had financed Mark Lane, among others, to promote the JFK assassination conspiracies. There are many writers who think that the possibility exists that Mitrokhin, an dother former KGB officers, were used by western intelligence agencies after the fall of the USSR for their own agendas. Why Corsi would choose to waste so many pages on Pacepa's story is something I can't figure out. Especially since the Soviet Union and KGB do not figure in his list of conspirators at the end of his book. I believe he could have done himself a great favor if he had omitted this whole Pacepa section.

Corsi then tries to tie Oswald in with China by connecting the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC) organization to the Maoist Progressive Labor Party (PLP). Oswald was corresponding with Vincent T. Lee, the national director of FPCC who was also a member of the PLP. Corsi wonders what would have happened if Oswald had been killed immediately after the assassination. The CIA would have claimed that he was a kGB agent who had become disillusioned with Russian Communism and had turned now to Maoist China. Corsi provides no evidence to support this except Allen Dulles who during the Warren Commission hearings said out of the blue "It would have been a blessing for us if (Lee Harvey Oswald) ... had taken his passport and gone to China as he may have contemplated" (p. 157). Unfortunately Dulles is not the most credible source, and the China angle is classic disinformation by Dulles to mud the waters and false sponsor China for the crime.

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http://www.ctka.net/2014/wr_anniv_02.html

The Warren Commission changed the bullet in the Walker shooting to incriminate Oswald.

There was no previous firearms violence in Oswald's past to serve as behavioral precedent for the murders of Kennedy and Tippit. General Edwin Walker had been shot at in April of 1963. The case was unsolved by the Dallas Police as of November, and Oswald had never even been a suspect. In fact, his name appears to have never even been brought up. But if one turns to the Warren Report, one will see that the Commission uses the Walker incident to "indicate that in spite of the belief among those who knew him that he was apparently not dangerous, Oswald did not lack the determination and other traits required to carry out a carefully planned killing of another human being..." (WR, p. 406)

There is one major problem with this verdict (among others). If Oswald misfired at Walker, it would have to have been done with a rifle different than the one the Commission says he used in Dealey Plaza. Because the projectile recovered from the Walker home was described by the Dallas Police as being a steel-jacketed 30.06 bullet. (See Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 49 and the General Offense Report of 4/10/63 filed by officers Van Cleave and McElroy.)

There is no evidence Oswald ever had this kind of rifle. And the Warren Report never notes this discrepancy in the ammunition used in the Walker shooting versus the Kennedy murder

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http://www.ctka.net/reviews/breach.html

This was the precarious position that the Commission found itself in essentially from the start. With no independent investigative staff, they were largely at the mercy of the FBI, Secret Service, and CIA for their information. But mostly the Bureau, and the Bureau had already come to their verdict. For instance, to further incriminate Oswald and to show he had a sociopathic predisposition toward violence, the FBI report asserted that Oswald had tried to shoot General Edwin Walker on the evening of April 10, 1963. (When I talked to FBI agent Warren DeBrueys in New Orleans, he told me this was based on the testimony of Marina Oswald and the fact the assailant in both cases aimed at the victims' head.) But there were serious problems with this second case against Oswald:

1. The Dallas Police never considered him as a suspect in over seven months. The evidence indicated more than one man was involved. The ammunition was steel-jacketed, not copper-jacketed as in the Kennedy case. Walker was a rightwing extremist who Kennedy had removed from his command for distribution of Birchite propaganda. So the political calculus behind the shootings was confused. The conspirators had access to a car which, officially, Oswald did not. The police deduced the weapon was a high-powered rifle, which the Mannlicher-Carcano was not.
2. Walker and his private investigators suspected a former employee, William M. Duff, as the sniper. (pgs. 48-50)

But as McKnight shows, the capper in this regard is CE 573, the mutilated remainder of the bullet recovered from Walker's home. When assistant counsel Wesley Liebeler deposed Walker for two hours in April of 1964, he never mentioned it. This seemed odd since Walker held the bullet in his hands afterwards. Fifteen years later Walker was watching a televised hearing of the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Chief Counsel Robert Blakey held up CE 573 for the camera while discussing the firearms evidence in the JFK case. As McKnight notes:

So there was no real ballistics evidence to connect Oswald to the Walker shooting. This left a mysterious note that Oswald, according to Marina, had left her that night. Even though Marina said she placed the note in a Russian book, it did not show up in the two day DPD search through Oswald's room or the Paines' household, where Marian was staying. It was not until November 30th that Ruth Paine sent the book to Marina through the Irving County police. After the police turned over the book to the Secret Service, the note was finally discovered on December 2nd. It was not signed or dated. When FBI fingerprint specialist Sebastian Latona was questioned by the Commission, he was not asked about the "Walker note". Perhaps because staff attorney Melvin Eisenberg had learned that Latona had found neither Lee nor Marina's fingerprints on the note.

McKnight finalizes this section by doing what he usually does. He takes us behind the scenes and shows us what was happening at the Commission and in the field. By doing this he cracks open the superficial front presented by both reports and shows us that in reality, the authorities themselves knew that there were serious problems with what they presented to the public and the media. On May 20, 1964 Rankin had written Hoover complaining that Marina's testimony on the Walker case "was riddled with contradictions". (p. 57) FBI agent Gordon Shanklin then assigned two agents to Marina because he agreed that "her statements just don't jibe." (Ibid)

In fact, the report that Shanklin commissioned to resolve Marina's "contradictions" did nothing but deepen them. The agents, Ivan Lee and Robert Barrett, interviewed two witnesses who both confirmed there were two suspects, that neither resembled Oswald, and they had access to a Ford. Their main witness, Walter Kirk Coleman, never testified before the Commission. What was left in the case against Oswald was the photo found in his possessions of the back of Walker's home. In light of the above, this now became as suspect as the infamous backyard photographs.

Yet despite all of the above, the Warren Report states that the Walker episode demonstrated Oswald's "disposition to take human life" and it "was considered of probative value in this investigation." (pgs. 56, 58) McKnight explores the Walker case at length and it is one of the best discussions of the incident that I have read. He concludes that it has value not just in and of itself, but that it "was just a microcosm of what was to follow in the government's investigation into the Kennedy assassination." (p. 58) He is correct.

Letter to the Editor: Flashback: The Untold Story of Lee Harvey Oswald
by Peter Whitmey

From The Fourth Decade: A Journal of Research on the John F. Kennedy Assassination (Jerry D. Rose, ed., November 1994, vol. 2, no.1), © State University College 1994. p. 22-3. All rights reserved. Not to be reproduced without permission.

To the editor: Those of you who have read Flashback: The Untold Story of Lee Harvey Oswald (Lewcom Productions: Roseburg, OR 1993) by Ron Lewis (who was one of many consultants to Oliver Stone in the making of JFK) will have noted brief reference to Priscilla McMillan, whom Lewis corresponded with. In a letter to Lewis, Mrs. McMillan encouraged him to write his book, especially if it could "...contribute to the understandive (sic) of Oswald...," even though she felt it "...would probably not bring (Lewis) any happiness." Lewis described McMillan as a "...former Kennedy employee who had interviewed Lee Oswald when he was a defector in the Soviet Union, and later wrote the Marina Oswald biography, entitled Marina and Lee." (P. xiv)

Lewis also received some assistance from Priscilla in locating a prospective publisher. His manuscript was accepted by the Doe Coover Agency in Medford, Mass., but "...after much consideration, it was decided the manuscript needed additional work." (p. 241)

In early 1992, Lewis began working for Oliver Stone at Ixtlan (which he described in his book), and received a letter from Stone dated April 14, 1992 indicating that he was not able to "...finance books, movies, documentaries, etc., but I like your book and wish I could find a publisher. I tried, but right now, if Bill Schaap and Ellen Ray won't take it, I can't think of anyone who would take that chance. Can Larry Howard do anything?" (A copy of this letter was sent to me by Lewis when I questioned his credibility, along with a Sept. 13, 1992 memo from Stone's assistant, Azita Zendel, providing a one-paragraph endorsement of Lewis' self-published book.)

In the epilogue (p. 264), Lewis again made reference to Mrs. McMillan, whom he had been warned by certain Dallas researchers "...was a CIA agent who had hindered their investigations by holding up the Marina Oswald biography for many years. They felt she did this on orders from her superiors." However, in her letter to Lewis dated Dec. 6, 1991, Priscilla emphatically denied any connection to the CIA, stating "No, I never worked for the CIA, and no, I didn't hold up my book on anybody's orders." (Lewis described her as "...my friend, and I feel empathy for her because of the unkind things the Dallas community of researchers said about her. Needless to say, I do not share their sediments, and Priscilla's eventual contribution is invaluable.") (p. 264)

Quoting again from the same letter, Priscilla also described "one of the dark spots in my life," making reference to an unnamed researcher, who "...had pestered her for years about this." Lewis implied it was a researcher from Dallas, although I learned in correspondence with him earlier this year that Priscilla was referring to me. The "dark spot" in her life was related to my periodic letters which began in October, 1987, none of which she has ever responded to (except for a short note dated Feb. 6, 1990 along with the return of my 76-page manuscript, which she presumably read, requesting that I not contact her again "...in any way." She also kindly sent me a copy of her original 1959 published article for NANA dealing with the defection of Oswald, after I spoke to her again two years later.)

In an apparent attempt to discredit me, Priscilla indicated to Lewis that "The one time I talked to him over the phone, he got everything wrong, wrote an article based on what I had and hadn't said, but it's against my principles not to talk to people since I've made my living on their willingness to talk to me, but in this case I'll make an exception from now on." (Undated letter from Lewis to Whitmey--Jan. 1994). My series of articles on Mrs. McMillan's career certainly have not been based on what she told me during two lengthy conversations in the fall of 1987, and if I have been in error in any way, she hasn't been willing to correct the record, other than to tell me in early 1992 that I might "misinterpret" her answers to a long series of questions I had sent her.

______________________________________
Peter R. Whitmey
A-149 Salton Rd.
Abbotsford, B.C.
Canada V2S 5B6

1. Ballot papers with no identifying marks on the back (illegal)
2. Ballot boxes from polling stations delivered to counting centres in private cars by only one person (illegal)
3. Postal ballot papers apparently being sent to England first.
4. Pro-union people being allowed to open and inspect postal votes several days before the referendum (illegal)
5. And there were no exit polls.

Many voters reported seeing nothing on the reverse side of their ballot paper; no unique identification number was included. The Scottish Referendum Act 2013 clearly states that an identifying number must be included on the reverse side of each individual ballot.

The identification number is essential to help reduce fraud.

Officials can check to see how many official ballot papers were issued to voters and how many ballot papers were actually counted.


The fire alarm went off twice during the vote count in Dundee, leading to the evacuation of the vote counters.

According to the article entitled Scottish Referendum Rigged – MI5’s Phony Postal Votes and Ballot Boxes:

"When the ballot boxes arrived at the Renfrewshire counting venue, they were merely counted and then placed in a ‘storage area’, while the volunteers had a break. The boxes were then retrieved from the storage area and the separation into ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ began...

According to enumerator Jim Daly:

"The vote counting was finished at 2.30am...

"Mr. Martin (the Returning Officer David Martin, Chief Executive of Renfrewshire Council) and his assistants in suits seemed to be in a flap...

"There was one lady with a laptop who, it appeared, was responsible for collating all the votes, but something wasn’t going well.

"She was taken away by one of Mr. Martin’s assistants, out of view of the public, only to return and disconnect her laptop and leave the hall with it under her arm...

"There were visible signs that those in charge weren’t happy with something.

