Don Roberdeau

Good Day.... The following recent article by "New Orleans magazine" mentions that it has published several first generation articles about OSWALD and GARRISON.... http://neworleansmagazine.com/in-this-issu...nting-1451.html I am wondering if any researcher has copies of the GARRISON and/or OSWALD articles? <QUOTE> TWO SCORE AND COUNTING 04-10-06 09:00 BY: CAROLYN KOLB New Orleans Magazine - A History The first issue of New Orleans Magazine, known then as the “Official Monthly Publication of the Chamber of Commerce of the New Orleans Area,” also billed itself as “Le premiér numero” for its publication month of October 1966, Volume I, Number 1. There were stories on New Orleans music, red beans, the business climate, the Riverfront Expressway, the Louisiana State University Tigers and a photo feature on nuns. There was a section titled “The New Orleans Guide” with events and reviews. There were ads with photos of Buddy Diliberto and Nash Roberts. Appropriately, there’s a fleur-de-lis on the front; and, it’s a cut-out of a Frank Methe photograph of a jazz musician, “Frog” Joseph, playing his trombone at Preservation Hall, illustrating a story on jazz greats by Danny Barker, himself a famed stalwart of the music. Methe was also a giant in his field, best known for his photojournalism for the Catholic Clarion Herald newspaper. Thumbing through the pages, turning back the calendar on the two score years since the stories were written, a reader is struck by what an apt snapshot of the city this one magazine captured. The first item in the “Around the Belt” news roundup concerns the effort to popularize the city flag, a banner of three red, white and blue stripes with three gold fleur-de-lis on the central white strip. The magazine chose the fleur-de-lis for its signature because of its “symbolic significance,” – just as today the post-Katrina city is dotted with fleur-de-lis flags, stickers and jewelry. Joseph B. David, III, headed the Franklin Printing Company, whose mammoth color presses were responsible for the high quality of print and photo reproduction of the magazine. Franklin Printing had been founded by Joe David’s father and two other printers in 1921. The elder David had become the sole owner of the firm in 1926, and had set a precedent for his son by his policy of civic involvement – such as Franklin Printing’s production of the program for the Sugar Bowl, which the firm had undertaken annually since the game’s first appearance in 1935. The idea of a city magazine, a voice for the activist, business community of New Orleans, was something that intrigued the younger David when it was presented to him by his public relations advisor, David Kleck. The magazine that Kleck and David envisioned was not simply a propaganda tabloid. There was a regular Chamber of Commerce editorial column of expected boosterism, but Kleck and David wanted more: A magazine that was an informed, new voice in a city where both the morning and afternoon newspapers were owned by The Times-Picayune – the New Orleans Item having folded a few years back. There was also a sense that, in 1966, New Orleans was on the cusp of revitalization, the outgrowth perhaps of the steps toward recovery that had been taken since Hurricane Betsy’s destruction of the city in 1965. In that first issue, one article stood out as controversial, or at least as providing an overview of a topic on which The Times-Picayune had already taken a stand. Ed Planer, then at WDSU-TV and later to move to the NBC television network, wrote a piece on the Riverfront Expressway. “The proposed $30 million elevated highway which will run at the very edge of the French Quarter has stirred up the greatest controversy since they took the streetcars off Canal Street [in 1964],” Planer noted. The illustrations included a drawing of a remarkable plan to build a third “Pontalba Building” on Decatur Street to mask the roadway. Planer also noted The Times-Picayune’s strong support of the highway – the idea that the riverfront could be landscaped and the docks removed was an impossible dream, “a case of the laudable smashing against the realistic,” Planer quoted the paper as saying. In the years after Planer’s article appeared, support for the project crumbled under the onslaught of preservationist opposition. The Riverfront Expressway (except for the tunnel under the old Rivergate, now used as parking by Harrah’s Casino) was never constructed. The corporation formed to publish New Orleans Magazine was named Flambeaux Publishing Company, with Joe David as president. Also on the board of Flambeaux were David F. Dixon (best known for championing the Superdome); Edward B. Poitevent, (attorney); Henry Zac Carter, Jr., (Avondale Shipyards); Hugh McCloskey Evans (D. H. Holmes, Co., Ltd.); Richard L. Hindermann (Pan American Life Insurance); Shepard M. Latter (real estate); A. Louis Read, (WDSU-TV); Joseph W. Simon, Jr., (Chamber of Commerce executive); Frederick R. Swigart, (advertising); George Westfeldt, Jr., (freight forwarders); and James L. Townsend. All board members except Townsend were stalwarts of New Orleans civic life – representatives of the business establishment of the city. All, including Townsend, were white. Townsend came from Atlanta to head up the new city magazine, and in the first issue he describes his first meeting with his new employers “in a small room next to the wine cellar at Antoine’s,” when Joe David and Fritz Swigart cemented plans for the new venture. “We will try to be professional in our approach. We have sought, and are seeking, the best writers in the area, the best photographers, and the best artists … We believe that no other city in America offers so much editorial promise as this one, and we hope to reflect the vigor, excitement, and promise of New Orleans and this whole area … We will never be petty, never negative. We will do our best to publish a magazine that is worthy of this great city,” Townsend promised in his editorial comments. When James Townsend died in 1981, his obituary noted that Time magazine once called him “the founder of city magazines.” The city magazine movement exploded in the 1960s, and was characterized by concentration on the local area, local advertisers and local stories – but the magazines were quality publications, meant to be saved. Many of them, like both Atlanta Magazine and New Orleans Magazine, were at first affiliated with the Chamber of Commerce (although less than 5 percent are today.) Townsend began in Atlanta, then came to New Orleans and then started a magazine in Cincinnati. At the time of his death he was an editor of the Atlanta Journal and Constitution’s Sunday magazine. His tenure at Atlanta Magazine is fictionalized in the 1994 novel Downtown, by Anne Rivers Siddons, who worked as an editor under Townsend and was well aware of his eccentricities. By the second issue of New Orleans Magazine, Townsend was delivering on his guarantee of good writers. One, William Diehl, he brought with him from Atlanta. Diehl, still writing fiction today, is best remembered for a novel called Sharkey’s Machine, made into a Burt Reynolds movie in the 1980s. For New Orleans Magazine’s local writers, Townsend soon enlisted David Chandler, an investigative reporter who did remarkable work for Life magazine. Chandler began with a story on “The Devil’s D.A.” Jim Garrison would be the subject of several New Orleans Magazine stories over the years, and Chandler’s first one records the controversial District Attorney’s roller coaster career for the years before the Kennedy assassination became the D.A.’s obsession. The second issue also has an article by Richard Schechner, of the Theater Department at Tulane University. An editor of the well-regarded Tulane Drama Review. Schechner’s piece heralds the start of the New Orleans Repertory Theater. The Theater would last in the city only for a few years, but it had a longer tenure than Schechner’s at Tulane, since the university’s administration would soon stop supporting both the review and the Theater Department. My first story for the magazine came in the December 1966, issue. I thought Townsend’s editing was clumsy, but I enjoyed working on the story. The article, on the Irish Channel, included an interview with Richard Burke, then Assessor of the Fourth Municipal District and always the consummate politician. Burke defined the Channel’s boundaries: “If you’re in the police reports you’re from the Irish Channel, but if you’re on the society page, you’re from the Garden District.” I still have a St. Patrick’s Day Proclamation Burke gave me, framed and hanging on the wall next to my desk. SQUIRREL WITH A CRUTCH Townsend may have wielded his red pencil with a heavy hand, but his editorial instincts were good on the whole. The first Mardi Gras cover story, in an issue bursting with classic color photographs, was by Mel Leavitt. The magazine was a strong supporter of the yet un-built Superdome. There was a story on Lee Harvey Oswald and his local media appearance debating Ed Butler of the fiercely anti-communist INCA (Information Council of the Americas.) There was a full feature in January 1967, on Louisiana’s offshore oil revenue problems with the federal government, an issue still not fully resolved today. Reviews covered art films, British TV imports (The Avengers) and the local art and theater scene. Then there were the ads. There was the classic Pan-American Life Insurance Company ad picturing a squirrel with its paw in a sling leaning on a twig/crutch: “Who’ll Gather the Nuts Now?” Not to mention the “Nobody Likes a Smartass” ad for the comedy revue, with its cartoon rear view of an ample-bottomed lady running and waving, and the black and white drawings of giant machinery stylishly arranged in an Avondale Shipyards ad. The ads looked as good as the rest of the well laid-out publication. Initial art director Robert Daniels (who came with Townsend from Atlanta and would go on to be an art director at Esquire magazine) would be soon replaced by George Bacon, who continued producing a good looking product. Bacon would eventually serve as editor, too. In April 1967, Townsend was gone from the masthead and James A. Autry (“Jim”) became editor. (Townsend and Associates were listed as “Magazine Consultants.”) An Ole Miss graduate, Autry would make a career in magazines, ending as head of a group that included Better Homes and Gardens. In New Orleans, Autry plunged the magazine straight into controversy with an issue devoted to Jim Garrison’s investigation of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The magazine stories detailed how the first reports appeared in February in the New Orleans States-Item and how the international media had jumped in. A story, by writer Liz Bennett, profiled Garrison’s wife, another Liz. Another story was an interview with Sen. Russell Long and businessman Joseph Rault. Both had been on an Eastern Airlines flight with Garrison and heard his early ideas on the topic. Under Autry, news coverage – of the Garrison investigation, of the new Saints football team, of the business sector – continued, but lighter features began to appear, including “The Lovely Laborers” with glamour photos of young women (Saints owner John Mecom’s secretary among them) in September of 1967, and “Six Gracious Hostesses and Their Favorite Recipes” in November 1967. Autry reached out to more local writers. Ed Cocke, who had been with a news service, contributed a story on the oyster industry in November 1967. Hodding Carter, Sr., contributed a Christmas memory from the Depression that December. One of the most prolific writers for New Orleans Magazine in the beginning years was Rosemary James. Originally from Charleston, S.C., James had been a reporter for the States-Item and for WWL-TV. Her first piece for the magazine was a business story on Louisiana and Southern Life Insurance Company in December 1968. While she did business and political stories and the occasional book review, what James did remarkably well was the personality profile. James managed to get her subjects to open up for her, and her interviews usually revealed previously unknown details – a good example was the December, 1970, piece “The Legend of Lucky