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1 hour ago, Matthew Koch said:

 

More damning evidence that Jan 6 was, as Jimmy Dore says, a setup.

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28 minutes ago, Matthew Koch said:

Because we don't know if it's an impersonation, like DUH 

Thanks for further showing that you're a biased researcher, hence why your postscript has now been debunked, because it's based off of 2015 info that didn't age well..

Richard Spencer is a Biden supporter because we on the right know he is a Fed and basically make fun of him for that.. the same way Nick Fuentes is. 

You have more of a connection to fascism than those people do, I guess we see why alot of stuff on the Hunt's was left out of the book, don't want to jeopardize your fascist paycheck ; ) 

 

If that's the case, why don't you call out Spencer and Fuentes, or have you on this forum and I've simply missed it.  You rely on Posobiec, do you not?  If he's a victim of guilt by association, he has a megaphone to make clear he's not aligned with self avowed N-azis. 

re. H. L. Hunt et al. 

 

Willoughby & d. Valle 

NO re Madrid

Church group meet.

check with Hunt & Vickers

—Lafitte datebook, June 5, 1963 

 

Prior to publication of Coup, I lobbied that serious consideration should be given to the possibility Lafitte is referring to H. L. Hunt.  The fact that Rothermel appears in another Lafitte record persuaded us that it was certainly a possibility.  However, the context of the June 5 entry, and the other Hunt entry weighed heavily in favor of E. Howard Hunt. 

 

For the record, Matthew, the following excerpts include reference to H. L. Hunt … hardly a public relations coup for the hardline andti-Semite, racist, anti-segregationist, State’s Rights toxic capitalist and his family and ilk, would you say? 

 

Apparently, as I suspected, you haven’t actually read Coup.

 

A page from the financial ledger maintained by Pierre Lafitte brings the Countess’s story full circle. He writes, “Using old American Oil Mission cover with Harvey (JA),” which is clear reference to Aline’s American Oil Office. That particular ledger sheet also includes the names of Willoughby—a primary suspect in this investigation, Conrad Hilton [Hilton Hotels and board member of General Dynamics behind the F-111 scandal which Bobby Baker was embroiled in during the fall of ’63], ad man Rosser Reeves who was the brother-in-law of David Ogilvy who authored the mission statement for Bill Donovan’s WCC, and Charles Spofford, Gen. Eisenhower’s trusted confidant who along with Ogilvy ran Ike’s presidential campaign, coining the tag, “I Like Ike.” The other name, “Rothermel,” can be safely assumed to refer to Paul Rothermel, confidential assistant to Dallas oilman H. L. Hunt. Aline’s service to Frank Ryan and the World Commerce Corp. and reference to her old cover, American Oil indicate a certain continuity of intelligence operations throughout the Cold War. . . .

 

While other events in the days and months prior to the assassination have propelled researchers to accuse Hunt of involvement, including the alleged visit to the Hunt Oil offices by Jack Ruby, the documented fact that Jack Crichton signed on as a director of the board of the H. L. Hunt Foundation in July of that year, and whether or not Marina Oswald went to the Hunt offices in the days after the death of her husband, few have paid sufficient attention to Hunt’s true ire toward Kennedy—an ire shared in particular with oilman Clint Murchison—grounded in the new president’s position on the Texas Tidelands Case and the oil depletion allowance that could have a permanent negative impact on the bottom line of their empires. 

 

 

Archconservatives and spectacularly wealthy oil men H. L. Hunt and Clint Murchison—one of whom deplored the government, the other manipulated it for personal gain—serve as archetypes of the independent oilman in Texas, many of whom were headquartered in Dallas. Along with Jack Crichton, Robert G. Storey, Jr., and Algur Meadows, all of whom warrant intense scrutiny and whose names appear in Lafitte’s records, Hunt and Murchison and dozens of similar ilk belong in any analysis of what Lafitte’s wife meant when she opined, 

 “ . . . oil smoothes the way to silent, and sometimes deadly, change.

With the preceding as backdrop, we move now to five primary locations central to the assassination of President Kennedy.. . .