According to the article entitled Scottish Referendum Rigged – MI5’s Phony Postal Votes and Ballot Boxes:

Eyewitnesses at counting venues reported individuals arriving, unaccompanied, with boxes of ballot papers in the trunks of their cars.



One of the signatories of the above statement, a polling officer at a polling place, gave more background on what he witnessed:

"Last night we challenged the presiding officer regarding the transportation of ballot boxes in single-manned cars...

"Three personal cars arrived with boxes... These boxes were driven in cars by people on their own.

"These people were those who also had access to spare zip-ties and tags...

"The presiding officer replied: 'It doesn’t matter now anyway. It is too late.'

9/11 coincidences and oddities page!

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http://killtown.911review.org/oddities/2001.html

Accused of Stealing a Backpack, High School Student Jailed for Nearly Three Years Without Trial

We look at the incredible story of how a 16-year-old high school sophomore from the Bronx ended up spending nearly three years locked up at the Rikers jail in New York City after he says he was falsely accused of stealing a backpack. Kalief Browder never pleaded guilty and was never convicted. Browder maintained his innocence and requested a trial, but was only offered plea deals while the trial was repeatedly delayed. Near the end of his time in jail, the judge offered to sentence him to time served if he entered a guilty plea, and warned him he could face 15 years in prison if he was convicted. But Browder still refused to accept the deal, and was only released when the case was dismissed. During this time, Browder spent nearly 800 days in solitary confinement, a juvenile imprisonment practice that the New York Department of Corrections has now banned. We are joined by reporter and author Jennifer Gonnerman, who recounts Browder’s story in the current issue of The New Yorker. We also speak with Browder’s current attorney, Paul Prestia, who has filed a lawsuit against the City of New York, the New York City Police Department, the Bronx District Attorney, and the Department of Corrections, on Browder’s behalf.

SEE http://www.informationliberation.com/?id=48415

• Top Secret CIA 'Official History' of the Bay of Pigs: Revelations
  www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB355/

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• ‎

  In other words -- why would Alan Dulles back the Cuban Exiles to murder JFK, but then support the Lone Nut theory that Oswald acted alone -- knowing that this depoliticized Oswald and the JFK murder itself? It seems like a mismatch

  Best regards,

  --Paul Trejo

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• GAAL

  "Alan Dulles back the Cuban Exiles to murder JFK, but then support the Lone Nut theory that Oswald acted alone" ///// TREJO = Dulles dosent care who he motivates to kill JFK. If you read the material I presented you understand that DULLES family represented ,at times, British interests who wanted the survival of a Communist Cuba. The existence of Cuba is like the sand and the oyster, it's a creative irritant,creating (did help create) a militant interventionist globalist USA. If at one time Dulles wanted communist Cuba gone he changed his mind as his Anglo betters directed. (see above thread post - # 49 - John Dulles creates CFR). As to anti-Castro rhetoric post assassination by Dulles ,thats all in the play/manipulation of elites to the masses.In the same fashion JFK did the same thing (though for better, IMHO, reasons). JFK researchers have shown JFK pro-Vietnam War rhetoric was designuous and that he was planing a withdrawal. see http://www.history-m...vietnam1963.htm and http://www.thenation...not-speculation

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  BRITIAN NOT RELEASE THE PLANES ??? ALMOST AS IF THEY WISHED INVASION FAILURE ?? SKULL & BONES IS BRITISH ORIENTED,BUNDY was SKULL & BONES. THE PILGRAM SOCIETY (more secretive and elite than CFR) is BRITISH ORIENTED......yes RUSK was Pilgram Society member. Im not saying that JFK wouldnt have not stop air attack. Im saying his staff were ANGLO/American in viewpoint and leaned more towards ANGLO than American view.

http://www.democracynow.org/blog/2014/10/1/thursday_back_channel_to_cuba_exposes

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THURSDAY: "Back Channel to Cuba" Exposes the Hidden History of Washington-Havana Negotiations

Tune in Thursday when we will interview Peter Kornbluh of the Cuba Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, and William LeoGrande, professor of government at American University, about their new book, Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana. Read the introduction to the book below. See all of our Cuba coverage.

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Excerpted from BACK CHANNEL TO CUBA: THE HIDDEN HISTORY OF NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN WASHINGTON AND HAVANA by William M. LeoGrande & Peter Kornbluh. Copyright © 2014 The University of North Carolina Press. Published by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher. www.uncpress.unc.edu

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Introduction

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Rebuilding Bridges

Our relations are like a bridge in war-time. I’m not going to talk about who blew it up—I think it was you who blew it up. The war has ended and now we are reconstructing the bridge, brick by brick, 90 miles from Key West to Varadero beach. It is not a bridge that can be reconstructed easily, as fast as it was de- stroyed. It takes a long time. If both parties reconstruct their part of the bridge, we can shake hands without winners or losers.

—Raúl Castro to Senators George McGovern and James Abourezk, April 8, 1977

In early April of 1963, during talks in Havana over the release of Americans being held in Cuban jails as spies, Fidel Castro first broached his interest in improving relations with the United States. “If any relations were to com- mence between the U.S. and Cuba,” Castro asked U.S. negotiator James Don- ovan, “how would it come about and what would be involved?”1

Sent to Cuba in the fall of 1962 by President John F. Kennedy and his brother Robert to undertake the first real negotiations with Cuba’s revolu- tionary regime, Donovan had secured the freedom of more than one thou- sand members of the CIA-led exile brigade that Castro’s forces had defeated at the Bay of Pigs. In addition to the prisoners, Donovan also secured Cas- tro’s confidence. Through trips in January, March, and April 1963, he built on that confidence to negotiate the freedom of several dozen U.S. citizens detained after the revolution. In the respectful nature of their talks, Castro found the first trusted U.S. representative with whom he could seriously dis- cuss how Havana and Washington might move toward restoring civility and normalcy in the dark wake of the Bay of Pigs and the Cuban missile crisis. “In view of the past history on both sides here, the problem of how to inaugurate any relations was a very difficult one,” Castro observed.

“So I said, ‘now do you know how porcupines make love?’ ” Donovan re- membered responding. “And he said no. And I said well, the answer is ‘very carefully,’ and that is how you and the U.S. would have to get into this.”2

As Donovan pursued his shuttle diplomacy during the spring of 1963, some Kennedy administration officials sought to use his special relationship

with Castro to begin a dialogue toward ending hostilities with Cuba. Within the CIA, however, others saw a different opportunity—an opportunity to use the negotiations, and the negotiator, to assassinate Fidel Castro. Knowing that Donovan planned to bring a scuba diving suit as a confidence-building gift for the Cuban leader, members of the covert “executive action” unit de- veloped a plot to contaminate the snorkel with tubercle bacillus, and poison the wetsuit with a fungus. “They tried to use him as the instrument . . . the lawyer who was negotiating the liberation of the Playa Girón prisoners!” Castro exclaimed years later.3 Only the intervention of Donovan’s CIA han- dlers, Milan Miskovsky and Frank DeRosa, prevented him from becoming an unwitting, would-be assassin.4

The CIA’s infamous assassination plots—exploding conch shells, poison pens, poison pills, sniper rifles, toxic cigars—are the stuff of legend in the his- tory of U.S. policy toward the Cuban revolution. Washington’s efforts to roll back the revolution, through exile paramilitary attacks, covert action, overt economic embargo, and contemporary “democracy promotion” programs, have dominated and defined more than a half century of U.S.-Cuban rela- tions. What Henry Kissinger characterized as the “perpetual antagonism” between Washington and Havana remains among the most entrenched and enduring conflicts in the history of U.S. foreign policy.

The Untold Story

There is, however, another side to the history of U.S.-Cuban relations, far less known but more relevant today: the bilateral efforts at dialogue, rap- prochement, and reconciliation. Every president since Eisenhower has en- gaged in some form of dialogue with Castro and his representatives. Some talks have been tightly circumscribed, dealing only with specific, narrow is- sues of mutual interest, such as immigration, air piracy, and drug interdic- tion. Others have been wide-ranging, engaging the full panoply of issues at stake between the two sides. Some episodes of dialogue produced tangible agreements, formal and informal; others sputtered to a halt with no dis- cernible result. But every U.S. president, Democrat and Republican alike, has seen some advantage in talking to Cuba.

Indeed, both Democratic and Republican administrations have engaged in little-known efforts to arrive at a modus vivendi with the Cuban revolu- tion. After authorizing a paramilitary invasion to overthrow Castro by force and implementing a full trade embargo to cripple the Cuban economy, John F. Kennedy ordered his aides to “start thinking along more flexible lines” in negotiating a state of peaceful coexistence with Castro. During Gerald Ford’s presidency, Henry Kissinger directed his aides to “deal straight with Castro” and negotiate improved relations like “a big guy, not like a shyster.” Jimmy Carter actually signed a presidential decision directive to “achieve normal- ization of our relations with Cuba” through “direct and confidential talks.”5

Given the domestic political sensitivity surrounding any hint of better re- lations with Havana, these talks, and many other contacts with Cuba, have often been conducted through secret, back-channel diplomacy. To maintain plausible deniability, U.S. presidents have turned to third countries, among them Mexico, Spain, Britain, and Brazil, as hosts and facilitators. To limit the political risk of direct contact, Washington and Havana have developed creative clandestine methods of communication—deploying famous literary figures, journalists, politicians, businessmen, and even a former president of the United States as interlocutors. When face-to-face talks have been neces- sary, Cuban and U.S. officials have met furtively, in foreign cities such as Paris, Cuernavaca, and Toronto, or in private homes, crowded cafeterias, promi- nent hotels, and even on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. On several occasions, White House and State Department officials have secretly traveled to Havana to negotiate face-to-face with Fidel Castro.

Not surprisingly, this rich history of U.S. back-channel diplomacy with Cuba has been shrouded in secrecy, buried in thousands of classified files that record the internal debates, meetings, agendas, negotiations, argu- ments, and agreements that have transpired over more than half a century. In the absence of an accessible historical record, scholarship and analysis on U.S.-Cuban relations has largely focused on the more prominent and visible history of antagonism, skewing the historical debate over whether better ties were possible—or even desirable. The dearth of evidence on the many efforts to find common ground has empowered the “anti-dialogueros,” as one U.S. official called them, to cast serious diplomacy with Cuba as an oxymoron at best, a heresy at worst. Long after the end of the Cold War, talking with Cuba remained a delicate and controversial political proposition—even as the benefits have become increasingly obvious to both countries.

Back Channel to Cuba

This book presents a comprehensive chronicle of the history of dialogue between the United States and Cuba since 1959. The pages that follow are an attempt to assess this historical record of negotiations—both secret and open—at a time when that record is especially pertinent to the political discourse over U.S. relations with Cuba. Both Barack Obama and Raúl Cas- tro publicly declared their desire to move beyond the past half-century’s legacy of hostility. Both Washington and Havana appeared to realize that international, national, and mutual interests would be advanced by a suc- cessful negotiation of normal bilateral ties. But as the history of dialogue shows, having the intention to improve relations and actually accomplishing it are two different things. Between intention and realization lies a long road of negotiation on complex problems.

But the past holds lessons for contemporary policy makers on how to navigate that road. How have previous talks evolved between Washington and Havana? Why have some succeeded and others failed? What does this history tell policy makers, scholars, and concerned citizens about the po- tential for rapprochement between two nations that have been “intimate enemies” for more than half a century?6 These are among the key questions explored in this volume.