Loop,” featuring the World War II adventures of real estate magnate Thomas Lupo. However, it was James’ topical stories – interviews with Pershing Gervais (the irascible Garrison confidante), Edwin Edwards, Dutch Morial, and other political characters – that were the standout stories. The early years of the magazine were turbulent times, and the content reflected that. In June 1968, the magazine came out with an issue entitled “New Orleans’ Invisible Man.” All the stories were devoted to Black issues, with a long feature by Hodding Carter, Sr., by then the magazine’s publisher. Noting that the issue was conceived before he arrived at the magazine, Carter bemoaned the “near-absence of communication between the white man and the Negro.” The magazine issue, focused on Blacks, was “the first of its kind in the South,” Carter said. New Orleans Magazine focused another issue on Black citizens in March 1973, after the Mark Essex shootings, in which a Black former sailor went on a killing rampage at a Howard Johnson’s Motel. The twenty-eight-page section, written by Rosemary James, contained a series of no-holds-barred interviews with, among others, Bob Tucker (then an assistant to Mayor Moon Landrieu), Dorothy Mae Taylor, Jim Singleton and Dr. Norman Francis. James still considers it “one of the best things I’ve done,” and recalls that it won the magazine a journalism award. White citizens’ views appeared the next month in another section, featuring Moon Landrieu and then-Police Chief Clarence Giarrusso. Appropriately, the first sell-out issue of the magazine, June 1972, had a cover story by eccentric writer Clint Bolton on local madam Norma Wallace. By the 10th anniversary issue in October 1976, the Chamber of Commerce was no longer involved, and the editor was Tom Fitzmorris (who had begun, predictably, with a food column.) Jeannette Gottleib (Grady) had also spent a year as editor and Carol Flake (still writing for national magazines) became an associate editor. HEADY TIME Fitzmorris was the last editor under the ownership of Joe David. After the publication was sold to Ben Turner, who had some print background but no experience with a comparable publication, Fitzmorris lasted just six months. “I think that must have been part of the agreement – that the staff stayed at least half a year.” Fitzmorris noted “I was twenty-three. It was a very heady time for me – hanging around with all those great writers.” The early decades of New Orleans Magazine earned the staff a reputation for hard partying – and those years also saw the first stories of many serious writers who are still writing today. Tom Bethell, whose first story ran in January 1975, is still a fixture in American magazine journalism, most recently at the American Spectator. Bonnie Crone (Warren), House and Garden editor for the magazine today, saw her first piece appear in December 1967. Warrren also served as editor at one point, “I wrote for her, and she wrote for me,” Fitzmorris recalls. Dalt Wonk first appeared in 1967. Supposedly it was an editor of the Turner era, Don Lee Keith, who coined the phrase “editor du jour.” After Ben Turner’s eight year ownership – with 10 different editors – of the magazine, the publication was sold to an investor group that included fitness expert Mackie Shilstone and ophthalmologist Dr. Robert Azar. In three years the magazine again changed hands. Bill Metcalf, who acquired the magazine in 1987, had founded New Orleans CityBusiness as a biweekly newspaper in 1980. Metcalf intended to form a conglomerate of publications, and New Orleans Magazine was a natural target. Metcalf had begun trying to buy the magazine since 1984. Three more editors later, in 1987, Metcalf completed the purchase and the magazine became part of his New Orleans Publishing Group. By 1989 he made a decision that would insure the magazine‘s continuing strength: he named Errol Laborde editor. Errol Laborde is the writer most identified today with New Orleans Magazine. While he produces and appears on “Informed Sources” news round-up show on WYES-TV, and also devotes considerable time to the Tennessee Williams/ New Orleans Literary Festival, he is primarily a writer and editor, and he and his wife Peggy Scott Laborde, known for her local flavored television documentaries on WYES-TV, are staunch and loyal New Orleanians, and have made their careers embracing the city and its culture. Laborde’s work first appeared in New Orleans Magazine in 1975, and by 1981 he was an Associate Editor. Laborde had been winning journalism awards since 1972 – more than two-dozen from the New Orleans Press Club alone, with enough plaques and statuettes to fill an office bookcase. He also has had published a collection of his “Streetcar” columns, I Never Danced with an Eggplant, and a history of the Rex organization, Marched the Day God. Laborde had a vision for New Orleans Magazine. Primarily, he wanted it to be a magazine people would want not only to read, but also to keep. There are newsy feature stories, along with continuing columns; not only is there a monthly guide to the city, there is an alliance with WYES-TV in which station listings appear in a section and contributors to the station’s fund-drives can receive subscriptions. There is an annual Jazz All-Stars issue each April, and an issue devoted to physicians (Top Doctors) each August. There is an annual Awards section, there is a “People to Watch” issue featuring outstanding citizens. Jason Berry, a contributor since December 1973, is one of many music writers. There are dining guides and food news and recipes (from Christopher Blake to John de Mers to current food section veterans Todd Price, Lorin Gaudin and Dale Curry, the magazine’s culinary staff has regularly managed to satiate the gastronomic intensity of readers.) Laborde added a monthly editorial column, with cartoons by Pulitzer Prize winner Mike Lucovich. The Julia Street column has a knowledgeable archivist cleverly answering arcane queries on local history through the personalities of Julia herself and of Poydras the Parrot. Dr. Brobson Lutz’s regular health column is especially apt in the post-Katrina city. Art director Eric Gernhauser keeps up the tradition of a stylish and slick publication, while managing editor Morgan Packard oversees the writers. Sue Strachan conducts the Persona interviews. In the back of the book, George Gurtner’s personality profiles come right before Laborde’s last-page editorial column. Longtime Loyola University journalism professor Liz Scott Monaghan quotes alter ego Modine Gunch who first appeared in a column “Life Wit’ Muddah” in April 1987. The topic, “Bosom Betrayal” predictably concerned Modine’s mother-in-law Miz Larda’s underwear difficulties. By 1988, the column was simply “Modine’s New Orleans” continuing over the years with Monaghan’s writing. Monaghan has also had two volumes of her humor writing published. After the Metcalf era began in 1987, the magazine saw years of stability, and in 1999, when Metcalf sold CityBusiness and his publishing group to another firm, he formed a new company, MCMedia LLC to oversee New Orleans Magazine, Louisiana Life magazine and other publications he retained. Every month an issue of New Orleans Magazine hit the stands and the mailboxes, garnering awards along the way. All went well – until Katrina. There was no October issue in 2005. In the November issue, with its award-winning cover featuring the gold-toned Joan of Arc statue under the banner “And Now the Renaissance,” Metcalf published “A Special Statement from the Chief Executive Officer,” in which he noted the havoc Katrina had wrought, preventing one issue from ever being printed, but insisted “I am pleased to assure you that the publication begins its next decade in fine form.” However, change was coming. On January 18, 2006, Metcalf announced an ownership change. Metcalf was dissolving MCMedia LLC, and the new owner of New Orleans Magazine would be an entity appropriately named Renaissance Publishing, an employee-led group headed by Chief Operating Officer Todd Matherne, with Associate Publisher and Editor-in-Chief Errol Laborde and Executive Vice President and Sales Director Kelley Faucheux as minority owners. President of the new company would be Alan Campbell, formerly Metcalf’s partner. Metcalf commented “this has been a long time dream of mine to see some of our properties taken over by employees. With their expertise, I know they will succeed.” Louisiana Life. New Orleans Homes & Lifestyles and St. Charles Avenue magazines were included in the package. In his October 1996, “Speaking Out” editorial column, Laborde had remarked on the magazine’s 30th anniversary and noted “While the magazine’s course during most of the past three decades has sometimes been erratic, so too has been the economy it has had to rely on.” What kept it going was a sure sense of purpose, he felt. “Our niche,” he said, “appeals to the soul as much as to the senses. It is not based on age, gender or lifestyle, but on interest – those who care about living in New Orleans.” In his March 2006 issue announcement of Renaissance Publishing’s new ownership, Laborde noted, “The spirit of rebirth implied by our company name speaks of our belief in contemporary New Orleans.” Now, when even living in New Orleans means making a positive statement about the future of the city, it is still good to have New Orleans Magazine to depend on as a sure, strong voice. <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly ROSEMARY WILLIS Ultrafast Headsnap Westward Towards the "Grassy Knoll" Dealey Plaza Professionally Surveyed Map of JFK, Photographers, Witnesses, Suspected Trajectories, Evidence, and Important Information WILMA BOND Photos Do Not Timestamp GORDON ARNOLD "The Ghosts of November" by ANTHONY SUMMERS Don Roberdeau AOL Homepage T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "Brehm seemed to think the shots came from in FRONT OF or BESIDE the President." (my EMPHASIS) ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II D-day veteran and JFK assassination very close witness, quoted only minutes after the attack, and while he is still standing within Dealey Plaza ("Dallas Times Herald," 11-22-63, final edition) "He was coming down the street and my five-year-old boy and myself were by ourselves on the grass there on Commerce Street, and I asked Joe to wave to him and Joe waved, and I waved--and the ma--the man----As he--as he was waving back he was--he was----the shot rang out and he slumped down in his seat and his wife reached up toward him and he was slumping down and the second shot went off and it just--just knocked him down in the seat. ... Two shots. ... No sir, I did not see the man who did it. I--I----All I--all I did was look in the mans' face when he was shot there and saw that expression on his face and he grabbed himself and slide, and the second one whenever it went----I'm positive it hit him--I hope it didn't--but I'm positive it hit him and he went all the way down in the car, then they speeded up and I didn't know what was going on so I just grabbed the boy and fell on him and hoped that there wasn't a maniac around. ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, recorded within an hour after the attack for tv and radio (BREHM's 22NOV63 written affidavit statements to the Dallas police have "disappeared" from the Dallas police file) "When the President's automobile was very close to him and he could see the President's face very well, the President was seated, but was leaning forward when he stiffened perceptibly at the same instant what appeared to be a rifle shot sounded. According to BREHM, the President seemed to stiffen and come to a pause when another shot sounded and the President appeared to be badly hit in the head. Brehm said when the President was hit by the second shot, he could notice the President's hair fly up, and then roll over to his side, as Mrs. KENNEDY was apparently pulling him in that direction. BREHM said that a third shot followed and that all three shots were relatively close together. BREHM stated that he was in military service and he has had experience with bolt-action rifles, and he expressed his opinion that the three shots were fired just about as quickly as an individual can maneuver a bolt-action rifle, take aim, and fire three shots. BREHM stated he definitely knew that the President had been shot and he recalled having seen blood on the President's face. He also stated that it seemed quite apparent to him that the shots came from one of two buildings back at the corner of Elm and Houston Streets." ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, statement to the FBI, 24NOV63 "I saw a piece fly over in the area of the curb where I was standing. .... It seemed to have come left, and back. .... Sir, whatever it was that I saw did fall, both, in that direction, and, over into the curb there." CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, statements during the 1966 assassination documentary film, "Rush to Judgment" "After the car passed the building coming toward us, I heard a . . . surprising noise, and [the President] reached with both hands up to the side of his throat and kind of stiffened out . . . And when he got down in the area just past me, the second shot hit which damaged, considerably damaged, the top of his head. . . . That car took off in an evasive motion . . . and was just beyond me when a third shot went off. The third shot really frightened me! It had a completely different sound to it because it had really passed me as anybody knows who has been in down under targets in the Army or been shot at like I had been many times. You know when a bullet passes over you, the cracking sound it makes, and that bullet had an absolute crack to it. I do believe that that shot was wild. It didn't hit anybody. I don't think it could have hit anybody. But it was a frightening thing to me because here was one shot that hit him, obviously; here was another shot that destroyed his head, and what was the reason for that third shot? That third shot frightened me more than the other two, and I grabbed the boy and threw him on the ground because I didn't know if we were going to have a 'shoot-'em-up' in this area." ... "I was telling them that there were rifle shots and that they came from up in the corner of the School Book Depository or up in the corner of the building across from it." ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, to Larry Sneed, "No More Silence" (1988)

Good Day.... http://www.jfklibrary.org/Historical+Resou...ons09251961.htm <QUOTE> Mr. President, honored delegates, ladies and gentlemen: We meet in an hour of grief and challenge. Dag Hammarskjold is dead. But the United Nations lives. His tragedy is deep in our hearts, but the task for which he died is at the top of our agenda. A noble servant of peace is gone. But the quest for peace lies before us. The problem is not the death of one man--the problem is the life of this organization. It will either grow to meet the challenges of our age, or it will be gone with the wind, without influence, without force, without respect. Were we to let it die, to enfeeble its vigor, to cripple its powers, we would condemn our future. For in the development of this organization rests the only true alternative to war--and war appeals no longer as a rational alternative. Unconditional war can no longer lead to unconditional victory. It can no longer serve to settle disputes. It can no longer concern the great powers alone. For a nuclear disaster, spread by wind and water and fear, could well engulf the great and the small, the rich and the poor, the committed and the uncommitted alike. Mankind must put an end to war--or war will put an end to mankind. So let us here resolve that Dag Hammarskjold did not live, or die, in vain. Let us call a truce to terror. Let us invoke the blessings of peace. And as we build an international capacity to keep peace, let us join in dismantling the national capacity to wage war. II This will require new strength and new roles for the United Nations. For disarmament without checks is but a shadow--and a community without law is but a shell. Already the United Nations has become both the measure and the vehicle of man's most generous impulses. Already it has provided--in the Middle East, in Asia, in Africa this year in the Congo--a means of holding man's violence within bounds. But the great question which confronted this body in 1945 is still before us: whether man's cherished hopes for progress and peace are to be destroyed by terror and disruption, whether the "foul winds of war" can be tamed in time to free the cooling winds of reason, and whether the pledges of our Charter are to be fulfilled or defied--pledges to secure peace, progress, human rights and world law. In this Hall, there are not three forces, but two. One is composed of those who are trying to build the kind of world described in Articles I and II of the Charter. The other, seeking a far different world, would undermine this organization in the process. Today, of all days our dedication to the Charter must be maintained. It must be strengthened first of all by the selection of an outstanding civil servant to carry forward the responsibilities of the Secretary General--a man endowed with both the wisdom and the power to make meaningful the moral force of the world community. The late Secretary General nurtured and sharpened the United Nations' obligation to act. But he did not invent it. It was there in the Charter. It is still there in the Charter. However difficult it may be to fill Mr. Hammarskjold's place, it can better be filled by one man rather than three. Even the three horses of the Troika did not have three drivers, all going in different directions. They had only one--and so must the United Nations executive. To install a triumvirate, or any panel, or any rotating authority, in the United Nations administrative offices would replace order with anarchy, action with paralysis, confidence with confusion. The Secretary General, in a very real sense, is the servant of the General Assembly. Diminish his authority and you diminish the authority of the only body where all nations, regardless of power, are equal and sovereign. Until all the powerful are just, the weak will be secure only in the strength of this Assembly. Effective and independent executive action is not the same question as balanced representation. In view of the enormous change in membership in this body since its founding, the American delegation will join in any effort for the prompt review and revision of the composition of United Nations bodies. But to give this organization three drivers--to permit each great power to decide its own case, would entrench the Cold War in the headquarters of peace. Whatever advantages such a plan may hold out to my own country, as one of the great powers, we reject it. For we far prefer world law, in the age of self-determination, to world war, in the age of mass extermination. III Today, every inhabitant of this planet must contemplate the day when this planet may no longer be habitable. Every man, woman and child lives under a nuclear sword of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of being cut at any moment by accident or miscalculation or by madness. The weapons of war must be abolished before they abolish us. Men no longer debate whether armaments are a symptom or a cause of tension. The mere existence of modern weapons--ten million times more powerful than any that the world has ever seen, and only minutes away from any target on earth--is a source of horror, and discord and distrust. Men no longer maintain that disarmament must await the settlement of all disputes--for disarmament must be a part of any permanent settlement. And men may no longer pretend that the quest for disarmament is a sign of weakness--for in a spiraling arms race, a nation's security may well be shrinking even as its arms increase. For fifteen years this organization has sought the reduction and destruction of arms. Now that goal is no longer a dream--it is a practical matter of life or death. The risks inherent in disarmament pale in comparison to the risks inherent in an unlimited arms race. It is in this spirit that the recent Belgrade Conference--recognizing that this is no longer a Soviet problem or an American problem, but a human problem--endorsed a program of "general, complete and strictly an internationally controlled disarmament." It is in this same spirit that we in the United States have labored this year, with a new urgency, and with a new, now statutory agency fully endorsed by the Congress, to find an approach to disarmament which would be so far-reaching, yet realistic, so mutually balanced and beneficial, that it could be accepted by every nation. And it is in this spirit that we have presented with the agreement of the Soviet Union--under the label both nations now accept of "general and complete disarmament"--a new statement of newly-agreed principles for negotiation. But we are well aware that all issues of principle are not settled, and that principles alone are not enough. It is therefore our intention to challenge the Soviet Union, not to an arms race, but to a peace race- -to advance together step by step, stage by stage, until general and complete disarmament has been achieved. We invite them now to go beyond agreement in principle to reach agreement on actual plans. The program to be presented to this assembly--for general and complete disarmament under effective international control--moves to bridge the gap between those who insist on a gradual approach and those who talk only of the final and total achievement. It would create machinery to keep the peace as it destroys the machinery of war. It would proceed through balanced and safeguarded stages designed to give no state a military advantage over another. It would place the final responsibility for verification and control where it belongs, not with the big powers alone, not with one's adversary or one's self, but in an international organization within the framework of the United Nations. It would assure that indispensable condition of disarmament--true inspection--and apply it in stages proportionate to the stage of disarmament. It would cover delivery systems as well as weapons. It would ultimately halt their production as well as their testing, their transfer as well as their possession. It would achieve under the eyes of an international disarmament organization, a steady reduction in force, both nuclear and conventional, until it has abolished all armies and all weapons except those needed for internal order and a new United Nations Peace Force. And it starts that process now, today, even as the talks begin. In short, general and complete disarmament must no longer be a slogan, used to resist the first steps. It is no longer to be a goal without means of achieving it, without means of verifying its progress, without means of keeping the peace. It is now a realistic plan, and a test--a test of those only willing to talk and a test of those willing to act. Such a plan would not bring a world free from conflict and greed-- but it would bring a world free from the terrors of mass destruction. It would not usher in the era of the super state--but it would usher in an era in which no state could annihilate or be annihilated by another. In 1945, this Nation proposed the Baruch Plan to internationalize the atom before other nations even possessed the bomb or demilitarized their troops. We proposed with our allies the Disarmament plan of 1951 while still at war in Korea. And we make our proposals today, while building up our defenses over Berlin, not because we are inconsistent or insincere or intimidated, but because we know the rights of free men will prevail--because while we are compelled against our will to rearm, we look confidently beyond Berlin to the kind of disarmed world we all prefer. I therefore propose on the basis of this Plan, that disarmament negotiations resume promptly, and continue without interruption until an entire program for general and complete disarmament has not only been agreed but has actually been achieved. IV The logical place to begin is a treaty assuring the end of nuclear tests of all kinds, in every environment, under workable controls. The United States and the United Kingdom have proposed such a treaty that is both reasonable, effective and