 

 

According to esteemed assassination researcher and author Prof. Peter D. Scott, Crichton signed on as director of the newly formed H. L. Hunt Foundation as evidenced in a document dated July 22, 1963, one day after Crichton’s 488th Military Intelligence concluded annual training. In 1956, while engaged in machinations in Batista’s Cuba, Crichton had time and inclination to organize the 488th which he headquartered in Dallas, with himself ultimately responsible. The stated focus of the unit was covert petrochemical intelligence studies at home and abroad, including in the Soviet Union. In direct control of the unit was Lt. Col. George Whitmeyer, commander of all Army Reserve units in oil-rich East Texas, home of Delta Drilling. Delta had been integral to the 1952 Meadows-Skorzeny venture in Spain. It has been repeatedly estimated that at least fifty percent of the Dallas Police Department’s officers and detectives were members of the 488th Intelligence Detachment. During an interview about the 488th, Crichton claimed there were “about a hundred men in the unit and about forty or fifty of them were from the Dallas Police Department.

                  The 488th annual training in ’63 took place at The Pentagon, one of only two attachments from Texas to be in DC that summer. . . .

 

                  Contributing to Crichton’s joining the board of the Hunt Foundation that summer was his shared political views with H. L. Hunt, the eccentric oilman who, but for his wealth might never have been taken seriously. Their rigid position on segregation was best exemplified during Crichton’s 1964 run for Texas governor when he argued against “the unjust, unconstitutional federally forced desegregation in the state of Texas.” In light of datebook entries referring to meetings with Jack Crichton through the year, it is possible that he also served as conduit for funding from H. L. Hunt. 

It has been reported that Crichton met with oilman and influence buyer H. L. Hunt the day after that assassination. Crichton’s failed attempt to secure nomination of the Republican Party in their effort to remove John Connolly as Governor of Texas in 1964 did not slow him down. Among his last major enterprises was Arabian Shield Development, a natural corporate name for a petroleum industry leader with decades of experience in the Middle East. His efforts were focused in Yemen, as were those of Hunt Oil. It should be noted that Arabian Shield also dealt in nickel. There can be little doubt that during his travels, Crichton had developed friendships with executives of some of the world’s leading oil behemoths, including American geologist James Terry Duce, an executive of Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO), which is provocative in light of the familiarity Lafitte assigned to the November 5 entry, “Terry says call…” followed by Crichton’s home address in North Dallas. Jack Crichton died on December 10, 2007 at the age of 91. . . .

 

Before leaving the Tyler-Longview area, it is of interest that when it came time to sell a sizable ranch in East Texas, the family of founding partner of Delta Drilling, Ukrainian born Sam Dorfman chose the international real estate firm Previews, Inc. to handle the transaction. Sam’s close relative, Louis Dorfman, Jr.’s Dallas office was located in R. L. Thornton’s Mercantile National Bank introducing another web of interlocking interests, both business and political. Thornton served on the board of Jack Crichton’s Amarillo-based Dorchester Gas, along with D. H. Byrd, owner of the building located at 411 Elm. Mercantile National was housed in a pair of adjacent buildings: one was home of the bank, and the other, Mercantile Continental, served as headquarters of H. L. Hunt Oil in 1963, a fact that has long fueled speculation that Ruby’s visit to the twin buildings was somehow related to his gunning down the accused assassin Oswald, then in custody of Dallas law enforcement. 

                  Hunt is also alleged to have dispatched his head of security, Paul Rothermel, to secure a copy of Abraham Zapruder’s film which was alleged to have captured the disturbing images and incriminating detail of the assassination. A reminder to the reader that the name Rothermel appears in the financial ledger of Lafitte. First edition copies of the Z film are said to be still in existence. . . .