To reconstruct this history, we have spent more than a decade unearth- ing the classified files—through the Freedom of Information Act, manda- tory declassification review, and archival research—on multiple episodes of dialogue between Washington and Havana. These include the State Depart- ment’s file, “Efforts at Negotiation with Cuba,” from the Eisenhower admin- istration; “Contacts with Cuban Leaders” records compiled during the Ken- nedy and Johnson administrations; the “Special Activities” file kept by Henry Kissinger’s office on his top secret attempt to negotiate normal relations; the Carter administration’s road map to normalization and memoranda of conversations with Fidel Castro himself; and internal papers from the Clin- ton White House on engagement with Havana. These records, along with hundreds of others, shed new light on the policies, strategies, and interplay of both governments in their pursuit of better relations.

With the documents in hand, we interviewed a broad array of the sur- viving policy makers and negotiators who drafted the documents and par- ticipated in talks—Fidel Castro and former president Jimmy Carter among them—along with the intermediaries who carried messages back and forth between Washington and Havana. Their firsthand accounts bring the docu- mentary record to life, adding a critical human dimension to the story. In- deed, in many ways, this book chronicles the tenacious efforts of key official and nonofficial policy actors who, for more than fifty years, challenged the national security managers in successive administrations to consider the options of dialogue and engagement over the dominant U.S. approach of antagonism and estrangement.

The perennial conflict between U.S. officials who advocated punishing Cuba to force its compliance and those who argued for diplomacy is a re- current theme of this history. Every administration has had its “hawks” and “doves” on Cuba. How they interacted depended, to some degree, on the domestic and international circumstances of the time. At every juncture, efforts at dialogue—and their success or failure—were a product not only of the state of relations between Washington and Havana but also of the bal- ance of domestic political forces in the two capitals. To the extent possible given space limitations, this book provides and analyzes the political circum- stances and context within which bilateral talks took place.

Although Fidel Castro’s preeminence and dominance meant that policy making in Havana was less fractious than it was in Washington, the pages that follow reveal that there were debates on the Cuban side as well. Cuban policy was hardly static; Fidel’s attitude toward the United States evolved over time. Raúl Castro’s succession introduced yet another factor—his deter- mination to resolve the revolution’s critical outstanding problems, among them relations with the United States, before passing the baton to the next generation of Cuban leaders.

For more than half a century, the history of talks has been inextricably intertwined with, and overshadowed by, the more infamous history of ac- rimony and distrust in U.S.-Cuban relations. Back Channel to Cuba aspires to give the history of dialogue its due. This history provides strong evidence that, despite proceeding “very carefully,” both the United States and Cuba have long recognized that negotiation and cooperation offer potential ben- efits over a perpetual state of antagonism and aggression. “Our interest is in getting the Cuban issue behind us, not in prolonging it indefinitely,” one secret memo written almost thirty years ago to Henry Kissinger stated clearly.7 (GEE INVADE AND THE ISSUE IS OVER,GAAL)

“Our relations are like a bridge in war-time,” Raúl Castro observed shortly thereafter, describing the damage done by years of hostility. “It is not a bridge that can be reconstructed easily, as fast as it was destroyed. It takes a long time. If both parties reconstruct their part of the bridge, we can shake hands without winners or losers.”8

===

Notes to the Introduction
1. Transcript of Donovan’s oral report to Miskovsky, reel 4, pp. 13–14, NSA Cuba
Collection.
2. Ibid.
3. Castro and Ramonet, Fidel Castro: My Life, 262.
4. Bigger, Negotiator, 154, 155.
5. Kornbluh and LeoGrande, “Talking with Castro.”
6. The characterization is from Pérez-Stable, Cuba and the United States: Intimate Enemies.
7. Memorandum, Shlaudeman to Kissinger, “Normalizing Relations with Cuba”, March
27, 1975, NSA Cuba Collection.
8. “Raul Castro Says U.S. Team’s Visit Is Step Forward,” NYT, April 9, 1977.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kB50VEsyqEg&feature=youtu.be

http://www.sott.net/article/286355-Special-Report-Scottish-Referendum-Rigged-The-How-and-the-Why

===== =====

, I expect the FBI to cough them up before the end of 2017.// Paul Trejo

##########################################################

If you go to the government site that discussed this issue,you will see a cavet to the JFK records release.

The POTUS can withold the JFK records on grounds of National Security.

Please dont hold your breath.

part 4 = FAR RIGHT AND THE FALSE FAR RIGHT

=====

CIA plot to kill JFK is based only on political bias, and not on solid evidence. That's my final word on it.

=======================================

A theory of the JFK assassination is that the FAR RIGHT was the prime mover in the JFK assassination which was assisted by rogue CIA elements. Said far right theory ignores Allen Dulles connections to the FAR RIGHT.
+++++++++++++++++++++
The JBS was established by the elites themselves to establish a false FAR RIGHT opposition. One of the organizations connected to the establishment of the JBS was the PILGRAM SOCIETY,said group - more secretive and elite than the Council on Foreign Relations. Examples of Pilgram Society members : John Foster Dulles,John J. McCloy.
=
see
THE BELMONT BROTHERHOOD

http://watch.pair.com/belmont.html

THE JOHN BIRCH SOCIETY

By Barbara Aho

With the onset of the McCarthy era 50 years ago, any perceived threat to U.S. sovereignty from the British Round Table and its American branch shifted to an obsession with the Soviet Union. Roy Cohn, who was legal counsel to Sen. Joseph McCarthy during the anti-Communist Senate investigations of the 1950s, would later become a member of the John Birch Society and a principle figure in the JBS intelligence gathering operation, the Western Goals Foundation. Out of the latter emerged the core group which, in 1981, formed the present Council for National Policy -- a consortium of high level political, corporate and evangelical leaders which is the primary coordinating body and funding conduit for Christian Right projects.

Sara Diamond's book, Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States, notes: "Before and after the formation of the John Birch Society, corporations played a major role in rallying the public to the anticommunist cause." 1. In 1947, the Taft-Hartley Act granted corporations the right to distribute literature to counter labor union organizing -- a movement they blamed on the communists. To reduce the cost of producing and distributing anti-Communist materials, corporations turned to non-profit organizations such as the JBS.

"By 1963, corporations were spending an estimated $25 million per year on anticommunist literature... Some corporations circulated print and audio-visual materials produced by the John Birch Society; other corporations produced their own in-house literature...By the early 1960s, the Nation magazine reported that there was a minimum of 6,600 corporate-financed anticommunist broadcasts, carried by more than 1,300 radio and television stations at a total annual budget of about $20 million...Leading sponsors included Texas oil billionaire H.L. Hunt and Howard J. Pew of Sun Oil. The corporate sector's massive anticommunist propaganda campaigns created a favorable climate for the mobilization of activist groups like the John Birch Society." 2.
On the other hand, or rather the other side of the dialectic, super-capitalists such as John D. Rockefeller would come to understand the potential of using labor unions to corporate advantage -- as a means of controlling the opposition.
"The Rockefeller interests have not overlooked and have made good use of the monopoly of labor that is afforded to unions, to effect monopolies of industry that would be recognized as illegal if they had been effected by a monopoly of machinery. Labor unions have proved to be a powerful weapon for the Rockefeller Empire in extending its world conquest; and subsidized unioneers are always in the forefront of the emissaries that they send out into newly conquered territories. With Marxism as a shibboleth, they are rapidly accomplishing a world-wide subjugation of the 'peasantry'. This has earned for wily John D. Jr. a reputation for 'liberalism'. It is more appropriately called "Rockefellerism". 3.

In the long march toward a new social order, ultra-right and left-wing agitation propaganda serve not only to polarize and destabilize society, they create a diversionary conflict to prevent recognition of the true conspiracy. Lest an informed and united citizenry form an alliance against them, principles of conflict management are employed by the power elites:
"The plan, I think, is the old one of world dominion in a new form. The money-power and revolutionary power have been set up and given sham but symbolic shapes ('Capitalism' or 'Communism') and sharply defined citadels ('America' or 'Russia'). Such is the spectacle publicly staged for the masses. But what if similar men, with a common aim, secretly rule in both camps and propose to achieve their ambition through the clash between those masses? I believe any diligent student of our times will discover that this is the case. -- Douglas Reed" 4.
In his essay on the unseen hand behind This Age of Conflict, Ivor Benson reveals the natural partnership that exists between ostensibly opposing forces -- for example, the fascist Rhodes-Milner Round Table and Fabian socialists -- to secure a common objective, namely, the subjugation of mankind:
"Significantly Julius Wernher, of the Wernher-Beit conglomerate that supported Milner's effort to precipitate the Anglo-Boer War, contributed substantially to the funding of the London School of Economics and socialist movements everywhere, all vehemently 'anti-capitalists', continued to receive massive support from the most powerful 'capitalists.'

"It was because of the absence of any fundamental antagonism between the philosophies of John Ruskin and of Karl Marx that it was possible for the 'Brave new World' ambition, so actively promoted by Rhodes and his heirs, to be absorbed into the socialist world-power vortex with hardly a sign that anything untoward had happened. In fact, the international socialists, instruments of the most highly concentrated financial power, were able to take over the Rhodes-Milner establishment, complete with its worldwide network of organizations the Rhodes Scholarship Trust, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilaterals, etc -- and continue to run it as if still under its original management; indeed, it simply gave the socialists a new Dimension for the exercise of their incomparable skill in the arts of deception." 5.

Carroll Quigley and colleagues of like sympathy with the Rhodes agenda have widely propagated the belief that the American branch of the Round Table organization is exclusively the liberal Eastern Establishment. However, The Belmont Brotherhood revealed that the Anglo-American Establishment, which represents the interests of the aforesaid corporations, also launched the ultra-conservative movement in the United States, the John Birch Society being a pioneer of the extreme right of this dialectical process.
##############
##############
Allen Dulles: Edward Lansdale/ CHARLES A. WILLOUGHBY nexus.
=
Replies to website E-mail from Col. Fletcher Prouty

From: Bill Gaskins
Date: Mon, 10 Jan 2000

Subject: Lansdale's association with Gen. Charles Willoughby

I am sorry to hear that Col. Prouty is unable to reply to questions.
Perhaps you will find the following letter interesting, and will post it on the web site:

This is a follow-up to a statement I made to Col. Prouty in 1994 on WCBM radio in Baltimore, Md. At that time Col. Prouty said that I was "confused" about my belief that Edward Lansdale and Gen. Charles Willoughby served together in the Philippines during World War II. According to the following two books, there appears to be a conflict concerning Lansdale's whereabouts during the war.

The book "Edward Lansdale" (1988) by Cecil Curry states on page 26 that Ed Lansdale never left the United States during World War II. Lansdale admits that he served in the Philippines, but starting in September 1945, or right after the war. Lansdale joined the OSS in 1941. However, Curry notes that Lansdale's brother Phil said he believes Edward was out of the country during the war. And Curry concludes, "The real story of these events may never be learned." Col. Prouty states in his 1990 letter to Jim Garrison that Curry's book contains some "terrible fabrications," and that Lansdale was a "classic chameleon."

The book "The Marcos Dynasty" (1988) by Sterling Seagrave states on page 143 that during WWII Lansdale served in the Philippines under Gen. Charles Willoughby with Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Willoughby was MacArthur's army intelligence chief. Willoughby was a rabid anti-Communist, and was known as the "little fascist." Seagrave cites no reference for Lansdale's service other than "CIA documents."

If Lansdale did serve under Gen. Willoughby, then this association has a possible sinister implication. In his 1992 book "The Man Who Knew Too Much," Dick Russell connects Willoughby with Allen Dulles,.........