ready for signature. We are still prepared to sign that treaty today. We also proposed a mutual ban on atmospheric testing, without inspection or controls, in order to save the human race from the poison of radioactive fallout. We regret that the offer has not been accepted. For 15 years we have sought to make the atom an instrument of peaceful growth rather than of war. But for 15 years our concessions have been matched by obstruction, our patience by intransigence. And the pleas of mankind for peace have met with disregard. Finally, as the explosions of others beclouded the skies, my country was left with no alternative but to act in the interests of its own and the free world's security. We cannot endanger that security by refraining from testing while others improve their arsenals. Nor can we endanger it by another long, uninspected ban on testing. For three years we accepted those risks in our open society while seeking agreement on inspection. But this year, while we were negotiating in good faith in Geneva, others were secretly preparing new experiments in destruction. Our tests are not polluting the atmosphere. Our deterrent weapons are guarded against accidental explosion or use. Our doctors and scientists stand ready to help any nation measure and meet the hazards to health which inevitably result from the tests in the atmosphere. But to halt the spread of these terrible weapons, to halt the contamination of the air, to halt the spiralling nuclear arms race, we remain ready to seek new avenues of agreement, our new Disarmament Program thus includes the following proposals: --First, signing the test-ban treaty by all nations. This can be done now. Test ban negotiations need not and should not await general disarmament. --Second, stopping the production of fissionable materials for use in weapons, and preventing their transfer to any nation now lacking in nuclear weapons. --Third, prohibiting the transfer of control over nuclear weapons to states that do not own them. --Fourth, keeping nuclear weapons from seeding new battlegrounds in outer space. --Fifth, gradually destroying existing nuclear weapons and converting their materials to peaceful uses; and --Finally, halting the unlimited testing and production of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles, and gradually destroying them as well. V To destroy arms, however, is not enough. We must create even as we destroy--creating worldwide law and law enforcement as we outlaw worldwide war and weapons. In the world we seek, the United Nations Emergency Forces which have been hastily assembled, uncertainly supplied, and inadequately financed, will never be enough. Therefore, the United States recommends that all member nations earmark special peace-keeping units in their armed forces--to be on call of the United Nations, to be specially trained and quickly available, and with advanced provision for financial and logistic support. In addition, the American delegation will suggest a series of steps to improve the United Nations' machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes--for on-the-spot fact-finding, mediation and adjudication--for extending the rule of international law. For peace is not solely a matter of military or technical problems--it is primarily a problem of politics and people. And unless man can match his strides in weaponry and technology with equal strides in social and political development, our great strength, like that of the dinosaur, will become incapable of proper control--and like the dinosaur vanish from the earth. VI As we extend the rule of law on earth, so must we also extend it to man's new domain--outer space. All of us salute the brave cosmonauts of the Soviet Union. The new horizons of outer space must not be driven by the old bitter concepts of imperialism and sovereign claims. The cold reaches of the universe must not become the new arena of an even colder war. To this end, we shall urge proposals extending the United Nations Charter to the limits of man's exploration of the universe, reserving outer space for peaceful use, prohibiting weapons of mass destruction in space or on celestial bodies, and opening the mysteries and benefits of space to every nation. We shall propose further cooperative efforts between all nations in weather prediction and eventually in weather control. We shall propose, finally, a global system of communications satellites linking the whole world in telegraph and telephone and radio and television. The day need not be far away when such a system will televise the proceedings of this body to every corner of the world for the benefit of peace. VII But the mysteries of outer space must not divert our eyes or our energies from the harsh realities that face our fellow men. Political sovereignty is but a mockery without the means of meeting poverty and illiteracy and disease. Self-determination is but a slogan if the future holds no hope. That is why my nation, which has freely shared its capital and its technology to help others help themselves, now proposes officially designating this decade of the 1960s as the United Nations Decade of Development. Under the framework of that Resolution, the United Nations' existing efforts in promoting economic growth can be expanded and coordinated. Regional surveys and training institutes can now pool the talents of many. New research, technical assistance and pilot projects can unlock the wealth of less developed lands and untapped waters. And development can become a cooperative and not a competitive enterprise-- to enable all nations, however diverse in their systems and beliefs, to become in fact as well as in law free and equal nations. VIII My country favors a world of free and equal states. We agree with those who say that colonialism is a key issue in this Assembly. But let the full facts of that issue be discussed in full. On the one hand is the fact that, since the close of World War II, a worldwide declaration of independence has transformed nearly 1 billion people and 9 million square miles into 42 free and independent states. Less than 2 percent of the world's population now lives in "dependent" territories. I do not ignore the remaining problems of traditional colonialism which still confront this body. Those problems will be solved, with patience, good will, and determination. Within the limits of our responsibility in such matters, my Country intends to be a participant and not merely an observer, in the peaceful, expeditious movement of nations from the status of colonies to the partnership of equals. That continuing tide of self-determination, which runs so strong, has our sympathy and our support. But colonialism in its harshest forms is not only the exploitation of new nations by old, of dark skins by light, or the subjugation of the poor by the rich. My Nation was once a colony, and we know what colonialism means; the exploitation and subjugation of the weak by the powerful, of the many by the few, of the governed who have given no consent to be governed, whatever their continent, their class, their color. And that is why there is no ignoring the fact that the tide of selfdetermination has not reached the Communist empire where a population far larger than that officially termed "dependent" lives under governments installed by foreign troops instead of free institutions-- under a system which knows only one party and one belief--which suppresses free debate, and free elections, and free newspapers, and free books, and free trade unions--and which builds a wall to keep truth a stranger and its own citizens prisoners. Let us debate colonialism in full--and apply the principle of free choice and the practice of free plebiscites in every corner of the globe. IX Finally, as President of the United States, I consider it my duty to report to this Assembly on two threats to the peace which are not on your crowded agenda, but which causes us and most of you, the deepest concern. The first threat on which I wish to report is widely misunderstood: the smoldering coals of war in Southeast Asia. South Viet-Nam is already under attack--sometimes by a single assassin, sometimes by a band of guerrillas, recently by full battalions. The peaceful borders of Burma, Cambodia, and India have been repeatedly violated. And the peaceful people of Laos are in danger of losing the independence they gained not so long ago. No one can call these "wars of liberation." For these are free countries living under their own governments. Nor are these aggressions any less real because men are knifed in their homes and not shot in the fields of battle. The very simple question confronting the world community is whether measures can be devised to protect the small and the weak from such tactics. For if they are successful in Laos and South Viet-Nam, the gates will be opened wide. The United States seeks for itself, no base, no territory, no special position in this area of any kind. We support a truly neutral and independent Laos, its people free from outside interference, living at peace with themselves and their neighbors, assured that their territory will not be used for attacks on others, and under a government comparable (as Mr. Khrushchev and I agreed at Vienna) to Cambodia and Burma. But now the negotiations over Laos are reaching a crucial stage. The cease-fire is at best precarious. The rainy season is coming to an end. Laotian territory is being used to infiltrate South Viet-Nam. The world community must recognize--and all those who are involved--that this potent threat to Laotian peace and freedom is indivisible from all other threats to their own. Secondly, I wish to report to you on the crisis over Germany and Berlin. This is not the time or the place for immoderate tones, but the world community is entitled to know the very simple issues as we see them. If there is a crisis it is because an existing peace is under threat, because an existing island of free people is under pressure, because solemn agreements are being treated with indifference. Established international rights are being threatened with unilateral usurpation. Peaceful circulation has been interrupted by barbed wire and concrete blocks. One recalls the order of the Czar in Pushkin's "Boris Godunov:" "Take steps at this very hour that our frontiers be fenced in by barriers. . . . That not a single soul pass o'er the border, that not a hare be able to run or a crow to fly." It is absurd to allege that we are threatening a war merely to prevent the Soviet Union and East Germany from signing a so-called "treaty" of peace. The Western Allies are not concerned with any paper arrangement the Soviets may wish to make with a regime of their own creation, on territory occupied by their own troops and governed by their own agents. No such action can affect either our rights or our responsibilities. If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin--and there is--it is because of threats against the vital interests and the deep commitments of the Western Powers, and the freedom of West Berlin. We cannot yield these interests. We cannot fail these commitments. We cannot surrender the freedom of these people for whom we are responsible. A "peace-treaty" which carried with it the provisions which destroy the peace would be a fraud. A "free city" which was not genuinely free would suffocate freedom and would be an infamy. For a city or a people to be truly free they must have the secure right, without economic, political or police pressure, to make their own choice and to live their own lives. And as I have often said before, if anyone doubts the extent to which our presence is desired by the people of West Berlin, we are ready to have that question submitted to a free vote in all Berlin and, if possible, among all the German people. The elementary fact about this crisis is that it is unnecessary. The elementary tools for a peaceful settlement are to be found in the charter. Under its law, agreements are to be kept, unless changed by all those who made them. Established rights are to be respected. The political disposition of peoples should rest upon their own wishes, freely expressed in plebiscites or free elections. If there are legal problems, they