 

Mattie Byrd shared the 7th floor with the Dallas office of global chemical conglomerate DuPont Corp. and its subsidiaries, Remington Arms and Peters Cartridge, whose corporate headquarters were located in the Connecticut National Bank building, Bridgeport CT. (See Endnote.) We encountered Remington Arms in our pursuit of Carolyn Hawley Davis, wife of Thomas Eli Davis, Jr. whose name skirts on the edges of references to Loran Eugene Hall, Logue’s choice to take a shot at the president. (Note: Hall was in California at the time Thomas Eli Davis, III was running his alleged scam to recruit mercenaries for an invasion of Haiti. Hall corroborated the story and added that he believed that Davis’s wife had worked briefly for H. L. Hunt in his Dallas accounting department. Whether or not this was Carolyn Hawley, Tom’s second wife, has not been determined; if true, it establishes a direct tie between Hawley, Davis and H. L. Hunt.) . . .

 

                  In the spring of 1963, Wesley Rogers leased office space for six separate oil and gas entities in the Oak Plaza professional building at 3707 Rawlins. As noted, Rogers joined an exclusive roster of new tenants that included Barron Kidd Oil (under seven separate business names), Delhi Properties managed by J. Sowell—a former tenant of the Adolphus Tower, who stood as groomsman for Barron Kidd, Jr., in the du Pont/Kidd wedding in Delaware—All World Travel agency, Tom Stanley’s architectural firm, and John Tysen’s Previews, Inc. Within the decade, Rogers would become the father-in-law of Donald A. Byrd, former Dallas Police officer who served in the narcotics division under Pat Gannaway at the time of the assassination of Kennedy. Byrd would eventually advance to the position of Dallas Police Chief, a powerful post he held until crashing his car into a tree in the Highland Park neighborhood on his way home from a party hosted by one of H. L. Hunt’s sons. During his tenure, Byrd was in charge of approving release of department documents pertaining to events in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963. . . . 

 

After arriving in Dallas, Morris began cultivating associations with right-wing extremists including the generals and their acolytes, the Schmidt brothers, and the man with the financial means, H. L. Hunt. As a skilled counterintelligence propagandist, Morris was now in the perfect position to assist with furthering the legend of Lee Harvey Oswald. It behooves us to offer a verbatim account of Mae Brussell’s assessment of the Walker “incident.” One can clearly recognize the hand of a skilled propagandist like Morris:

 

Larrie Schmidt was traveling in a car with Joe Grinnan, a coordinator for the Dallas chapter of the JBS when they first heard the news of the assassination. Schmidt’s brother Bob had followed him to Dallas where he was soon added to the payroll of General Walker. (Note: It has never been established that Socony-Mobile oil geologist Volkmar Schmidt, was related to the Schmidt brothers, but according to Warren Commission testimony, he too “came from Germany.” According to assassination researcher Mae Brussell, Volkmar Schmidt was from Munich.) Investigative journalist Dick Russell, in his groundbreaking book, The Man Who Knew Too Much, asserts that according to a former employee of H. L. Hunt, the Schmidt brothers were with Lee Harvey Oswald when Walker was fired on while sitting in the library of his home on Turtle Creek . . .

 Graduate Research Center of the Southwest: Former Texas Governor Alan Shivers must be recognized as having fought Kennedy’s stance on the Texas Tidelands case on behalf H. L. Hunt and Clint Murchison and their fellow independent oilmen while he served as governor in Austin. Although he was not a resident of Dallas, Shivers was a member of boards around the city including St. Mark’s School, where Ruth Paine taught part-time as well as the newly formed Graduate Research Center of the Southwest, through which Sam Ballen, close friend of George de Mohrenschildt, was first introduced to Everett Glover of Mobil Oil, named in the Lafitte datebook. 

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42 minutes ago, Chris Barnard said:

Lets assume that’s the case. 🙂 
Was your failure being the servant of HL Hunt, a neo-fascist, far right winger, who may have been involved in the assassination of John F Kennedy? 

@Leslie Sharp Try again, princess. 

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9 minutes ago, John Cotter said:

More damning evidence that Jan 6 was, as Jimmy Dore says, a setup.

The only thing I had seen Jimmy Dore in before this was the sting where he caught the Pfizer director bragging on a date that Pfizer had mutated the Covid virus to sell more vaccines. 