Col. Prouty knew Lansdale well. He believes, and I agree, that Lansdale orchestrated the JFK assassination. But who gave Lansdale the "go" signal? Col. Prouty's 1992 book "JFK, The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate JFK" does not address Seagrave's assertion. On page 63 he states that Lansdale "later" left the OSS for Army Intel and that Gen. MacArthur did not allow the OSS in the Pacific Theater. In 1949 Lansdale was under the direct command of Col. Richard Stilwell, an "experienced Far East hand." Although MacArthur was in Japan, Lansdale was still under his command. Therefore, Lansdale served in the Pacific Theater (the Philippines) for Willoughby after the war.

The point that Russell makes, that Lansdale served under Willoughby, seems to be valid. Certainly Willoughby knew of Lansdale's exploits against Quirino in 1950.

Thanks,
Bill Gaskins
=
see post # 8 this thread PART 3 for Dulles / Lansdale nexus
http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21367&p=289729

#########################################################################

LETTER TO MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES A. WILLOUGHBY FROM ALLEN DULLES
www.foia.cia.gov/.../CIA-RDP80B01676R002600080014-3.pdf
##############

##############
Allen Dulles: Medford B. Evans & Gerry Patrick Hemming and thus the "FAR RIGHT". (via James Jesus Angleton)
=
John Bevilaqua
Medford B. Evans blames the JFK hit on The Establishment
https://deeppoliticsforum.com/forums/showthread.php?3049-Medford-B-Evans-and-M-Stanton-Evans-Birchers-Yalies-and-Mississippi-Racists

Medford B. Evans turns out to be yet another missing link from the Ghosts of Mississippi like Elmore Graves, his boss at The Councillor of The Citizens Councils in Jackson, Mississippi to Boris Pash, James Angelton's favorite assassin, when both Evans and Pash worked together at the Atomic Energy Commission to H. L. Hunt (Willoughby's financial angel) whom he worked for at Facts Forum in Dallas, to his close fiends at The John Birch Society, Robert Morris, Edwin Walker and Charles Willoughby.

====

http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=3868&page=3

Col. PASH was sent into Europe to stop the NAZI A-Bomb program in WWII. On the internet I found that PASH, post war, maintained an office at Oak Ridge. (HARVEY & LEE fans know that a LHO (Lee) signed a visitators register there(when Harvey was elsewhere)). From 1944 to 1952 Medford Byran Evans was the head trainer in Security at Oak Ridge. It is small assumption that PASH knew Evans. (Evan's son BTW knows the CIA Buckley family) PASH did so called WET ops against the scientists in Europe. Im sure there were imported NASI & European scientists who knew what PASH did and worked at Oak Ridge. ++ Hunt was left out in the cold. IMHO McCord let everyone be caught in the Break-in on purpose. Hunts statement about JJA and PASH (that JJA used PASH in assassinations) was a way of getting back/sending message to CIA (lay off me or I'll blow whole DALLAS THING !!). If so, JJA could have used him (Evans) as penetration asset to the FAR RIGHT. Gerry Patrick Hemming claimed he worked for JJA from time to time. Gerry Patrick Hemming and Medford B. Evans knew all the important FAR RIGHT people mentioned in said "FAR RIGHT" theorem.
********** STEVE GAAL material below reproduced for research purposes only.Jerry P. Shinley Archive:
==
http://www.jfk-online.com/jpsgwnol.html
#################

#################
One can connect Guy Banister to the FAR RIGHT "AND" (repeat "&") the CIA. SO ?? Why not GUY Banister as CIA asset getting/finding patsies who wanted JFK dead ??
=
Even more telling is the 531 Lafayette address of Banister and the fact that the CIA-infiltrated Cuban Revolutionary Council operated out of this office from late 1961 to early 1963.
=====================
On Monday, the Warren Report later disclosed, the FBI's Ernest C. Wall, Jr., a Spanish-speaking agent who liaisoned with the exile groups, called Guy Banister to inquire about Arcacha Smith. According to Wall's single-paragraph report, Banister responded that Arcacha Smith had been the head of the Cuban Revolutionary Council and "some time ago had told him on one occasion that he, Smith, had an office in the building located at 594 Camp Street." Nothing about Banister and the Cuban Revolutionary Council, created by the CIA as an umbrella group for the Bay of Pigs invasion, being under the same roof. As a limited hangout, it was a classic. The Warren Report dutifully stated that "investigation has indicated that neither the Fair Play for Cuba Committee nor Lee Oswald ever maintained an office at that address."

=====================
ARMSTRONG
Bannister employee Al Campbell said that Bannister worked closely with
Ray Huff and the CIA and had a lot to do with the overthrow of President
Arbenz of Guatemala. The Schlumberger Well Services company often served
as an arms depot for the CIA. In 1959 Bannister associates Dave Ferrie,
Gordon Novel and others removed arms and munitions from the Schlumberger
Depot in Houma, Louisiana. Their efforts and the CIA's complicity was
disguised when Schlumberger claimed their facility had been burglarized.

======

In January, 1961 the Friends for Democratic Cuba was founded by ex-FBI
agent Guy Bannister and former Oswald employer Gerard Tujague. Members
included FBI Agents Lansing Logan and Regis Kennedy, CIA Agents William
Dalzell and Joseph Newbrough, anti-Castro Cubans Sergio Arcacha Smith
and Carlos Quiroga, soldier of fortune types like ex-marine Joseph Moore
and Jim Ivey and local businessmen like Gerard Tujague and Grady Durham.
Regis Kennedy and Joe Newbrough spent a lot of time at Bannister's
office and made frequent trips to the Cuban training camps north of Lake
Pontchartrain where Dave Ferrie was involved in the training of troops.
CIA Agent William Dalzell said Bannister's group was involved in
undercover operations with the CIA and FBI which involved the
transportation of individuals and supplies in and out of Cuba. The
supplies came from the CIA funded Mardi Gras Corporation.

==================

William Turner, Rearview Mirror (2001)

-

That left Maurice Brooks Gatlin, Sr., an attorney associated with Banister, on Brooks's list of key Minutemen in Louisiana. According to Brooks, Gatlin served as legal counsel to the ACLC. In fact, Brooks had been a kind of protege of Gatlin. The attorney's passport was stamped with visas of countries around the world. In Brooks's estimation, he was a "transporter" for the CIA. On one occasion Gatlin bodaciously told Brooks, "I have pretty good connections. Stick with me-I'll give you a license to kill." Brooks became a firm believer in 1962 when Gatlin displayed a thick wad of bills, saying he had $ioo,ooo of CIA money earmarked for a French reactionary clique planning to assassinate General de Gaulle. Shortly thereafter Gatlin flew to Paris, and shortly after that came the Secret Army Organization's abortive ambush of the French president. But Gatlin as well was beyond Garrison's reach. In 1964 he fell or was pushed from the sixth floor of the Panama Hotel in Panama, dying instantly.

=

from POST #4 this thread.

SLATE By Ray Fisman

In 1951, Jacobo Árbenz Gúzman became Guatemala's second democratically elected president. Árbenz's authoritarian predecessors had been very sympathetic to American business interests, particularly those of the United Fruit Co. (now Chiquita), which had bought up land titles on the cheap from Guatemala's corrupt elite for its ever-expanding banana empire. Once in office, Presidente Árbenz sought to take it all back, nationalizing UFC's Guatemalan assets and redistributing them to the poor.

But UFC had friends in very high places—the assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, John Moor Cabot, was the brother of UFC President Thomas Cabot. The secretary of state himself, John Foster Dulles, had done legal work for UFC, and his brother Allen Dulles was director of the CIA and also on UFC's board. Thanks to the Freedom of Information Act, we now know that the various Cabots and Dulleses had a series of top-secret meetings in which they decided that Árbenz had to go and sponsored a coup that drove Árbenz from office in 1954.

=

GATLIN wrote letters to the assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, John Moor Cabot (above) about the so-called communist activities of Guatemala's Jacobo Árbenz Gúzman. Did Gatlin appear on the radar of CABOT/DULLES as a possible intel asset in the 1950s ??

================

see
http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/weberman/nodule11.htm
#################
#################
Volkmar Schmidt is part of the Dulles nexus.
=
Volkmar Schmidt coxed out the hatred of Oswald for far right General Edward Walker Lee Harvey Oswald . (Bill Kelly interview Volkmar Schmidt) This event is a play , an artifice (by both parties) creating a false legend of unstable "Oswald".
+=*********************************=+
FROM THE INTERNET = How to Be a Secret Agent

Spend time perfecting your acting skills with different kinds of people. Go places you might not be welcome and try and fit in and learn everything you can from the locals. Can you pretend to be a southern millworker, struggling to make ends meet? Can you pretend to be a French-Canadian diplomat? What about a singer-songwriter from Belize? A good secret agent says yes.
Learn about both high and low culture. If you've got to embed with French dignitaries who are operating illegal smuggling operations, you've got to be able to talk French wine and opera with the best of them. You also might be expected to sneak into a oil derrick and be comfortable next to hard-drinking roughnecks, which means you better know at least one George Jones song off the top of your head.
=
Learn to detect lies and learn to tell lies. If a secret agent gets caught by security guards at midnight hiding in the records room with a flashlight, he must come up with an excuse or an escape in the blink of an eye and make that lie believable. Likewise, if you're the one finding the suspicious behavior, you've got to be able to find the lie quickly and efficiently. Learning to detect lies can help make you a better xxxx as well.
Watch body language. Liars tend to fold up, keeping their limbs in and their body away from others, symbolizing discomfort. People telling the truth will "spread out" more.
Liars will avoid contractions, re-start sentences, and often repeat the question verbatim as a way of stalling and coming up with a suitable answer. To avoid the need for this, practice your excuse and your lie ahead of time so you won't have to stall and give yourself away.
Relax when you're telling a lie. If you know you're going to have to tell a fib, calm down. Most lie detection occurs because someone gets agitated and anxious. If you're relaxed, your lie will seem more like truth.

see http://algoxy.com/conc/fema_deception.html

====================================

were added to what the public thought they had.)

=========================

SEE LINK FOR MORE INFORMATION.

QUESTION if truth is on the establishment/mythbuster side then why deception ??????????????????????????????????

part 3 = Lansdale

=

CIA plot to kill JFK is based only on political bias, and not on solid evidence. That's my final word on it.

////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////

http://spartacus-educational.com/COLDlansdale.htm

=========================

On his return to the United States in 1948 Lansdale became a lecturer at the Strategic Intelligence School in Colorado. However, in 1950, Elpidio Quirino, the president of the Philippines, requested Lansdale's help in his fight against the communist insurrection taking place in his country.

In the early 1950s, Allen Dulles gave Lansdale $5-million to finance CIA operations against the Hukbalahap movement, the rural peasant farmers fighting for land-reform in the Philippines.

According to Sterling Seagrave Lansdale "was in and out of Tokyo on secret missions with a hand-picked team of Filipino assassins, assassinating leftists, liberals and progressives." CIA Director William Colby later commented: "Lansdale helped and perhaps created the best president the Philippines ever had...turned American policy away from support of French colonial rule in Vietnam to support of a non-Communist nationalist leader...he preached for Americans to support those willing to fight for themselves... He was one of the greatest spies in history... the stuff of legends."

=========================

(3) L. Fletcher Prouty, letter to Jim Garrison (6th March, 1990)
It is amazing how things work, I am at home recuperating from a major back operation (to regain my ability to walk); so I was tossing around in bed last night...not too comfortable...and I began to think of Garrison. I thought, "I have got to write Jim a letter detailing how I believe the whole job was done."