can be solved by legal means. If there is a threat of force, it must be rejected. If there is desire for change, it must be a subject for negotiation, and if there is negotiation, it must be rooted in mutual respect and concern for the rights of others. The Western Powers have calmly resolved to defend, by whatever means are forced upon them, their obligations and their access to the free citizens of West Berlin and the self-determination of those citizens. This generation learned from bitter experience that either brandishing or yielding to threats can only lead to war. But firmness and reason can lead to the kind of peaceful solution in which my country profoundly believes. We are committed to no rigid formula. We see no perfect solution. We recognize that troops and tanks can, for a time, keep a nation divided against its will, however unwise that policy may seem to us. But we believe a peaceful agreement is possible which protects the freedom of West Berlin and allied presence and access, while recognizing the historic and legitimate interests of others in insuring European security. The possibilities of negotiation are now being explored; it is too early to report what the prospects may be. For our part, we would be glad to report at the appropriate time that a solution has been found. For there is no need for a crisis over Berlin, threatening the peace-- and if those who created this crisis desire peace, there will be peace and freedom in Berlin. X The events and decisions of the next ten months may well decide the fate of man for the next ten thousand years. There will be no avoiding those events. There will be no appeal from these decisions. And we in this hall shall be remembered either as part of the generation that turned this planet into a flaming funeral pyre or the generation that met its vow "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war." In the endeavor to meet that vow, I pledge you every effort this Nation possesses. I pledge you that we will neither commit nor provoke aggression, that we shall neither flee nor invoke the threat of force, that we shall never negotiate out of fear, we shall never fear to negotiate. Terror is not a new weapon. Throughout history it has been used by those who could not prevail, either by persuasion or example. But inevitably they fail, either because men are not afraid to die for a life worth living, or because the terrorists themselves came to realize that free men cannot be frightened by threats, and that aggression would meet its own response. And it is in the light of that history that every nation today should know, be he friend or foe, that the United States has both the will and the weapons to join free men in standing up to their responsibilities. But I come here today to look across this world of threats to a world of peace. In that search we cannot expect any final triumph--for new problems will always arise. We cannot expect that all nations will adopt like systems--for conformity is the jailor of freedom, and the enemy of growth. Nor can we expect to reach our goal by contrivance, by fiat or even by the wishes of all. But however close we sometimes seem to that dark and final abyss, let no man of peace and freedom despair. For he does not stand alone. If we all can persevere, if we can in every land and office look beyond our own shores and ambitions, then surely the age will dawn in which the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. Ladies and gentlemen of this Assembly, the decision is ours. Never have the nations of the world had so much to lose, or so much to gain. Together we shall save our planet, or together we shall perish in its flames. Save it we can--and save it we must--and then shall we earn the eternal thanks of mankind and, as peacemakers, the eternal blessing of God. <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore For the United States "We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more." ---- President JOHN F. KENNEDY, 20JAN61 inaugural address

....Good Day William.... Several years ago TONY SUMMERS provided to me his updated 2001, must read, Vanity Fair article, "The Ghosts of November" for internet posting. It is always available, here.... http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHO...update2001.html (I have been referencing the SUMMERS, MORLEY, and FONZI articles in my post signature and from my homepage http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau/ for years) ....JEFFERSON MORLEY's outstanding, "Revelation 19.63" is also available here.... http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/REVELATION1963.html ....GAETON FONZI's original manuscript lengthy article, "The Last Investigation" (complete with spelling errors) that preceded his book of the same title, here.... http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/LAS...estigation.html ....All of DON THOMAS's DPD dictabelt research related articles, here.... http://www.forensic-science-society.org.uk/Thomas.pdf http://pages.prodigy.net/whiskey99/hearnoevil.htm http://pages.prodigy.net/whiskey99/emendations.htm http://www.geocities.com/whiskey99a/dbt2002.html http://pages.prodigy.net/whiskey99/courttv.htm Best Regards in Research, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly ROSEMARY WILLIS Ultrafast Headsnap Westward Towards the "Grassy Knoll" Dealey Plaza Professionally Surveyed Map of JFK, Photographers, Witnesses, Suspected Trajectories, Evidence, and Important Information WILMA BOND Photos Do Not Timestamp GORDON ARNOLD "The Ghosts of November" by ANTHONY SUMMERS Don Roberdeau AOL Homepage T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore

Good Day All.... Found the following 12-25-05 article with respect to HAROLD, do not recall it being posted, so wanted to ensure it has been provided for reading.... http://www.fredericknewspost.com/sections/...m?storyID=45264 (The WEISBERG article was linked from within a 9-17-06 article, "Technology at Dietrich M.I.A" http://www.fredericknewspost.com/sections/...m?storyid=52368 ) <QUOTE> ONE MAN VS. ONE GOVERNMENT (Part 1 of 2) By Liam Farrell News-Post Staff FREDERICK -- For decades, the most-powerful domestic intelligence agency in the United States watched a Maryland chicken farmer. For decades, the Federal Bureau of Investigation wrote analyses of his public statements, books and newspaper articles. For decades, the FBI's highest-ranking intelligence officials, including its legendary and controversial director, J. Edgar Hoover, personally exchanged correspondence on his life, which was spent investigating the veracity of the government's conclusions on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The Frederick News-Post has obtained the FBI files of Harold Weisberg, local author, farmer and noted expert on assassinations, through the Freedom of Information Act. Mr. Weisberg, who died in 2002 at his home just outside Frederick city, has a 178-page file. The newspaper will appeal the government's decision to withhold 39 pages. Mr. Weisberg gained notoriety for his books criticizing the FBI and Warren Commission for their investigations of JFK's assassination, and he is well-known for his extensive collection of government files and information, now housed in a library at Hood College. The FBI looked into Mr. Weisberg long before he published his first book in 1965, however. In 1939, Mr. Weisberg jeopardized the security of government information by leaking to a communist newspaper, The Daily Worker, and harbored subversive ideological sympathies, the FBI file states. Throughout the years, government documents contain frequent attacks on the author's character, describing him as a miscreant with delusions of conspiracy. As Mr. Weisberg's efforts to obtain information for his books continued from the 1960s onward, the FBI tried to obstruct his work. The FBI ignored his requests even after the passage of the Freedom of Information Act in 1966, culminating in a 1970 memorandum from Mr. Hoover to a deputy assistant attorney general instructing that no information be given to Mr. Weisberg. "In view of Weisberg's character, he should not be given the information he requests, and there is legal ground for our position," Mr. Hoover's memo states. For decades, Mr. Weisberg was watching the government. And for decades, it was watching him back. In part one of a two-part investigation into the confrontational history between Mr. Weisberg and the FBI, The Frederick News-Post will examine his early government career. These conflicts established the groundwork for the FBI's later accusations that Mr. Weisberg was a communist and deserved to be denied access to information about JFK's assassination. In part two on Monday, the newspaper will explore the details of the historian's battles for government transparency. Part two will also look into the growing FBI case against Mr. Weisberg's supposed political beliefs and how they played a significant role when he was trying to find out the truth about President John F. Kennedy's assassination. Although the FBI's efforts would increase after Mr. Weisberg began publishing his books, the roots of his FBI file go back to some of the earliest moments of the nation's anti-communist fervor. Mr. Weisberg was not only a later victim of the Cold War ethos; he was also an early casualty. The New World As the torrents of immigrants into the United States continued in the early 20th century, the waves of western Europeans were replaced by eastern Europeans, who in turn became the new victims of not only anti-immigration ideology but also virulent anti-Semitism and anti-communism. Mr. Weisberg was part of this changing society as the son of two Jewish immigrants from Russia. He was born on April 8, 1913, in a working-class neighborhood in Philadelphia. In a 1993 interview with Joy Derr of Hood College, Mr. Weisberg remarked how significant his birth in America was. "I'm the first member of my family, as I've thought often in recent years, ever born into freedom, going back as far as Adam and Eve," he said. Friends of the writer believe that his family's background was an influential component in formulating his faith in America's promise and ideals. "He, being a first-generation American, was extremely patriotic," said Clayton Ogilvie, a friend and caretaker of Mr. Weisberg's archives. "His patriotic fervor was based on his parents telling him stories of the old country." After high school, Mr. Weisberg worked as a reporter for the Wilmington Morning News and the Philadelphia Ledger, and he obtained some college education at the University of Delaware in Newark before dropping out when his father died. Mr. Weisberg then went to work for the government. Leaky Allegations According to the FBI file, Mr. Weisberg's first position with the government was on the U.S. Committee on Education and Labor, also known as the LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee, headed by U.S. Sen. Robert M. LaFollette, Jr., of Wisconsin. The committee had begun during President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal as part of a National Labor Relations Board inquiry into attempts by businesses to disrupt unions. At the time, labor reform efforts were increasingly seen as tantamount to communism. Mr. Weisberg began working for the committee in September 1936 and was stationed in Harlan, Ky., known as "Bloody Harlan" for its violence, to investigate the efforts of coal owners to dismantle labor's strength. In a 1993 interview, he told Ms. Derr he was "deep" into the region's corporate corruption and violence. Mr. Weisberg's actions were apparently high-profile enough that the Louisville division of the FBI was alerted by an unnamed person that he was in the state, according to a December 1947 summary of Mr. Weisberg's activities. Although FBI files from the late 1940s indicate Mr. Weisberg ceased working for Mr. LaFollette in June 1939, the reason for his dismissal is not established until the mid-1960s, following the publication of his first book, which was critical of the FBI. In a June 6, 1966 memo from Alex Rosen, the FBI assistant director of the general investigative division, to Cartha "Deke" DeLoach, the assistant to the director in charge of