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1 minute ago, Chris Barnard said:

The only thing I had seen Jimmy Dore in before this was the sting where he caught the Pfizer director bragging on a date that Pfizer had mutated the Covid virus to sell more vaccines. 

 

4 minutes ago, Chris Barnard said:

@Leslie Sharp Try again, princess. 

Let me know when you want to have a serious discussion.  Provocation has a tendency to escalate. Psychology 1.01.

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17 minutes ago, Leslie Sharp said:

If that's the case, why don't you call out Spencer and Fuentes, or have you on this forum and I've simply missed it.  You rely on Posobiec, do you not?  If he's a victim of guilt by association, he has a megaphone to make clear he's not aligned with self avowed N-azis. 

re. H. L. Hunt et al. 

 

Willoughby & d. Valle 

NO re Madrid

Church group meet.

check with Hunt & Vickers

—Lafitte datebook, June 5, 1963 

 

Prior to publication of Coup, I lobbied that serious consideration should be given to the possibility Lafitte is referring to H. L. Hunt.  The fact that Rothermel appears in another Lafitte record persuaded us that it was certainly a possibility.  However, the context of the June 5 entry, and the other Hunt entry weighed heavily in favor of E. Howard Hunt. 

 

For the record, Matthew, the following excerpts include reference to H. L. Hunt … hardly a public relations coup for the hardline andti-Semite, racist, anti-segregationist, State’s Rights toxic capitalist and his family and ilk, would you say? 

 

Apparently, as I suspected, you haven’t actually read Coup.

 

A page from the financial ledger maintained by Pierre Lafitte brings the Countess’s story full circle. He writes, “Using old American Oil Mission cover with Harvey (JA),” which is clear reference to Aline’s American Oil Office. That particular ledger sheet also includes the names of Willoughby—a primary suspect in this investigation, Conrad Hilton [Hilton Hotels and board member of General Dynamics behind the F-111 scandal which Bobby Baker was embroiled in during the fall of ’63], ad man Rosser Reeves who was the brother-in-law of David Ogilvy who authored the mission statement for Bill Donovan’s WCC, and Charles Spofford, Gen. Eisenhower’s trusted confidant who along with Ogilvy ran Ike’s presidential campaign, coining the tag, “I Like Ike.” The other name, “Rothermel,” can be safely assumed to refer to Paul Rothermel, confidential assistant to Dallas oilman H. L. Hunt. Aline’s service to Frank Ryan and the World Commerce Corp. and reference to her old cover, American Oil indicate a certain continuity of intelligence operations throughout the Cold War. . . .

 

While other events in the days and months prior to the assassination have propelled researchers to accuse Hunt of involvement, including the alleged visit to the Hunt Oil offices by Jack Ruby, the documented fact that Jack Crichton signed on as a director of the board of the H. L. Hunt Foundation in July of that year, and whether or not Marina Oswald went to the Hunt offices in the days after the death of her husband, few have paid sufficient attention to Hunt’s true ire toward Kennedy—an ire shared in particular with oilman Clint Murchison—grounded in the new president’s position on the Texas Tidelands Case and the oil depletion allowance that could have a permanent negative impact on the bottom line of their empires. 

 

 

Archconservatives and spectacularly wealthy oil men H. L. Hunt and Clint Murchison—one of whom deplored the government, the other manipulated it for personal gain—serve as archetypes of the independent oilman in Texas, many of whom were headquartered in Dallas. Along with Jack Crichton, Robert G. Storey, Jr., and Algur Meadows, all of whom warrant intense scrutiny and whose names appear in Lafitte’s records, Hunt and Murchison and dozens of similar ilk belong in any analysis of what Lafitte’s wife meant when she opined, 

 “ . . . oil smoothes the way to silent, and sometimes deadly, change.

With the preceding as backdrop, we move now to five primary locations central to the assassination of President Kennedy.. . .