By another coincidence I had received a fine set of twenty photos from the Sprague collection in Springfield, Mass. As the odds would have it, he is now living just around the corner here in Alexandria. Why not? Lansdale lived here, Fensterwald lives here, Ford used to live here. Quite a community.

I was studying those photos. One of them is the "Tramps" picture that appears in your book. It is glossy and clear. Lansdale is so clearly identifiable. Why, Lansdale in Dallas? The others don't matter, they are nothing but actors and not gunmen but they are interesting. Others who knew Lansdale as well as I did, have said the same thing, "That's him and what's he doing there?"

As I was reading the paper the Federal Express man came with a book from Jim, that unusual "Lansdale" book. A terrible biography. There could be a great biography about Lansdale. He's no angel; but he is worth a good biography. Currey, a paid hack, did the job. His employers ought to have let him do it right.

I had known Ed since 1952 in the Philippines. I used to fly there regularly with my MATS Heavy Transport Squadron. As a matter of fact, in those days we used to fly wounded men, who were recuperating, from hospitals in Japan to Saigon for R&R on the beaches of Cap St Jacque. That was 1952-1953. Saigon was the Paris of the Orient. And Lansdale was "King Maker" of the Philippines. We always went by way of Manila. I met his team.

He had arrived in Manila in Sept 1945, after the war was over, for a while. He had been sent back there in 1950 by the CIA(OPC) to create a new leader of the Philippines and to get rid of Querino. Sort of like the Marcos deal, or the Noriega operation. Lansdale did it better. I have overthrown a government but I didn't splash it all around like Reagan and Bush have done. Now, who sent him there?

Who sent him there in 1950 (Truman era) to do a job that was not done until 1953 (Ike era)? From 1950 to Feb. 1953 the Director of Central Intelligence was Eisenhower's old Chief of Staff, Gen Walter Bedell Smith. Smith had been Ambassador to Moscow from 1946 to 1949. The lesser guys in the CIA at the time were Allen Dulles, who was Deputy Director Central Intelligence from Aug. 1951 to Feb. 1953. Frank Wisner became the Deputy Director, Plans (Clandestine Activities) when Dulles became DDCI. Lansdale had to have received his orders from among these four men: Truman, Smith, Dulles, and Wisner. Of course the Sec State could have had some input...i.e. Acheson. Who wanted Querino out, that badly? Who wanted HUKS there?

In Jan 1953 Eisenhower arrived. John Foster Dulles was at State and Gen Smith his Deputy. Allen Dulles was the DCI and General Cabel his deputy. None of them changed Lansdale's prior orders to "get" Querino. Lansdale operated with abandon in the Philippines. The Ambassador and the CIA Station Chief, George Aurell, did not know what he was doing. They believed he was some sort of kook Air Force Officer there...a role Lansdale played to the hilt. Magsaysay became President, Dec 30, 1953.

With all of this on the record, and a lot more, this guy Currey comes out of the blue with this purported "Biography". I knew Ed well enough and long enough to know that he was a classic chameleon. He would tell the truth sparingly and he would fabricate a lot. Still, I can not believe that he told Currey the things Currey writes. Why would Lansdale want Currey to perpetuate such out and out bullxxxx about him? Can't be. This is a terribly fabricated book. It's not even true about me. I believe that this book was ordered and delineated by the CIA.

At least I know the truth about myself and about Gen. Krulak. Currey libels us terribly. In fact it may be Krulak who caused the book to be taken off the shelves. Krulak and his Copley Press cohorts have the power to get that done, and I encouraged them to do just that when it first came out. Krulak was mad!

Ed told me many a time how he operated in the Philippines. He said, "All I had was a blank checkbook signed by the U.S. government". He made friends with many influential Filipinos. I have met Johnny Orendain and Col Valeriano, among others, in Manila with Lansdale. He became acquainted with the wealthiest Filipino of them all, Soriano. Currey never even mentions him. Soriano set up Philippine Airlines and owned the big San Miguel beer company, among other things. Key man in Asia.

Lansdale's greatest strategy was to create the "HUKS" as the enemy and to make Magsaysay the "Huk Killer." He would take Magsaysay's battalion out into a "Huk" infested area. He would use movies and "battlefield" sound systems, i.e. fireworks to scare the poor natives. Then one-half of Magsaysay's battalion, dressed as natives, would "attack" the village at night. They'd fire into the air and burn some shacks. In the morning the other half, in uniform, would attack and "capture" the "Huks". They would bind them up in front of the natives who crept back from the forests, and even have a "firing" squad "kill" some of them. Then they would have Magsaysay make a big speech to the people and the whole battalion would roll down the road to have breakfast together somewhere...ready for the next "show".

Ed would always see that someone had arranged to have newsmen and camera men there and Magsaysay soon became a national hero. This was a tough game and Ed bragged that a lot of people were killed; but in the end Magsaysay became the "elected" President and Querino was ousted "legally."

This formula endeared Ed to Allen Dulles. In 1954 Dulles established the Saigon Military Mission in Vietnam...counter to Eisenhower's orders. He had the French accept Lansdale as its chief. This mission was not in Saigon. It was not military, and its job was subversion in Vietnam. Its biggest job was that it got more than 1,100,000 northern Vietnamese to move south. 660,000 by U.S.Navy ships and the rest by CIA airline planes. These 1,100,000 north Vietnamese became the "subversive" element in South Vietnam and the principal cause of the warmaking. Lansdale and his cronies (Bohanon, Arundel, Phillips, Hand, Conein and many others) did all that using the same check book. I was with them many times during 1954. All Malthuseanism.

I have heard him brag about capturing random Vietnamese and putting them in a Helicopter. Then they would work on them to make them "confess" to being Viet Minh. When they would not, they would toss them out of the chopper, one after the other, until the last ones talked. This was Ed's idea of fun...as related to me many times. Then Dulles, Adm. Radford and Cardinal Spellman set up Ngo Dinh Diem. He and his brother, Nhu, became Lansdale proteges.

At about 1957 Lansdale was brought back to Washington and assigned to Air Force Headquarters in a Plans office near mine. He was a fish out of water. He didn't know Air Force people and Air Force ways. After about six months of that, Dulles got the Office of Special Operations under General Erskine to ask for Lansdale to work for the Secretary of Defense. Erskine was man enough to control him.

By 1960 Erskine had me head the Air Force shop there. He had an Army shop and a Navy shop and we were responsible for all CIA relationships as well as for the National Security Agency. Ed was still out of his element because he did not know the services; but the CIA sent work his way.

Then in the Fall of 1960 something happened that fired him up. Kennedy was elected over Nixon. Right away Lansdale figured out what he was going to do with the new President. Overnight he left for Saigon to see Diem and to set up a deal that would make him, Lansdale, Ambassador to Vietnam. He had me buy a "Father of his Country" gift for Diem...$700.00.

I can't repeat all of this but you should get a copy of the Gravel edition, 5 Vol.'s, of the Pentagon Papers and read it. The Lansdale accounts are quite good and reasonably accurate.

Ed came back just before the Inauguration and was brought into the White House for a long presentation to Kennedy about Vietnam. Kennedy was taken by it and promised he would have Lansdale back in Vietnam "in a high office". Ed told us in OSO he had the Ambassadorship sewed up. He lived for that job.

He had not reckoned with some of JFK's inner staff, George Ball, etc. Finally the whole thing turned around and month by month Lansdale's star sank over the horizon. Erskine retired and his whole shop was scattered. The Navy men went back to the navy as did the Army folks. Gen Wheeler in the JCS asked to have me assigned to the Joint Staff. This wiped out the whole Erskine (Office of Special Operations) office. It was comical. There was Lansdale up there all by himself with no office and no one else. He boiled and he blamed it on Kennedy for not giving him the "promised" Ambassadorship to let him "save" Vietnam.

Then with the failure of the Bay of Pigs, caused by that phone call to cancel the air strikes by McGeorge Bundy, the military was given the job of reconstituting some sort of Anti-Castro operation. It was headed by an Army Colonel; but somehow Lansdale (most likely CIA influence) got put into the plans for Operation Mongoose...to get Castro...ostensibly.

The U.S. Army has a think-tank at American University. It was called "Operation Camelot". This is where the "Camelot" concept came from. It was anti-JFK's Vietnam strategy. The men running it were Lansdale types, Special Forces background. "Camelot" was King Arthur and Knights of the Round Table: not JFK...then.

Through 1962 and 1963 Mongoose and "Camelot" became strong and silent organizations dedicated to countering JFK. Mongoose had access to the CIA's best "hit men" in the business and a lot of "strike" capability. Lansdale had many old friends in the media business such as Joe Alsop, Henry Luce among others. With this background and with his poisoned motivation I am positive that he got collateral orders to manage the Dallas event under the guise of "getting" Castro. It is so simple at that level. A nod from the right place, source immaterial, and the job's done.

The "hit" is the easy part. The "escape" must be quick and professional. The cover-up and the scenario are the big jobs. They more than anything else prove the Lansdale mastery.

Lansdale was a master writer and planner. He was a great "scenario" guy. It still have a lot of his personally typed material in my files. I am certain that he was behind the elaborate plan and mostly the intricate and enduring cover-up. Given a little help from friends at PEPSICO he could easily have gotten Nixon into Dallas, for "orientation': and LBJ in the cavalcade at the same time, contrary to Secret Service policy.

He knew the "Protection" units and the "Secret Service", who was needed and who wasn't. Those were routine calls for him, and they would have believed him. Cabell could handle the police.

The "hit men" were from CIA overseas sources, for instance, from the "Camp near Athena, Greece. They are trained, stateless, and ready to go at any time. They ask no questions: speak to no one. They are simply told what to do, when and where. Then they are told how they will be removed and protected. After all, they work for the U.S. Government. The "Tramps" were actors doing the job of cover-up. The hit men are just pros. They do the job for the CIA anywhere. They are impersonal. They get paid. They get protected, and they have enough experience to "blackmail" anyone, if anyone ever turns on them...just like Drug agents. The job was clean, quick and neat. No ripples.

The whole story of the POWER of the Cover-up comes down to a few points. There has never been a Grand Jury and trial in Texas. Without a trial there can be nothing. Without a trial it does no good for researchers to dig up data. It has no place to go and what the researchers reveal just helps make the cover-up tighter, or they eliminate that evidence and the researcher.

The first man LBJ met with on Nov 29th, after he had cleared the foreign dignitaries out of Washington was Waggoner Carr, Atty Gen'l, Texas to tell him, "No trial in Texas...ever."

The next man he met, also on Nov 29th, was J. Edgar Hoover. The first question LBJ asked his old "19 year" neighbor in DC was "Were THEY shooting at me?" LBJ thought that THEY had been shooting at him also as they shot at his friend John Connally. Note that he asked, "Were THEY shooting at me?" LBJ knew there were several hitmen. That's the ultimate clue...THEY.

The Connallys said the same thing...THEY. Not Oswald.

Then came the heavily loaded press releases about Oswald all written before the deal and released actually before LHO had ever been charged with the crime. I bought the first newspaper EXTRA on the streets of Christchurch, New Zealand with the whole LHO story in that first news...photos and columns of it before the police in Dallas had yet to charge him with that crime. All this canned material about LHO was flashed around the world.

Lansdale and his Time-Life and other media friends, with Valenti in Hollywood, have been doing that cover-up since Nov 1963. Even the deMorenschildt story enhances all of this. In deM's personal telephone/address notebook he had the name of an Air Force Colonel friend of mine, Howard Burrus. Burrus was always deep in intelligence. He had been in one of the most sensitive Attache spots in Europe...Switzerland. He was a close friend of another Air Force Colonel and Attache, Godfrey McHugh, who used to date Jackie Bouvier. DeM had Burrus listed under a DC telephone number and on that same telephone number he had "L.B.Johnson, Congressman." Quite a connection. Why...from the Fifties yet.?