investigations, Mr. LaFollette fired Mr. Weisberg for leaking information to The Daily Worker, the foremost communist newspaper in America. Neither the specific allegations or accuser is established until more than 25 years after the fact. Until the Rosen-DeLoach memo, FBI files only identified Mr. Weisberg as editor of committee publications by a "reliable source of information" who knew him from 1936 to 1937 and "was of the opinion that Mr. Weisberg was at least a communist sympathizer, but probably was closer than that to the Party." Labor Problems During the same time period that Mr. Weisberg was in Harlan, Martin Dies, a Texas Democrat in the House of Representatives, got a resolution passed on May 26, 1938 to create the Dies Committee. Although ostensibly created to focus on German-American activities in American Nazi organizations and the Ku Klux Klan, the committee was actually the forerunner to the House Un-American Activities Committee. It spent its time looking for communist sympathizers in New Deal groups such as the Federal Theatre Project. According to the FBI files, in March 1940, Mr. Weisberg told officials that following his dismissal from the LaFollette Committee, he conducted "special research" for the Dies Committee. No specific chronology of his work is available in the FBI file. The reason why a government body that evolved into a group synonymous with anti-communism would hire someone who had spent three years investigating on the side of labor and allegedly leaking information to the very people Dies was trying to destroy is unclear, from both the FBI files and past interviews with Mr. Weisberg himself. "That does make it rather counterintuitive," said Gerald McKnight, emeritus professor of history at Hood and a friend of Mr. Weisberg's for 30 years. According to the book "The Committee: The Extraordinary Career of the House Committee on Un-American Activities" by politics and ethics writer Walter Goodman, Mr. Dies had been actively trying to disrupt the LaFollette Committee with a proposal of an investigation into sit-down strikes "frankly designed to counteract" its work, which extended into 1941. In Mr. Goodman's book, Mr. Weisberg was recruited by Gardner Jackson, a legislative representative of the pro-labor group Labor's Non-Partisan League, in an effort to uncover allegations that Mr. Dies had made a secret agreement with right-wing groups that any investigations would focus on left-leaning groups or individuals. According to Mr. Goodman, David Mayne, a Washington representative of the fascist group Silver Shirts, founded by William Dudley Pelley, sold forged letters indicating a conspiracy between Mr. Dies and Mr. Pelley. Mr. Weisberg, on instructions from Mr. Jackson, bought these letters for $105. Mr. Mayne, who eventually confessed to forging the letters in an attempt to trap anyone out to get Mr. Dies, was brought to trial, pleaded guilty and received a suspended sentence. This event is referenced in a letter Mr. Weisberg wrote to someone named "Cameron" on March 14, 1940, in which he wrote he can send information about the "Mayne-entrapment story." If he was actively trying to obtain more dire information about the Dies Committee while working for it, no information definitively indicates he was working as a double agent. The FBI reported on his activities in Harlan in 1936 but the files indicate Mr. Weisberg was not being studied until the investigation in March 1940. Mr. Ogilvie said Mr. Weisberg knew about bribery and misconduct among committee officials. "He found corruption within the Dies Committee," he said, adding that Mr. Weisberg was brought before a grand jury and made a scapegoat for his work. "They knew they were being subject to scrutiny they couldn't afford." Mr. McKnight was also aware of these events, and said Lillian, Mr. Weisberg's wife and a worker in the U.S. agricultural department, alerted her husband to the coming problem when she saw his name in a memo. "(His work in Harlan) got the attention of the Dies Committee," Mr. McKnight said. "(Mr.) Dies would not have any problem with union leaders being blown up in their homes." In one of the 1993 interviews with Ms. Derr, Mr. Weisberg alluded to a confrontation with the Dies Committee. "They framed me. It was a hell of a fight," he said. "I won...I took the grand jury away from the United States Attorney and I got the Dies agent indicted on two felony charges. That was an experience like you can't imagine." Following Mr. Weisberg's strange role with the Dies Committee, the FBI files indicate he worked for two magazines, Click and Friday as its Washington, D.C. correspondent. While with Friday, Mr. Weisberg wrote an article critical of Assistant Secretary of State Adolf A. Berle, Jr., in 1940. Mr. Weisberg told Ms. Derr that much of his reporting work centered on uncovering the business of Nazi cartels. The FBI took notice, mentioning his 1941 Click article about a Czech shoe manufacturer entitled "Hitler's Foot Soldier." The FBI also notes, "one Harold Weisberg was connected with the offices of Congressman Vito Marcantonio," a politician noted for his radical leftist politics. The FBI's summary states "it is not known if this individual is identical with the subject of this memorandum." Mr. Weisberg did have contact with the congressman, according to those who knew him. "They were good social friends," Mr. McKnight said. "That's all (Mr.) Hoover would need to know." From Dec. 18, 1942 to Nov. 17, 1944, Mr. Weisberg served in the U.S. Army. He did not see combat because he came down with mumps. But very little of this information surfaces on FBI memos actually dated for this time period. It is not until Mr. Weisberg is again fired from a government agency, this time the State Department, for being an alleged communist, that the FBI begins its prolonged interest in his activities. Postwar Paranoia "The United States was trying, in the postwar decade, to create a national consensus -- excluding the radicals, who could not support a foreign policy aimed at suppressing revolution -- of conservatives and liberals, Republicans and Democrats, around the policies of cold war and anti-Communism," writes historian Howard Zinn in "A People's History of the United States." One of the marked results of the worries over domestic subversion was the FBI's move toward investigations of political ideology, particularly among government workers. Immunity for government employees did not exist on any level, and Mr. Weisberg was caught up in the purges of suspected communists in government positions. In a recent interview with The Frederick News-Post, Mr. DeLoach said the FBI's inquiries into the Communist Party were necessary. Once the priorities of the FBI shifted from working on crime to intelligence gathering and espionage during World War II, investigating communists was a natural part of the FBI's missions, he said. "The Communist Party, today, people think, is a futile organization," he said. "The Soviets viewed it as an excellent propaganda and espionage tool." As an example, Mr. DeLoach pointed to the FBI's "Solo Case," which detailed the attempts of Soviet officials to buy influence in America's Communist Party for millions of dollars. Mr. DeLoach emphasized every case on suspected communists was opened for good reasons, and the variety of FBI informants were of good quality. "Our purpose was to investigate and report to the attorney general and the president of the United States. We didn't decide the principals," he said. "In order to protect the best interests of the United States, it was absolutely necessary to investigate communism." On March 24, 1947, President Harry Truman issued Executive Order No. 9835, establishing the Federal Employees Loyalty and Security Program. In "Truman," historian David McCullough details how the president was pressured into this decision by the elections of 1946, in which Republicans had successfully campaigned on a platform of sniffing out communists. Mr. Truman hoped an executive initiative could blunt the overzealous factions in government. "Importantly, he wanted no accusations of administration softness on communism at home just as he was calling for a new hard approach to communism abroad," Mr. McCullough wrote. Under the program, 212 government employees were fired. Harold Weisberg was one of them. Anti-Government or Anti-Semitic? Beginning in March 1946, Mr. Weisberg, despite being an alleged political dissident and leaker to subversive literature, was hired by the Office of Strategic Services, the forerunner to the Central Intelligence Agency. According to the FBI, he worked in the research and analysis branch for the Latin American division. Mr. McKnight said a difference in security culture between then and now, as well as the lack of truth to Mr. Weisberg's communist leanings, were probably the reasons a suspected communist was able to receive a job dealing with highly sensitive information. "I don't think people were as wrapped up in security as they are today," he said. "I think if he were a stand-up card-carrying member he wouldn't have gotten into security matters." But it did not take long for the federal government to become suspicious of Mr. Weisberg. On Nov. 26, 1946, months before Mr. Truman's loyalty program started, the State Department began its own inquiry into Mr. Weisberg, running a neighborhood investigation, reference checks, and, most tellingly, a review of the Dies Committee reports and Committee on Un-American Activities information. Soon afterward, the State Department brought in the FBI, and although a Dec. 5, 1946, "spot check" of Mr. Weisberg came up with no information, 15 days later the FBI said he was a friend and contact for people under investigation in the Nathan Gregory Silvermaster case. The Silvermaster, or "Gregory" case, was an investigation into a Soviet spy ring in the Department of Treasury. The FBI does not give any further elaboration regarding Mr. Weisberg's association with the Silvermaster case, despite repeating the claim in multiple FBI memos. After a seven-month investigation, Mr. Weisberg and nine other employees were dismissed on June 23, 1947, under the McCarran Rider, which authorized the Secretary of State to terminate any employee when it would be in the best interests of the United States. Mr. Weisberg's communist sympathies are only definitively described in FBI documents following his dismissal from the State Department, and allegations against him continually expand as he becomes a high-profile critic of the FBI in the 1960s. It cannot be answered why Mr. Weisberg's communist sympathies were not detailed earlier, and the knowledge gap lends credibility to any claims the FBI only set about looking for its evidence after it had decided the conclusion. Both Mr. Ogilvie and David Wrone, history professor emeritus from University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point and a friend of Mr. Weisberg's, believe anti-Semitism had more to do with his firing from the State Department than communism. "(The employees) were Jews...it was an anti-Semitic thing," Mr. Wrone said. "Harold Weisberg was not a communist by any means. It was a political maneuver, so they tried to make them look like communists." Because of his politics and dealings with labor, Mr. Weisberg inevitably knew communists, Mr. McKnight said, but there is a difference between those interactions and collusion. "I don't doubt that Harold socialized (with communists), but he was never a card-carrying member," he said. "But it didn't matter in those days." After a legal battle, Mr. Weisberg and his dismissed colleagues were allowed to resign from the State Department without any record against them in November 1947. Mr. Weisberg's file contains a letter from his attorneys, several of whom played large parts in Mr. Roosevelt's administration and the New Deal -- Thurman Arnold, Abe Fortas, Paul A. Porter and Milton V. Freeman. The letter thanks Mr. Weisberg for a gift he sent. "You know it was a pleasure to be of service to you and your own calmness and dignity under the most adverse circumstances were in no small measure responsible for your ultimate vindication," the letter states. But in the FBI files, Mr. Weisberg