 

 

According to esteemed assassination researcher and author Prof. Peter D. Scott, Crichton signed on as director of the newly formed H. L. Hunt Foundation as evidenced in a document dated July 22, 1963, one day after Crichton’s 488th Military Intelligence concluded annual training. In 1956, while engaged in machinations in Batista’s Cuba, Crichton had time and inclination to organize the 488th which he headquartered in Dallas, with himself ultimately responsible. The stated focus of the unit was covert petrochemical intelligence studies at home and abroad, including in the Soviet Union. In direct control of the unit was Lt. Col. George Whitmeyer, commander of all Army Reserve units in oil-rich East Texas, home of Delta Drilling. Delta had been integral to the 1952 Meadows-Skorzeny venture in Spain. It has been repeatedly estimated that at least fifty percent of the Dallas Police Department’s officers and detectives were members of the 488th Intelligence Detachment. During an interview about the 488th, Crichton claimed there were “about a hundred men in the unit and about forty or fifty of them were from the Dallas Police Department.

                  The 488th annual training in ’63 took place at The Pentagon, one of only two attachments from Texas to be in DC that summer. . . .

 

                  Contributing to Crichton’s joining the board of the Hunt Foundation that summer was his shared political views with H. L. Hunt, the eccentric oilman who, but for his wealth might never have been taken seriously. Their rigid position on segregation was best exemplified during Crichton’s 1964 run for Texas governor when he argued against “the unjust, unconstitutional federally forced desegregation in the state of Texas.” In light of datebook entries referring to meetings with Jack Crichton through the year, it is possible that he also served as conduit for funding from H. L. Hunt. 

It has been reported that Crichton met with oilman and influence buyer H. L. Hunt the day after that assassination. Crichton’s failed attempt to secure nomination of the Republican Party in their effort to remove John Connolly as Governor of Texas in 1964 did not slow him down. Among his last major enterprises was Arabian Shield Development, a natural corporate name for a petroleum industry leader with decades of experience in the Middle East. His efforts were focused in Yemen, as were those of Hunt Oil. It should be noted that Arabian Shield also dealt in nickel. There can be little doubt that during his travels, Crichton had developed friendships with executives of some of the world’s leading oil behemoths, including American geologist James Terry Duce, an executive of Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO), which is provocative in light of the familiarity Lafitte assigned to the November 5 entry, “Terry says call…” followed by Crichton’s home address in North Dallas. Jack Crichton died on December 10, 2007 at the age of 91. . . .

 

Before leaving the Tyler-Longview area, it is of interest that when it came time to sell a sizable ranch in East Texas, the family of founding partner of Delta Drilling, Ukrainian born Sam Dorfman chose the international real estate firm Previews, Inc. to handle the transaction. Sam’s close relative, Louis Dorfman, Jr.’s Dallas office was located in R. L. Thornton’s Mercantile National Bank introducing another web of interlocking interests, both business and political. Thornton served on the board of Jack Crichton’s Amarillo-based Dorchester Gas, along with D. H. Byrd, owner of the building located at 411 Elm. Mercantile National was housed in a pair of adjacent buildings: one was home of the bank, and the other, Mercantile Continental, served as headquarters of H. L. Hunt Oil in 1963, a fact that has long fueled speculation that Ruby’s visit to the twin buildings was somehow related to his gunning down the accused assassin Oswald, then in custody of Dallas law enforcement. 

                  Hunt is also alleged to have dispatched his head of security, Paul Rothermel, to secure a copy of Abraham Zapruder’s film which was alleged to have captured the disturbing images and incriminating detail of the assassination. A reminder to the reader that the name Rothermel appears in the financial ledger of Lafitte. First edition copies of the Z film are said to be still in existence. . . .

 

Mattie Byrd shared the 7th floor with the Dallas office of global chemical conglomerate DuPont Corp. and its subsidiaries, Remington Arms and Peters Cartridge, whose corporate headquarters were located in the Connecticut National Bank building, Bridgeport CT. (See Endnote.) We encountered Remington Arms in our pursuit of Carolyn Hawley Davis, wife of Thomas Eli Davis, Jr. whose name skirts on the edges of references to Loran Eugene Hall, Logue’s choice to take a shot at the president. (Note: Hall was in California at the time Thomas Eli Davis, III was running his alleged scam to recruit mercenaries for an invasion of Haiti. Hall corroborated the story and added that he believed that Davis’s wife had worked briefly for H. L. Hunt in his Dallas accounting department. Whether or not this was Carolyn Hawley, Tom’s second wife, has not been determined; if true, it establishes a direct tie between Hawley, Davis and H. L. Hunt.) . . .