Godfrey McHugh was the Air Force Attache in Paris. Another most important job. I knew him well, and I transferred his former Ass't Attache to my office in the Pentagon. This gave me access to a lot of information I wanted in the Fifties. This is how I learned that McHugh's long-time special "date" was the fair Jacqueline...yes, the same Jackie Bouvier. Sen. Kennedy met Jackie in Paris when he was on a trip. At that time JFK was dating a beautiful SAS Airline Stewardess who was the date of that Ass't Attache who came to my office. JFK dumped her and stole Jackie away from McHugh. Leaves McHugh happy????

At the JFK Inaugural Ball who should be there but the SAS stewardess, Jackie--of course, and Col Godfrey McHugh. JFK made McHugh a General and made him his "Military Advisor" in the White House where he was near Jackie while JFK was doing all that official travelling connected with his office AND other special interests. Who recommended McHugh for the job?

General McHugh was in Dallas and was on Air Force One, with Jackie, on the flight back to Washington..as was Jack Valenti. Why was LBJ's old cohort there at that time and why was he on Air Force One? He is now the Movie Czar. Why in Dallas?

See how carefully all of this is interwoven. Burrus is now a very wealthy man in Washington. I have lost track of McHugh. And Jackie is doing well. All in the Lansdale--deM shadows.

One of Lansdale's special "black" intelligence associates in the Pentagon was Dorothy Matlack of U.S. Army Intelligence. How does it happen that when deM. flew from Haiti to testify, he was met at the National Airport by Dorothy?

The Lansdale story is endless. What people do not do is study the entire environment of his strange career. For example: the most important part of my book, "The Secret Team", is not something that I wrote. It is Appendix III under the title, "Training Under The Mutual Security Program". This is a most important bit of material. It tells more about the period 1963 to 1990 than anything. I fought to have it included verbatim in the book. This material was the work of Lansdale and his crony General Dick Stillwell. Anyone interested in the "JFK Coup d'Etat" ought to know it by heart.

I believe this document tells why the Coup took place. It was to reverse the sudden JFK re-orientation of the U.S. Government from Asia to Europe, in keeping with plans made in 1943 at Cairo and Teheran by T.V. Soong and his Asian masterminds. Lansdale and Stillwell were long-time "Asia hands" as were Gen Erskine, Adm Radford, Cardinal Spellman, Henry Luce and so many others.

In October 1963, JFK had just signalled this reversal, to Europe, when he published National Security Action Memorandum #263 saying...among other things...that he was taking 1000 troops home from Vietnam by Christmas 1963 and ALL AMERICANS out of Vietnam by the end of 1965. That cost him his life.

JFK came to that "Pro-Europe" conclusion in the Summer of 1963 and sent Gen Krulak to Vietnam for advance work. Kurlak and I (with others) wrote that long "Taylor-McNamara" Report of their "Visit to Vietnam" (obviously they did not write, illustrate and bind it as they traveled). Krulak got his information daily in the White House. We simply wrote it. That led to NSAM #263. This same Trip Report is Document #142 and appears on page 751 to 766 of Vol. II of the Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers. NSAM #263 appears on pages 769-770 (It makes the Report official). This major Report and NSAM indicated an enormous shift in the orientation of U.S. Foreign Policy from Asia back to Europe. JFK was much more Europe- oriented, as was his father, than pro-Asia. This position was anathema to the Asia-born Luces, etc.

There is the story from an insider. I sat in the same office with Lansdale, (OSO of OSD) for years. I listened to him in Manila and read his flurry of notes from 1952 to 1964. I know all this stuff, and much more. I could write ten books. I send this to you because I believe you are one of the most sincere of the "true researchers".

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http://www.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_issues/17th_Issue/rambler1.html

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By 1961 Rostow was also working closely with Edward G. Lansdale. Lansdale was an Air Force Major General at the time of his retirement on November 1, 1963. He had an advertising background and extensive counter-insurgency experience in Southeast Asia. Lansdale is credited in many circles with coming up with the idea, single handed, that destroyed the Huk rebellion in the early fifties in the Philippines. The Huk were very superstitious. They believed in vampires. Lansdale got a few dead Huk bodies, put holes in their necks and hung them upside down.69

Like Rostow, Lansdale was a veteran of the OSS. He had served in Vietnam during the Eisenhower administration and had become a close personal friend of South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem.70

His advertising background blended well with his expertise: psychological warfare; or psy-ops. There are now manuals on psy-ops and Lansdale is considered the father of that type of warfare.

He was the model for the imperialistic "Colonel Hillindale" in the William Lederer/Eugene Burdick novel The Ugly American; the most celebrated American dark spy.71

During January through April of 1961, Lansdale's overriding motive was to be Ambassador to South Vietnam. Lansdale, by that time, was probably the only American advisor Diem trusted. Diem was very isolated by then. After his first White House meeting with Lansdale on Vietnam, Kennedy had decided to fire Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow. Kennedy would change his mind about this in a month or two.72

Following the firing of Durbrow, Kennedy appointed Frederick E. Nolting. So Lansdale sought to capture the apparatus to formulate, approve and implement Vietnam policy and be the key player in all three stages until a U.S. victory was achieved in Vietnam. It almost worked. The reason it did not, as far as military historian John Newman can tell, is because Dean Rusk threatened to resign if Lansdale got his way. Lansdale's letters from 1964 show that he found out from some of his contacts that Rusk had laid his job on the line.73

As the author of the book JFK and Vietnam, John M. Newman, explained: "Lansdale's a loose cannon on deck. Kennedy liked him, at least initially for a while, but he had big problems. No doubt about it. In the Pentagon, the Pentagon brass didn't like him. Secretary of State Rusk did not like him. However he did have a big patron in Kennedy's inner circle....Walt Rostow! Walt Rostow, the Vietnam guy. And I was able to track this fairly successfully I think. If it weren't for Walt Rostow, Lansdale wouldn't have had a prayer with this crazy plan of his to try and capture this emerging Vietnam policy apparatus."74

So in the first four months of the Kennedy Administration Lansdale sought the ambassadorship and then control of the emerging policy apparatus of Vietnam and failed at both. The only evidence of Rusk's motive is a document released in 1991 by the State Department. It is a document in which Rusk wrote about not trusting Lansdale. He was unsure of Lansdale's loyalties.75

Although he cannot document it, Newman is certain that Lansdale worked for the CIA while wearing an Air Force uniform. One indication of this in Lansdale's private letters and memoranda is that General Curtis Le May, the Air Chief of Staff, seemed to be unable to promote him. Allen Dulles had to be involved in getting Lansdale promoted from colonel to general. And a number of other patterns are apparent such as social events with Charles Cabell. Edward Lansdale and Charles Cabell were very close.76

The end result of these first few months, in essence, is that Lansdale was fired from any position on Vietnam policy. For Edward Lansdale that was a traumatic experience. Vietnam was his primary concern. South Vietnam was his creation. In his book, Newman stopped writing about Lansdale at that point although there was a lot more to him. It involved Cuba and Operation Mongoose and other matters that were not the focus of his book.77

Lansdale had lost something that mattered a great deal to him. In his letters he wrote about going through the experience of being relieved of these responsibilities in Vietnam. Newman describes him as a man whose heart was broken "because he could not play any more in his favorite sandbox." By the end of 1961 Kennedy had put him in charge of Operation Mongoose. He was in charge of an enormous apparatus with tremendous resources, weapons and personnel. Newman, having read the NSC meeting minutes where Kennedy announced Lansdale was now going to be in charge of Mongoose, believes that Kennedy did not appreciate the way Lansdale related to being involved in Vietnam policy.78

With such extreme feelings about his predicament in 1961, Lansdale might have gone any number of ways to rectify his situation. What was he thinking? In what direction and how far would he go? Newman summarized the portion of his book in which he dealt with that question:

Lansdale was not a combat troops man, yet the very first piece of paper ever in the history of the Vietnam war where an American officer recommends a U.S. troop commitment to Vietnam, Lansdale was the one who authors it. It's right in that critical time frame right after the failure at the Bay of Pigs; right before the crucial decision Kennedy has to make on going into Laos. His Vietnam Task Force paper is coming in through the door. The night, the very night that the Joint Chiefs figure out that Kennedy is going to say no on Laos, Lansdale, late at night in the Pentagon, slips in this combat troop proposal in the Vietnam Task Force report. It's not like him. The way I interpret that -- and I may be in error -- the way I interpret that is he understands that the star rising on the horizon is U.S. intervention in Vietnam. And he understands that he has lost his position in the Kennedy administration which has a decidedly different approach. So he switches forces and he joins forces with those planning for intervention. And it was a good decision on his part, was it not? He was there when they arrived. He was on the team.79

The Mongoose files of the Senate Church Committee reveal that they wanted to know when and who authorized assassination. The Kennedy Administration had supposedly gotten away from that. It was clear to the committee, however, that they had not. There were plans and resources being devoted to assassinate Castro. So the purpose of the questioning was to find out who, and when it was authorized.80

Lansdale testified that he did it all alone. When asked why, his answer was that during the missile crisis the Russians had changed the terms of reference by putting missiles in Cuba. So Lansdale decided all on his own that he was going to change things and get rid of Castro.

After reading a pre-galley copy of JFK and Vietnam, Daniel Ellsberg called Newman one night very excitedly. Ellsberg had worked with Lansdale and knew him extremely well. He said, "This is the first time I've ever thought that Lansdale might have been involved in the assassination." Ellsberg based this on Lansdale being removed from Vietnam planning and moved to Operation Mongoose.81

By February 1963 Lansdale had no position in Cuban policy and was focusing on Latin America. He was traveling to countries like Bolivia and elsewhere. The U.S. had a lot of personnel in South America under Kennedy. And a lot of them ended up going to Vietnam. According to Newman there is a blind spot as to exactly what they were doing and how many people the U.S. had in Latin America.82

"I can tell you," Newman said, "that in the collateral research that I did, names that I came across, I found a correlation between -- I don't say this is definitive but I got a lot of hits -- the same names of the guys that were running around in Latin America, particularly in Cuban policy, end up in the Far East Division. Very strange coincidence. There were three -- it wasn't just one -- there were several. A neat nexus between the Southeast Asian guys and Cuban guys."83

Lansdale was also spending a lot of time at air bases and other areas in the southern United States; in Florida and in Alabama. Newman recalled from Lansdale's travel records that one of these other areas was some sort of a Cuban-exile camp. The record for that trip included a cover note to the person coordinating it telling him to keep quiet. Lansdale apparently wanted to make sure that no one knew that he was going there.84

There was also an honorary graduation certificate from the sniping school that the U.S. had in Panama. He went there, Newman recalled, in May or April 1963. He was made an honorary graduate there. Lansdale was going to various clandestine and special forces places in the spring and summer of 1963.85

One more event that Newman remembered from the spring 1963 period was that Lansdale was due to retire. And he was extended by Le May, arbitrarily, for another six months or so to November 1, 1963; with no job; no real responsibilities. Fletcher Prouty claims Lansdale was just at a desk by himself.86

In the summer of 1963 there were two interesting events concerning Vietnam. The U.S. had a problem with Diem. The regime would not compromise at all. It went in the opposite direction. Buddhists were killed. They began immolating themselves. The regime still would not relent. The political bottom completely fell out in Saigon.87