was anything but vindicated. <END QUOTE> ((((part 2)))) http://www.fredericknewspost.com/sections/...m?storyID=45265 <QUOTE> ONE MAN VS. ONE GOVERNMENT (Part 2 of 2) By Liam Farrell News-Post Staff Among Harold Weisberg's voluminous files, the late, self-made historian had written a small note, possibly meant only for his eyes. It is a poem, a brief rumination on the power of confusion. It contains a reference to an excerpt in the Bible, Isaiah 59:9. "So justice is far from us, and righteousness does not reach us," the Bible passage reads. "We look for light, but all is darkness; for brightness, but we walk in deep shadows." Such sentiment is indelible to Mr. Weisberg, who spent the bulk of his lifetime searching for answers to what he considered the darkest and most troubling events in American history. Mr. Weisberg, who died in 2002 at the age of 88 at his Frederick County home, is known for a tumultuous career investigating assassinations and self-publishing controversial books asserting government wrongdoing and cover-ups. His eight books, notably "Whitewash: The Report on the Warren Report," "Whitewash II: The FBI-Secret Service Cover-up," and "Post-mortem: JFK Assassination Cover-up Smashed!," primarily focused on the investigation into President John F. Kennedy's 1963 assassination, and Mr. Weisberg tried to use the government's own documents against it. He asserted the FBI and Warren Commission inquires into JFK's assassination were faulty, ignoring, discarding, or obscuring evidence, and were preconceived to conclude that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin. Mr. Weisberg worked extensively in getting the government to release documents on the JFK assassination and others, such as the shooting death of Martin Luther King, Jr. In an interview with Joy Derr of Hood College in 1993, he estimated he had been involved in 13 separate lawsuits to obtain information, most of which he managed to get released. In all, he donated the more than 300,000 government documents he collected in filing cabinets in his basement to Hood College. "(My work) is selfish. It's selfish," Mr. Weisberg told Ms. Derr. "Here I was, the first member of my family ever born into freedom and when I was old enough to realize it, I felt that I had an obligation to meet. "What are (poet Robert) Frost's words? 'Promises to keep and miles to go before we sleep'? It gave me an opportunity to repay that obligation. And it means much to me, so much to me that although I have sleep problems I never have trouble falling asleep." Mr. Weisberg's FBI file was obtained by The Frederick News-Post through the Freedom of Information Act. The FBI, which had investigated Mr. Weisberg since the late 1930s and escalated its efforts after he was dismissed from the State Department for allegedly being a communist, had not stopped watching him after he left public employment in 1947. In fact, the legacy of dissidence he created during his government career, from 1936 with the LaFollette Civil Liberties Commission to 1947 when he was fired from the State Department, would haunt him as he worked to investigate the JFK assassination and other historic events. Counting chickens Mr. Weisberg's reappearance in FBI files was not planned. The roughly 16 years between his dismissal from the State Department's Office of Strategic Services for alleged communist sympathies and the assassination of Mr. Kennedy were focused mainly on chicken farming. In the early 1960s, Mr. Weisberg made headlines in Frederick newspapers because of the work on his Coq d'Or Farm in Hyattstown, where he and his wife, Lillian, raised an assortment of poultry and founded the "Geese for Peace" program, which donated ducklings and geese to St. Lucia and Liberia for the Peace Corps and subsistence farming programs. Mr. Weisberg was also an award-winning cook, claiming the National Barbecue King title in 1959. His wife was also a star in that field, winning many contests, including being named the 1956 National Chicken Cooking Champion. According to the interview with Ms. Derr, on Nov. 22, 1963, Mr. Weisberg was in the henhouse gathering eggs when the transistor radio on his waist broadcast the news that Mr. Kennedy had been shot. "I stayed glued to the television as much as I could," he said. "None of the things that happened should have happened." Lee Harvey Oswald was killed the following day and about two weeks later Mr. Weisberg filed a lead and summary for a proposed book to his agent, convinced from the suspicious train of events in Dallas that Oswald could not have been the true assassin. The reply was not what he expected. "She said 'I can't possibly handle this because nobody in New York will consider anything other than what the government is saying'," Mr. Weisberg told Ms. Derr. "She was so right you can't imagine how right. I couldn't get another agent." Fighting the power Mr. Weisberg's overt conflicts with the government began again in 1961, when Mr. Weisberg and his wife filed a federal torts suit against the government for $9,950 in damages caused by low-flying helicopters they claimed were ruining their poultry farm. The Weisbergs were awarded $750, but the most serious damage the FBI did to Mr. Weisberg had nothing to do with farming. During the 1950s the FBI had been building its case that Mr. Weisberg was a communist. A memo from the special agent in charge in the Washington Field Office to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover on Jan. 1, 1955, implicates Mr. Weisberg in the Harry Dexter White espionage case, which was related to the investigation of the Treasury Department spy ring and Nathan Gregory Silvermaster. The memo concerns a suspect in the White case whose name was blacked out by the FBI. A telephone directory seized from this person's home by Washington Metro Police in 1948 contained Mr. Weisberg's name, according to the FBI file. No information is provided to explain Mr. Weisberg's connection to either investigation. The events relating to the espionage cases occurred seven years prior to the memo, and no other documents in the FBI file contain this information. While the telephone directory did not become part of the FBI's official canon of communism on Mr. Weisberg, other tenuous information did. The FBI states Mr. Weisberg inquired in Sept. 1959 about how Soviets would react to his chickens competing against Russian poultry. Despite the time frame of this information and some ambiguous references in earlier memos, the alleged communist activities of Mr. Weisberg on his farm are only published in definitive form in memos dating from the mid-1960s and later. This demonstrates the significant increase in the amount of correspondence detailing Mr. Weisberg's life after the release of his first two books -- in 1965 and 1966. In a summary of Mr. Weisberg's history from Nov. 8, 1966, new information is inserted, stating the farmer held celebrations of the Russian Revolution with an annual picnic "attended by 25 or 30 people." No informant or source of the new information is cited. David Wrone, professor emeritus of history from University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point and a friend of Mr. Weisberg's, said the idea of Mr. Weisberg holding celebrations of the Russian Revolution is absurd. He said Mr. Weisberg would invite a local rabbi and Jewish children to his farm, letting them play with his animals in celebration of the Jewish new year. "They were observing a Jewish ritual," Mr. Wrone said. "That was in September. The Russian Revolution was in the last part of October." Mr. Weisberg got the files the FBI had on him, Mr. Wrone said, and he was extremely troubled by this information. "It so enraged Harold when he got these documents," he said. "Why would someone do this?" The farmer knew the FBI was watching him, Mr. Wrone said, as Mr. Weisberg could often pick out "men in dark suits" during public appearances to talk about his books and he kept a log of the suspicious phone calls he received in the middle of the night. The first major criticism of Mr. Weisberg's work, and not his alleged political beliefs, occurs after the printing of his first book, "Whitewash: The Report on the Warren Report," which contended both the FBI and Warren Commission engaged in egregious failures of evidentiary investigation to reach a preconceived conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin. In a June 6, 1966 memo from FBI assistant director Alex Rosen to Cartha "Deke" DeLoach, an assistant to Mr. Hoover and the No. 3 man in the FBI, Mr. Weisberg is attacked for what the FBI considers his book's failures. "Due to the inaccuracies, falsehoods and deliberate slanting of facts to fit his own purpose, coupled with Weisberg's subversive background...it is not felt the Bureau should add dignity or credibility to him by acknowledging his communication," Mr. Rosen writes. Mr. Rosen did not stray from personal attacks in the memo. "He also said that there are nervous people and neurotics inevitably (sic) there are those who have axes to grind -- hatreds or dislikes to be indulged, and political objectives to be attained," Mr. Rosen wrote. "From these comments it would appear Weisberg is adequately describing himself." This memo also offers a paragraph of background information that is included in virtually all correspondence about Mr. Weisberg's publications and attempts to get government documents. "Following a review of this book it was determined it is nothing more than a vitriolic and diabolical criticism of the President's Commission and the FBI relating to the assassination of President Kennedy," the memo states. Credibility and character Mr. DeLoach, who worked extensively with the media and the release of information during the JFK investigation, was confident the FBI, the Warren Commission and others involved in the JFK assassination reached the right conclusion. "Many authors try to sell a book and get a fast buck," he said in a recent interview with The Frederick News-Post. "The fact remains that Lee Harvey Oswald and Lee Harvey Oswald alone assassinated John F. Kennedy." Although he did not remember Mr. Weisberg well, Mr. DeLoach said he read his work on the Martin Luther King, Jr., assassination, which was of primary concern because he headed the FBI's investigation. He said Mr. Weisberg's work contained "many fallacies." "We always looked at criticism to determine whether they were valid or not," Mr. DeLoach said. "We never investigated the authors (of critical books) just to investigate them." In addition, Mr. DeLoach said the FBI worked as efficiently as possible giving out information to the public, but the FBI has responsibilities to its sources and the sensitivity of its files. "We tried the best we could to give out any information," he said. "I have many good friends in the press. I've always worked with the press and trusted them." Although the FBI goes to great lengths detailing its disagreements with Mr. Weisberg's findings and his statements during radio and television appearances, the agency also criticized his character and used his background as a reason not to give him information. Here are some examples: "All in all, the interview with Weisberg was a rehash of the many unfounded allegations which have been made concerning the assassination and merely another effort on the part of a writer to exploit the assassination for his own financial gain." - Milton A. Jones, chief of FBI crime records to Robert E. Wick, Mr. DeLoach's deputy, Sept. 13, 1966. "In view of Weisberg's suspected Communist background, it was recommended...that the FBI could not be of assistance to Weisberg in this matter." - memo from R.H. Jevons, FBI assistant, to Ivan W. Conrad, assistant chief of FBI Bureau Lab, Nov. 8, 1966. "In view of Weisberg's background and his baseless allegations toward Bureau Agents, it is not felt his letter of March 24th or any subsequent correspondence should be acknowledged as it will only encourage further letters from him." -- memo from G.E. Malmfeldt, an agent of the FBI, to Thomas E. Bishop, assistant FBI director, April 1, 1969. "It is unfortunate that the change in administration has not and apparently will not make you certain that the element