 

                  In the spring of 1963, Wesley Rogers leased office space for six separate oil and gas entities in the Oak Plaza professional building at 3707 Rawlins. As noted, Rogers joined an exclusive roster of new tenants that included Barron Kidd Oil (under seven separate business names), Delhi Properties managed by J. Sowell—a former tenant of the Adolphus Tower, who stood as groomsman for Barron Kidd, Jr., in the du Pont/Kidd wedding in Delaware—All World Travel agency, Tom Stanley’s architectural firm, and John Tysen’s Previews, Inc. Within the decade, Rogers would become the father-in-law of Donald A. Byrd, former Dallas Police officer who served in the narcotics division under Pat Gannaway at the time of the assassination of Kennedy. Byrd would eventually advance to the position of Dallas Police Chief, a powerful post he held until crashing his car into a tree in the Highland Park neighborhood on his way home from a party hosted by one of H. L. Hunt’s sons. During his tenure, Byrd was in charge of approving release of department documents pertaining to events in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963. . . . 

 

After arriving in Dallas, Morris began cultivating associations with right-wing extremists including the generals and their acolytes, the Schmidt brothers, and the man with the financial means, H. L. Hunt. As a skilled counterintelligence propagandist, Morris was now in the perfect position to assist with furthering the legend of Lee Harvey Oswald. It behooves us to offer a verbatim account of Mae Brussell’s assessment of the Walker “incident.” One can clearly recognize the hand of a skilled propagandist like Morris:

 

Larrie Schmidt was traveling in a car with Joe Grinnan, a coordinator for the Dallas chapter of the JBS when they first heard the news of the assassination. Schmidt’s brother Bob had followed him to Dallas where he was soon added to the payroll of General Walker. (Note: It has never been established that Socony-Mobile oil geologist Volkmar Schmidt, was related to the Schmidt brothers, but according to Warren Commission testimony, he too “came from Germany.” According to assassination researcher Mae Brussell, Volkmar Schmidt was from Munich.) Investigative journalist Dick Russell, in his groundbreaking book, The Man Who Knew Too Much, asserts that according to a former employee of H. L. Hunt, the Schmidt brothers were with Lee Harvey Oswald when Walker was fired on while sitting in the library of his home on Turtle Creek . . .

 Graduate Research Center of the Southwest: Former Texas Governor Alan Shivers must be recognized as having fought Kennedy’s stance on the Texas Tidelands case on behalf H. L. Hunt and Clint Murchison and their fellow independent oilmen while he served as governor in Austin. Although he was not a resident of Dallas, Shivers was a member of boards around the city including St. Mark’s School, where Ruth Paine taught part-time as well as the newly formed Graduate Research Center of the Southwest, through which Sam Ballen, close friend of George de Mohrenschildt, was first introduced to Everett Glover of Mobil Oil, named in the Lafitte datebook. 

That's a great way to sum up your research "Guilt by association" I'll make sure to include that when I review your book on Amazon 😉

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59 minutes ago, Chris Barnard said:

Lets assume that’s the case. 🙂 
Was your failure being the servant of HL Hunt, a neo-fascist, far right winger, who may have been involved in the assassination of John F Kennedy? 

@Leslie Sharp try again, princess. My you’ve caught a cold here. 