Newman said he came across an intriguing article in a local, small magazine from this period. It had a picture of Lansdale and a typical title like, "America's Most Celebrated Spy." It was about a Lansdale trip to Saigon. His travel records, however, indicate that he was not supposed to be in Saigon. This was around July-August 1963.88

The article reported an assassination attempt on Lansdale. The assassins missed and somebody killed the alleged assassin. Then he went to a meeting with Ambassador Lodge. According to Newman, "This is clearly impossible from the record because Lansdale has no authority or position to be involved in Vietnam policy. It would make sense in terms of going back and pleading with Diem and getting Lansdale to do it. Maybe Diem would listen to Lansdale. But I did find a record. He might have been in Saigon." Newman found evidence of a six- or seven-day break in Lansdale's normal activities.89

Among Lansdale's contacts in the last three to four months of Kennedy's life, Newman found "a lot of Spanish names. I found names that were reminiscent of CIA type folks."90

In 1963, Lansdale was Fletcher Prouty's boss. Prouty insists that he was sent to the South Pole by Lansdale to get him out of the way so that he would not witness the events of November 22, 1963. Presumably this was done because if Prouty had been there he would have figured out what was going on. Prouty has claimed that in the photograph of the three tramps walking across Dealey Plaza, the man in a suit with what looks like a wire coming out of his ear and going into his suit coat is Edward Lansdale -- that he recognized the back of his head and his gate. Among Lansdale's letters, John Newman and David Lifton found a slip of paper that has "The Texas Hotel" on it and a phone number in Denton. Lansdale's letters also reveal that he was headed in the direction of Dallas in November 1963.91

Lansdale wrote to a number of friends and associates beginning in September 1963, of his intention to go to Texas in November. There are as many as ten letters, according to Newman, where he described this upcoming trip to two people. One was his son. The other one was General "Hangin' Sam" Williams, an old buddy and McGarr's predecessor in Vietnam. He lived in San Antonio.92

The last piece of paper that Newman found placing Lansdale physically in Washington is dated November 14, 1963. It concerns running errands for his wife. After that there is no record of his whereabouts except for a box of incidentals, which had this piece of paper in it. It has on it "Texas Hotel" and "Denton" and a name and phone number. As Newman said, "That might be from 1949 or it might be 1968 and again it might be November 1963. Because the Texas Hotel is where Kennedy stayed the night before he died, and Denton, Texas is just north here of Dallas, it all fits in. But it certainly is not conclusive."93

Lansdale dropped out of sight at this point. He resurfaced back in Washington in the Food for Peace Program and was soon given a job by Johnson back in Vietnam. He had contacts who got him interviews in the White House. In fact he would be on the ground in Vietnam when U.S. combat troops arrived.94

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69. Unpublished Transcript: John M. Newman with Gus Russo, "Unscheduled Workshop on Major General Edward G. Lansdale, Colonel Howard L. Burris and Air Force Intelligence Connections to the Kennedy Assassination," Second Annual Assassination Symposium on John F. Kennedy, Hyatt Regency Hotel at Reunion Square, Dallas, Tx., Oct. 24, 1992, p. 1.

70. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, (NY: Warner Books, 1992), p. 3.

71. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 1.

72. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 3.

73. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 3.

74. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 14.

75. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 3.

76. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, pp. 3-4.

77. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 4.

78. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 4.

79. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, pp. 13-14.

80. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 5.

81. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, pp. 4-5.

82. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 5.

83. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 27.

84. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 8.

85. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 8.

86. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 8.

87. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 8.

88. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 9.

89. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, pp. 9-10.

90. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 10.

91. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 2; Stone, JFK: The Book of the Film, pp. 182-183.

92. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 11; Stone, JFK: The Book of the Film, p. 183.

93. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, pp. 11-12.

94. Unpublished Transcript: Newman with Russo, p. 12.

Mr. Burton who has posted on this Forum that its OK for the Government of Australia to monitor all emails is a man who must be taken seriously......
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P2WU_Hx_xTw&feature=player_detailpage

HOWEVER -- Romero did not name anybody else -- although your unreliable source, Louis Tackwood, then goes on to name CIA Officer James McCord in the next sentence, trying to forge a connection // PT

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Tackwood 9 year LAPD informant (seem reliable enough for LAPD)

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And then you cite David Martoso (9/7/14) who published his opinion that "the CIA hatched two plots to assassinate Nixon and sabotaged the Watergate break-in because they didn't want the Vietnam war to end." //PT

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(REASON I ALREADY PUT IN RED COLOR + YET YOU MISSED IT + YE OLD FAMOUS TREJO PREJUDICE ?? + SEEMS NIXON PLOTS REAL + minority counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee in the 1970s = source

Stone claimed that the CIA and Joint Chiefs of Staff were motivated to assassinate Nixon because they opposed his desire to withdraw troops from Vietnam.....Shortly before the book's release in August 2014, Stone told MailOnline that the source of the allegations was Howard Liebengood, the minority counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee in the 1970s.[23]

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MOTIVE TO HURT NIXON

Whatever.(copyright Paul Trejo)

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James DiEugenio says::

Phillips is one of the most utterly fascinating suspects in the JFK case.

Simply take for example the fact that he and McCord ran the CIA’s counterintelligence program against the FPCC. I mean, does that not suggest that he (Phillips) may have been involved with what Oswald was doing in New Orleans in the summer of 1963? For the simple reason that too many people saw Oswald either at 544 Camp Street or with Banister and/or Ferrie. In Destiny Betrayed, I listed over ten witnesses who were credible on this issue. Including people like Bill Gaudet and Vernon Gerdes and Allen Campbell. (See pages 110-113) Therefore, if Oswald was an undercover agent against the FPCC, which he has all the earmarks of being, then Phillips likely knew what he was doing.

Then there is Phillips in Mexico City. And how he and Goodpasture controlled the daily take from the target embassies. And how the declassified ARRB files reveal that Phillips mailed the Oswald trasncripts to himself at Langley under a false name . Not to mention the fact that the Lopez Report catches Phillips in at least three lies. One of the things Hardway revealed in PIttsburgh was that the HSCA prepared two indictments for perjury about Mexico CIty, one for Phillips and one for Goodpasture. Did anyone see this on the MSM during the 50th?

One of the most ridiculous things about the WR and volumes is that Phillips’ name is not in the nearly 19,000 pages of materials. I mean, this may have been the guy managing Oswald at a mid level in the months leading up to the assassination.

Then there is the Veciana story about the SOuthland building and the story about Phillips’ last call to his brother. And the incredible confession at UCLA with Mark Lane, that when all was in, there was no evidence about Oswald being at the Soviet Embassy. I mean he should know since Lopez told me that Phillips and Goodpasture were as tight as Mutt and Jeff in Mexico City.

If there was ever a guy who you needed every bit of paper on declassified its this guy.

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James McCord provides an alibi for E. Howard Hunt - JFK ...

First of all, with regard to Nixon, you only have an allegation based on a rumor -- not a crime. So, no pattern. //Paul Trejo

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NO RUMOR

Such FBI tactics created the feud between the Eldridge Cleaver and
Huey Newton factions of the Black Panther Party, according to a high
bureau official. In Los Angeles, the FBI worked with the police department
to support Ron Karenga, the leader of a black nationalist organization
that was feuding with the Panthers. Two Panther activists were killed
in a shootout at UCLA in 1969, for which five Karenga supporters were
subsequently indicted, and three convicted. Louis Tackwood, an LAPD
agent-provocateur who went public in 1971, says that the LAPD gave
Karenga money, guns, narcotics, and encouragement.[8]

===
1963 assassination of President Kennedy. Jose Romero, soldier of fortune, approached by hired assassination team from the U.S. which planned to kill Kennedy during his 1961 visit to France. Romero definitely remembers Frank Sturgis as one of the representatives from the U.S. James McCord, according to Louis Tackwood, was in Dallas the day Kennedy was shot, and flown afterwards to the Carribean. The National Archives have FBI reports indicating Frank Sturgis a friend of Lee Harvey Oswald and David Ferrie. Sturgis had a Miami arsenal of weapons, and original plans were to kill JFK in Miami in 1963.
====
G. Gordon Liddy received campaign funds to determine what to do if the crazies made an attack on the President.
Louis Tackwood, agent provocateur 9 years with the Los Angeles Police, was hired to join this White House espionage squad for planned violence in San Diego. Those plans included "getting Nixon" after martial law was declared.
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In The Glass House Tapes, Tackwood is quoted as saying: “I’m giving up only two names. There’s ‘Martin’, and there’s ‘White’. Aright, now, ‘Martin’ was the code name for my contact, and I’m gonna tell you he’s C.I.A., all the way. Are you ready for this? He was in Dallas when they got Kennedy; he left out of there for the Caribbean.” Martin and White were names allegedly used by James McCord and Howard Hunt.

(Glass House Tapes)

===

According to Roger Stone's 2014 book Nixon's Secrets, Sturgis was involved in a failed CIA plot to assassinate President Richard Nixon.[23] Stone claimed that the CIA and Joint Chiefs of Staff were motivated to assassinate Nixon because they opposed his desire to withdraw troops from Vietnam.....Shortly before the book's release in August 2014, Stone told MailOnline that the source of the allegations was Howard Liebengood, the minority counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee in the 1970s.[23]

[23] Martosko, David (August 7, 2014). "The CIA hatched two plots to assassinate Nixon and sabotaged the Watergate break-in because they didn't want the Vietnam war to end, claims explosive new book". Mail Online (Associated Newspapers Ltd). Retrieved August 7, 2014.

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In taped conversations with Haldeman, Nixon is obviously worried about what would happen if Hunt's involvement in the Watergate conspiracy came to light. Nixon says, "Of course, this Hunt, that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab, there's a hell of a lot of things, and we feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further ... the President's belief is that this is going to open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again." Click to Listen: President Nixon instructs Haldeman on what to tell the CIA (text below)

NIXON: When you get in to see these people, say: "Look, the problem is that this will open the whole, the whole Bay of Pigs thing, and the President just feels that..." ah, I mean, without going into the details of, of lying to them to the extent to say that there is no involvement. But, you can say, "This is sort of a comedy of errors, bizarre," without getting into it, "The President's belief is that this is going to open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again. And, ah because ah these people are playing for, for keeps and that they should call the FBI in and we feel that ... that we wish for the country, don't go any further into this case, period!"

Following instructions, Haldeman informed CIA Director Richard Helms of President Nixon's concern that the Watergate investigation would "open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again." Haldeman gives this account of what transpired next:

"Turmoil in the room. Helms, gripping the arms of his chair, leaning forward and shouting, 'The Bay of Pigs had nothing to do with this. I have no concern about the Bay of Pigs.'

"Silence. I just sat there. I was absolutely shocked by Helms' violent reaction. Again I wondered, what was such dynamite in the Bay of Pigs story?"

Oh, come on -- y'all can't prove a CIA murder plot against JFK, so now you want to blunder through not proving a CIA murder plot against Nixon?

Stick to one case at a time, people. Try to solve the JFK murder first. It's only been a half-century -- c'mon -- you can do it.

Best regards,

--Paul Trejo

If a criminal (CIA) does more than one crime (POTUS KILLING) one looks at a pattern. McCord and Hunt wouldnt act as ROGUES. If you understood the personality of McCord you would know that he would never do anything unless ordered to do so. Said orders of a NIXON killing to McCord would come from high up in the CIA chain of command. If a criminal (CIA) does more than one crime (POTUS KILLING) one looks at a pattern. Thus said pattern indicares that high level CIA people can order POTUS killing and therefore the JFK killing by the CIA by the upper CIA levels seems a very sound logical proposition.Part of the Nixon Houston plan indicated that the POTUS would take control of the CIA (and upgrading other intell actors with more POTUS (Nixon's) controll). From Nixon's planned action the CIA reacts with POTUS killing plan . JFK wants to break CIA into a thousand pieces and CIA reacts with POTUS killing.......pattern.