Edited by Chris Barnard
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Posted on May 9, 2014

Richard Spencer, Radix Journal, May 8, 2014

For more than 20 years, American Renaissance and Jared Taylor have set the standard for a White consciousness movement. Others have undertaken this mission: William Pierce, Revilo Oliver, Willis Carto, among them. But Jared has been most successful in adhering to the norms of modern political organization. AmRen has, for two decades, focused on a few key issues that are (or should be) harmonious with “American values”: free association, the legitimacy of group interests, and the scientific study of genetic differences.
https://www.amren.com/news/2014/05/new-vistas-for-american-renaissance/


America was confronted by "Renaissance" ideology in the lead up to the assassination in Dallas.   

As if to prove his point, mobs of white hecklers came out in force to harass and attack the picketers. Mostly white youths, “kids looking for kicks or race hate,” in Farmer’s words, they crammed the targeted locations of the restaurant chain. The mob jeered and waved Confederate flags, pelting protestors with eggs, rocks, and hot coffee. WHITE CASTLE NOT BLACK CASTLE, one of their signs proclaimed. Adding to the mounting tension, the New York neo-N-azi group the National Renaissance Party (NRP) arrived one night to distribute their literature, provoking the crowd into a frenzy before fleeing the scene. . . .A subsequent search of one NRP member’s home turned up eight rifles, a battle axe, a shotgun, a sawed-off .32 caliber rifle, and “thousands and thousands of rounds of ammunition.” Eight NRP members, including their leader James Madole, faced charges of advocating criminal anarchy, attempting to riot, and possessing unlicensed firearms. . . .the origins, affiliations, and offshoots of the National Renaissance Party are a reminder that they did not operate in fringe isolation. Instead, the NRP thrived within a growing regional and global network of rightwing extremism. — Anna Dunsing. https://www.gothamcenter.org/blog/an-american-organization-a-hundred-per-cent

A relevant vignette published in Coup related to Willis Carto who Richard Spencer appears to revere . . . On the other side of Lafitte’s chronology that refers to “d. Valle,” Pedro wrote to Wickliffe Vennard, the leader of the Constitution Party living in South Texas on July 2nd. Further pursued in an endnote to Chapter 6 of this book, Vennard was involved with the transfer of ownership of Russell Maguire’s American Mercury magazine to N-azi Willis Carto with General Walker retaining influence over content of the publication. In July ’63, del Valle advises Vennard that he has been in touch with a worldwide Christian movement headquartered in Madrid, Spain, “whose objectives are in accord with yours.”  [this is a veiled reference to the plot being considered by Otto Skorzeny.]

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29 minutes ago, John Cotter said:

More damning evidence that Jan 6 was, as Jimmy Dore says, a setup.

Jan. 6 sure looks fishy. 

Here is the point I have been trying to make:

The right way to approach large political events is to be skeptical.  Many public events are manufactured, or there is manipulation of news coverage after the event. This goes whether you are a Donk or 'Phant (or preferably, independent). 

We saw this in the JFKA, which I think makes an instructive learning event. 

After 9/11 (whatever the true origins of 9/11) the resulting news coverage and public policy proved a springboard into the Iraq and Afghan wars. 

So, when we ponder 1/6, we should be free to speculate, to follow leads, without hostility or being labeled racists, MAGA hatters and so on. 

One commenter here has speculated that the reason Secret Service smartphones were wiped was to protect Trump. In other words, there were intel-actions on 1/6, not revealed.

OK, that is fine, that is reasonable speculation, though I conjecture rather the opposite. 

The videos of mysterious behavior by the Capitol Police during the 1/6 are inexplicable, as indeed was the day's performance of the Capitol Police, a huge intel-police force (given the footprint of the Capitol) that reports to the legislative branch. 

It has been posited recently that Nancy Pelosi forsook National Guard troops at the Capitol on 1/6, as she did not like the optics, since showing the National Guard was considered a GOP thing to do. 

In exploring the role of the intel-state in the 1/6 event and narrative, we should keep an open mind. 

 

 

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21 minutes ago, Matthew Koch said:

That's a great way to sum up your research "Guilt by association" I'll make sure to include that when I review your book on Amazon 😉

Do you know the difference between  guilt by association and propinquity?

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2 minutes ago, Leslie Sharp said:
 

Posted on May 9, 2014

Richard Spencer, Radix Journal, May 8, 2014

For more than 20 years, American Renaissance and Jared Taylor have set the standard for a White consciousness movement. Others have undertaken this mission: William Pierce, Revilo Oliver, Willis Carto, among them. But Jared has been most successful in adhering to the norms of modern political organization. AmRen has, for two decades, focused on a few key issues that are (or should be) harmonious with “American values”: free association, the legitimacy of group interests, and the scientific study of genetic differences.
https://www.amren.com/news/2014/05/new-vistas-for-american-renaissance/


America was confronted by "Renaissance" ideology in the lead up to the assassination in Dallas.   

As if to prove his point, mobs of white hecklers came out in force to harass and attack the picketers. Mostly white youths, “kids looking for kicks or race hate,” in Farmer’s words, they crammed the targeted locations of the restaurant chain. The mob jeered and waved Confederate flags, pelting protestors with eggs, rocks, and hot coffee. WHITE CASTLE NOT BLACK CASTLE, one of their signs proclaimed. Adding to the mounting tension, the New York neo-N-azi group the National Renaissance Party (NRP) arrived one night to distribute their literature, provoking the crowd into a frenzy before fleeing the scene. . . .A subsequent search of one NRP member’s home turned up eight rifles, a battle axe, a shotgun, a sawed-off .32 caliber rifle, and “thousands and thousands of rounds of ammunition.” Eight NRP members, including their leader James Madole, faced charges of advocating criminal anarchy, attempting to riot, and possessing unlicensed firearms. . . .the origins, affiliations, and offshoots of the National Renaissance Party are a reminder that they did not operate in fringe isolation. Instead, the NRP thrived within a growing regional and global network of rightwing extremism. — Anna Dunsing. https://www.gothamcenter.org/blog/an-american-organization-a-hundred-per-cent

A relevant vignette published in Coup related to Willis Carto who Richard Spencer appears to revere . . . On the other side of Lafitte’s chronology that refers to “d. Valle,” Pedro wrote to Wickliffe Vennard, the leader of the Constitution Party living in South Texas on July 2nd. Further pursued in an endnote to Chapter 6 of this book, Vennard was involved with the transfer of ownership of Russell Maguire’s American Mercury magazine to N-azi Willis Carto with General Walker retaining influence over content of the publication. In July ’63, del Valle advises Vennard that he has had been in touch with a worldwide Christian movement headquartered in Madrid, Spain, “whose objectives are in accord with yours.”  [this is a veiled reference to the plot being considered by Otto Skorzeny.]

Your attempts to connect Spencer are very pathetic especially since he voted for Joe Biden and has embraced liberalism.. 

Thanks for showing earlier with your HL Hunt post that you were just guessing to who the names in the date book are, this is why your book should be taken with a grain of salt because it's guilt by association and guess work based on extreme liberal bias. Unfortunetly you are too dense to understand why Feds like Spencer would try to associate themselves with MAGA so that low iq alarmist would think that it was the new 4th Reich.. Meanwhile non of the alarmism came true which is why your book isn't aging well.  

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1 hour ago, W. Niederhut said:

Yeah, Matt, the Dunning-Kruger twins have, certainly, been busy-- probably too busy to listen to Al Franken's commentary on this week's Tucker Carlson/Kevin McCarthy BS.

'Complete bull': Franken demolishes McCarthy for Tucker’s January 6 propaganda

 

What we are witnessing now from our Coalition of the Clueless is the "Firehose of Falsehoods" approach to "rational dialogue" -- spamming the board with too much non-stop nonsense to debunk.

I did have a good laugh reading Chris Barnard's bizarre claim that I learned about the Dunning Kruger effect from him.

Chris is a veritable legend in his own mind.

 

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25 minutes ago, Matthew Koch said:

That's a great way to sum up your research "Guilt by association" I'll make sure to include that when I review your book on Amazon 😉

 

4 minutes ago, Leslie Sharp said:

Do you know the difference between  guilt by association and propinquity?

And I notice that you seem unwilling, or perhaps unable? to challenge facts.

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