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DAILYKOS (REVIEW ROGER STONE BOOK)

In the introduction, he mentions his friendship with John Davis Lodge, Henry Cabot Lodge's brother. Stone asked him over drinks one night if his brother, who according to this account JFK was going to fire upon his return from Dallas, had ever indicated who killed Kennedy.

Now, John Davis Lodge has been dead since 1985 and Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. died in the same year; conveniently, neither man left word of this bombshell. However, if I was a living Lodge relative I'd be fairly unhappy that Henry Cabot Lodge was essentially accused of a federal crime in this book. Stone claims this discussion took place in 1979, when Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. was still alive and could have been charged with conspiracy if he'd had foreknowledge of the assassination and kept it under wraps. It seems incredible that his brother would be publicizing this in a bullxxxxting session over drinks with a political hack like Stone.

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Michael Paine a Cabot from both sides of his families worked at Bell Helicopter. The Cabots controlled the First National Bank of Boston which controlled Textron which controlled Bell Helicopter. Michael Paine thus worked for his family - the Cabots. Textron lobbied the Pentagon in 1958 for increased usage of helicopters in warfare. The death of JFK insured Textron (the Cabots) got its wish of increased helicopter warefare,AKA the Vietnam War.
Dulles and the Cabots were joined at the hip in secret covert operations. The Dulles brothers represented as lawyers United Fruit and also were large United Fruit investors and the Cabots were large United Fruit Investors.
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SLATE By Ray Fisman

In 1951, Jacobo Árbenz Gúzman became Guatemala's second democratically elected president. Árbenz's authoritarian predecessors had been very sympathetic to American business interests, particularly those of the United Fruit Co. (now Chiquita), which had bought up land titles on the cheap from Guatemala's corrupt elite for its ever-expanding banana empire. Once in office, Presidente Árbenz sought to take it all back, nationalizing UFC's Guatemalan assets and redistributing them to the poor.

But UFC had friends in very high places—the assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, John Moor Cabot, was the brother of UFC President Thomas Cabot. The secretary of state himself, John Foster Dulles, had done legal work for UFC, and his brother Allen Dulles was director of the CIA and also on UFC's board. Thanks to the Freedom of Information Act, we now know that the various Cabots and Dulleses had a series of top-secret meetings in which they decided that Árbenz had to go and sponsored a coup that drove Árbenz from office in 1954.
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...Michael Paine was descended from the Cabots on both his father's and his mother's side; he was thus a second cousin once removed of Thomas Dudley Cabot, the former President of United Fruit who offered another of his companies, Gibralter Steamship, as a "cover" for the CIA during the Bay of Pigs adventure. He was also a cousin of Cabot's partner, Alexander Cochrane Forbes, a director of United Fruit and trustee of Cabot, Cabot and Forbes. Paul F. Hellmuth vice-president of Cabot, Cabot and Forbes, was a trustee of the J. Frederick Brown Foundation, a CIA "conduit", along with G.C. Cabot. Thus the Paine family [had] links with the blue-blood intelligence circles of the "Oh So Social" OSS and CIA, though one would not guess this from their description in the Warren Report....In the summer of 1963 it was Ruth [Michael's wife], rather than Michael, who maintained close relations with the patrician Paine and Forbes families, traveling east in July to stay with her mother-in-law at the traditional Forbes clan retreat of Naushon Island near Wood's Hole, Massachusetts (CE 416, 17 H 119). Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, pp. 2-4.

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• Lyndon Johnson’s personal hit man Malcolm Wallace (also an employee of military contractor and LBJ insider D.H. Byrd who owned the Texas School Book Depository) was one of a team of shooters assassinating JFK. Stone reveals that a fingerprint matching Wallace and found in the so called sniper’s nest ties LBJ directly to the murder of JFK. // Robert Morrow

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Wallace had very poor vision. He was more of a short distance shotgun man. A fingerprint of Wallace in the TSBD would actually exculpate LBJ via a possible blackmail plot against LBJ.

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part 2 Allen Dulles and the Cabots and Paines

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CIA plot to kill JFK is based only on political bias, and not on solid evidence. That's my final word on it.

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Michael Paine a Cabot from both sides of his families worked at Bell Helicopter. The Cabots controlled the First National Bank of Boston which controlled Textron which controlled Bell Helicopter. Michael Paine thus worked for his family - the Cabots. Textron lobbied the Pentagon in 1958 for increased usage of helicopters in warfare. The death of JFK insured Textron (the Cabots) got its wish of increased helicopter warefare,AKA the Vietnam War.
Dulles and the Cabots were joined at the hip in secret covert operations. The Dulles brothers represented as lawyers United Fruit and also were large United Fruit investors and the Cabots were large United Fruit Investors.
==
SLATE By Ray Fisman

In 1951, Jacobo Árbenz Gúzman became Guatemala's second democratically elected president. Árbenz's authoritarian predecessors had been very sympathetic to American business interests, particularly those of the United Fruit Co. (now Chiquita), which had bought up land titles on the cheap from Guatemala's corrupt elite for its ever-expanding banana empire. Once in office, Presidente Árbenz sought to take it all back, nationalizing UFC's Guatemalan assets and redistributing them to the poor.

But UFC had friends in very high places—the assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, John Moor Cabot, was the brother of UFC President Thomas Cabot. The secretary of state himself, John Foster Dulles, had done legal work for UFC, and his brother Allen Dulles was director of the CIA and also on UFC's board. Thanks to the Freedom of Information Act, we now know that the various Cabots and Dulleses had a series of top-secret meetings in which they decided that Árbenz had to go and sponsored a coup that drove Árbenz from office in 1954.
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...Michael Paine was descended from the Cabots on both his father's and his mother's side; he was thus a second cousin once removed of Thomas Dudley Cabot, the former President of United Fruit who offered another of his companies, Gibralter Steamship, as a "cover" for the CIA during the Bay of Pigs adventure. He was also a cousin of Cabot's partner, Alexander Cochrane Forbes, a director of United Fruit and trustee of Cabot, Cabot and Forbes. Paul F. Hellmuth vice-president of Cabot, Cabot and Forbes, was a trustee of the J. Frederick Brown Foundation, a CIA "conduit", along with G.C. Cabot. Thus the Paine family [had] links with the blue-blood intelligence circles of the "Oh So Social" OSS and CIA, though one would not guess this from their description in the Warren Report....In the summer of 1963 it was Ruth [Michael's wife], rather than Michael, who maintained close relations with the patrician Paine and Forbes families, traveling east in July to stay with her mother-in-law at the traditional Forbes clan retreat of Naushon Island near Wood's Hole, Massachusetts (CE 416, 17 H 119). Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, pp. 2-4.

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see https://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg22399.html
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Volkmar Schmidt had come to Dallas from Germany in the fall of 1961 to do geological research for the Magnolia Laboratories in Duncanville, Texas. Schmidt's teacher and housemate in Germany had been Dr. Wilhelm Kuetemeyer, professor of psychosomatic medicine and religious philosophy at the University of Heidelberg. His work involved conducting experiments on a group of schizophrenics until Kuetemeyer became involved in the "20th of July" plot against Hitler and had to go into hiding -- like Gisevius. When Schmidt first met Oswald he brought up the subject of General Walker and Hitler. As Schmidt told Edward J. Epstein, "Oswald instantly seized on the analogy...to argue that America was moving toward fascism. As he spoke, he seemed to grow more and more excited about the subject."

Epstein, Legend, pp. 203-05, 213-14; Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, p. 310.
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Mary Bancroft “Autobiography of a Spy” – Debutante, Writer, Confidante, Secret Agent. The True Story of Her Extraordinary Life. (William Morrow, NY, 1983)

Allen Dulles kept two things he knew from the Warren Commission that could have changed the nature of their work as well as their conclusion that the President was killed by a lone assassin and not the result of a conspiracy. The first was Dulles’ knowledge of the CIA plots to kill Cuba Premier Fidel Castro, and the second was the close association between Mary Bancroft - one of his intimate agents and Michael and Ruth Paine, the patrons of the accused assassin and his family.

If Ruth Paine was treated in the same fashion as the landlady of Lincoln’s assassin, she would have been hanged, and if the assassin happened today, or Kennedy had survived the attack, Ruth and Michael Paine would have been treated as cohorts that enabled the crime to happen and harbored the responsible terrorist.

It wasn’t until after Allen Dulles died that, with the assistance of many of her wartime OSS reports, Mary Bancroft wrote her book documenting her relationships with her stepfather – Clarence W. Barron aka “CW,” the founding publisher of the Wall Street Journal, Ruth Forbes Paine (Michael’s mom), OSS agent and CIA boss Allen Dulles, the reluctant Nazi Hans B. Insidious and her role in the Valkyrie Plot – the July 20, 1944 assassination attempt on Hitler.

Although she opens with book as a young girl in 1919 holding her father’s hand while watching a parade march down Fifth Avenue in New York City, led by Col. William J. “Wild Bill” Donovan and his regiment, C.W. Barron probably had more influence on her than anyone else, giving her an early interest in “the news” and teaching her how to keep files on index cards and to write reports.

It was C.W. who also always told her to “Write it up,…but remember that the facts are not the truth. They only indicate where the truth my lie!”

She also notes that CW expressed foreknowledge of the death of President Harding, suggesting that it wasn’t such an accidental death after all.

“I was present myself on one occasion when CW’s ‘nose’ was at work. We were playing bridge at his home in Cohasset. CW was an excellent bridge player, but on this particular evening he revoked several times and, finally flinging down his cards, said he couldn’t continue. Important news was about to break. Every ten minutes or so he sent one of his secretaries to phone the office to see what was coming in over the wires. For over an hour the secretary would report that there was nothing. Finally he returned to say there was still nothing – except that President Warren G. Harding, on a visit to California, had had crabs for dinner and was suffering from an upset stomach. ‘That’s it!’ CW exclaimed, ‘Get me the Vice President!’ Calvin Coolidge, the Vice President and a good friend of CW’s, was visiting his father at his home in Vermont. CW finally got in touch with him, told him about Harding, and added that Coolidge should stay where he was and be sworn in as President of the Untied States by his father – a notary public – preferably by candlelight as that might be more picturesque.”

Her first husband, Sherwin Badger, a Harvard grad, worked at first for United Fruit in Cuba, where they lived, and from where she dutifully sent situation reports to CW. “The only connection between the Cuba I knew and Fidel Castro,” she wrote, “was that sometimes…I rode out to those mountains in which Castro holed up with his first small band of followers before he swept over the island with his revolutionaries and threw out of office the same Batista who in our day was supposed to ‘save’ Cuba from the corruption of Machado’s government.”

As for Bancroft’s relationship with Michael Paine’s mother, she wrote (p. 54):

“Two of our Boston friends, Ruth and Lyman Paine, had moved to New York and gave wonderful parties in their West Side apartment. We met a lot of their friends, mostly in the arts. Ruth was a painter. Lyman, an architect, was interested in what he termed ‘the ultimate reality,’ which I interpreted as my old friend, Truth. Lyman and I had endless discussions about this ultimate reality while sipping highballs of bathtub gin and ginger ale that would have taken the varnish off a table if they had happened to spill. Usually one of the guests played the piano while others argued or danced. Some couples occasionally disappeared for protracted periods of time.”
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