of politics played no role in the investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy or the formulation of the guidelines for release to the public of information on the matter in Government files." - letter from Will Wilson, assistant attorney general criminal division, to Mr. Weisberg, April 8, 1969. Some of these quotes are contradictory in noting how Mr. Weisberg's communist background precludes agency cooperation while publicly telling him politics are not a factor. In a memo from Mr. Hoover to an assistant attorney general, dated Oct. 28, 1970, the director sets forth a policy based on Mr. Weisberg's background. "In view of Weisberg's character, he should not be given the information he requests, and there is legal ground for our position," the memo states. In denying Mr. Weisberg's requests for information, the FBI had offered any one of three reasons: Mr. Weisberg was incorrect, the FBI did not have the information he was looking for and his requests were not legitimate because he had a history of communist activity. The timing of the FBI's allegations, and the testimony of friends that its information about Mr. Weisberg is baseless, can easily lead to the question of what the bureau's real motives were. Mr. Weisberg suspected the FBI was trying to obstruct him, commenting in a Frederick News-Post article on July 31, 1980, "The truth is (the FBI is) out to get me...they're out to stop me." Even years before, when he was working as an investigator for James Earl Ray, accused of killing Martin Luther King, Jr., Mr. Weisberg wrote a letter to Attorney General John Mitchell on March 12, 1969, accusing the FBI of spreading false information about him. "I have been informed that teams of FBI agents are going around telling people, some of whom I have never met, that I am a dangerous person, in some unspecified way under 'Communist' influence," the letter states. In spite of what the FBI file contains, the people who knew Mr. Weisberg are adamant that he was not a communist. Mr. Wrone said the author spent his life trying to improve America's institutions, not bring them down. "He thought this was the greatest country that ever lived," he said. "Sometimes people call that patriotism." Gerald McKnight, professor emeritus at Hood College and a friend of Mr. Weisberg's for 30 years, said the farmer's personality could be overwhelming and confrontational, and although such an attitude harmed their friendship it was necessary to the work he did. "There was a real authentic loyalty to the United States. He was determined to fight this tooth and nail," Mr. McKnight said. "He had a cathedral-like ego. One had to put up with that because it took someone like that." Mr. McKnight said Mr. Weisberg's accomplishments, regardless of his personality, deserve respect. "He was dictatorial, a control freak," he said. "On the other hand I have to honor him because he was a remarkable man. Every day of his life he worked on this topic." Listening to Mr. Weisberg's own statements, he is candid about what he tried to accomplish. "If you want your country to be what it's supposed to be, no matter how many times you don't succeed, you keep on trying," Mr. Weisberg told Ms. Derr. "If you want to accept what happened and pretend it didn't happen, you have a right to do it. But I don't want a country that lies to the people. "I don't want a country in which a president can be gunned down in broad daylight on the streets of an American city and consigned to history with the dubious epitaph of a whitewashed investigation. "I don't want a country in which federal agents can lie with impunity, including under oath, and only be promoted for it, in which the courts don't work the way they're supposed to work, in which the Congress doesn't and the media don't. "And I don't think it's going to change right away. I have reason to believe it will but I know that if you don't try you can't succeed." <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly Dealey Plaza Professionally Surveyed Map of JFK, Photographers, Witnesses, Suspected Trajectories, Evidence, and Important Information ROSEMARY WILLIS Ultrafast Headsnap Westward Towards the "Grassy Knoll" WILMA BOND Photos Do Not Timestamp GORDON ARNOLD "The Ghosts of November" by ANTHONY SUMMERS Don Roberdeau AOL Homepage T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore

Good Day.... HARRY FREEMAN, Jr. has passed-away. (Hat Tip to "Steve") FREEMAN was one of the three 22NOV63 "lead-line" D.P.D. motorcyclists recorded in the ZAPRUDER film who is seen prior to Zf-133 cycling west on Elm Street after the "lead-line" turned from Houston Street. FREEMAN was also, of course, one of the witnesses who claimed to have knowledge of a through-and-through bullet hole in the presidential limo's front windshield glass. Several others who claim to have observed the bullet hole were.... HARRY GEGLEIN EVANGELEA "Evalea" GLANGES a friend who Glanges stated was with her at Parkland GEORGE WHITAKER Sr. (a "Ford Motor Car Company" Rouge plant windshields worker) RICHARD DUDMAN STAVIS ELLIS NICK PRENCIPE CARL RENAS and CHARLES E. TAYLOR Jr. ....Some of the notes available in my personal detailed list of 5,526 persons.... NAME.... FREEMAN, Jr. HARRY RUSSELL ATTACK LOCATION.... in Elm Street cycling behind lead car JOB.... DPD-motorcycleman-presidential motorcade lead line REMEMBERED SHOTS HEARD & SEQUENCING.... ????? NOTES.... during-@ 12:30 near lead car near STAVIS ELLIS after-FREEMAN claims he observed one bullet hole completely through limo front windshield @ Parkland Hospital and STAVIS ELLIS told LARRY SNEED in 1988 that FREEMAN told ELLIS while they were at Parkland immediately after attack that FREEMAN had put a pencil through the windshield hole or FREEMAN said he could have put a pencil through the windshield hole he observed WC or HSCA TESTIMONY.... na SHOTS SOURCE(S).... NO PUBLIC STATEMENT KNOWN TO HAVE BEEN MADE DIED.... 8-4-2006-cancer (born 1933) SOME REFERENCES.... Image Of An Assassination video, No More Silence, http://karws.gso.uri.edu/JFK/history/The_d...need/Ellis.html http://www.jfklancerforum.com/dc/dcboard.p...50149&page= <QUOTE> Harry Russell Freeman Jr.: Longtime Dallas officer was escort for Kennedy motorcade By JOE SIMNACHER / The Dallas Morning News Harry Russell Freeman Jr. – a Dallas Police Department patrol officer for 22 years – spent much of his career on a motorcycle. On Nov. 22, 1963, he was one of the lead escorts assigned to President John F. Kennedy's motorcade in Dallas. Mr. Freeman, 73, died Friday of cancer at the Mesquite home of his former wife, Wanda Freeman. His funeral was Monday in Dallas, where he was buried in Restland Memorial Park. Mr. Freeman didn't talk much about his motorcade experience, said his son Harry R. "Russ" Freeman III of Mesquite. Russ Freeman, who was in the second grade at the time, remembers how upset his father was after the president's assassination. "He was real distressed about it. ... He was right there when it happened," Russ Freeman said. His father did talk about racing to Parkland Memorial Hospital. "He remembered going really fast, and he knew that wasn't good," his son said. "He followed it into the emergency entrance at Parkland." Mr. Freeman was born and raised in Dallas but graduated from high school in Jacksonville, Fla., where his father had been transferred with a department store position. After high school, Mr. Freeman served four years in the U.S. Air Force in Germany. Mr. Freeman was an aircraft mechanic in the Air Force but also worked in security and for the military police, his son said. After completing his military service, Mr. Freeman returned to Dallas, where he worked briefly for the Ford Motor Co. assembly plant. In 1955, he joined the Dallas Police Department and soon became a motorcycle officer. Mr. Freeman had ridden motorcycles "since he was a kid," his son said. His experience with security work also helped lead him to become a police officer. "He was not one to sit at home; he was always doing things," his son said. "I think that's what he liked about being a police officer. It was something different every day. He was not the kind of person who could sit in an office and do the same job every day. "He had to have that interaction with different people," his son said. Mr. Freeman spent his last several years working from a patrol car after years of motorcycle work and aging took their toll, his son said. After retiring from the Police Department in 1977, Mr. Freeman – a longtime amateur radio operator – worked for Decibel Products in Dallas. He retired from that company in the early 1990s, his son said. In retirement, Mr. Freeman was active with VFW Post 6796, where he was quartermaster. "He was quick to laugh," his son said. "That's what a lot of people remember about him. He was kind of jovial almost." In addition to his son, Mr. Freeman is survived by another son, Kevin D. Freeman of Allen; a sister, Sharon Ritchie of Granbury; and five grandchildren. Memorial contributions may be made to St. Michael's Hospice Corp., P.O. Box 940667, Plano, Texas 75094. E-mail jsimnacher@dallasnews.com <END QUOTE>

Good Day.... FYI.... http://www.technewsworld.com/story/52291.html <QUOTE> Phishing Scam Targets JFK Conspiracy Theorists By Dinah Greek VNUNet.com 08/08/06 5:00 PM PT An e-mail, which has been spammed out to Internet users across the world, is claiming to come from a dying KGB agent who has inside information on the assassination of John F. Kennedy. The scammer tells people that the information could help the recipient become famous, then requests are made from the fraudster for private information which may lead to requests for money, stolen identities and financial theft. Scammers are sending out e-mails purporting to come from a dying KGB agent who has inside information on the assassination of John F. Kennedy. IT security firm Sophos said it believes that the spammed phishing e-mail campaign is just another variant of the 419 scams. Nigerian Money Scheme These unsolicited e-mails, named after the relevant section of the Nigerian penal code where many of them originated, offer the recipient a large amount of money for channeling money out of another country. Once a victim has been drawn in, requests are made from the fraudster for private information which may lead to requests for money, stolen identities and financial theft. Sophos said the latest e-mail is another attempt at social engineering. This time it looks like an attempt to lure unsuspecting conspiracy theory-lovers into handing over cash and confidential information. The e-mail's author, who claims to be suffering from a terminal disease, says he has access to declassified CIA documents, files from the former KGB, and interviews with key people that have never before been made public. Promise of Fame, Fortune In the e-mail, which has been spammed out to Internet users across the world, the scammer tells people that the information could help the recipient become famous. Part of the e-mail reads: "You can talk about it with your friends and neighbors. You can write your own shocking book that will have success and bring you fame. "You can call in to radio talk shows. You can raise the issues. You can demand answers -- not in 50 years or 100 years, but right now, in our lifetime." "There is a conspiracy at work here, but it's not about whether someone was lurking on a grassy knoll in Dallas on November 22, 1963," said Graham Cluley, senior technology consultant for Sophos. "Internet criminals are conspiring to steal sensitive information and raid the bank accounts of unsuspecting Internet users. "If everyone showed the same skepticism to unsolicited e-mails, as some do to the official investigations into the Kennedy assassination, then maybe less people would end up the victims of a scam." <END QUOTE>

Book Review http://www.philly.com/mld/inquirer/news/ma...ly/15100141.htm <QUOTE> Fuhrman views JFK's murder as 'a simple act' A Simple Act of Murder November 22, 1963 By Mark Fuhrman Morrow. 232 pp. $25.95 Reviewed by Thomas Lipscomb H. L. Mencken cautioned that "for every complex problem, there is a solution that is simple, neat, and wrong," but that doesn't keep detective turned talented criminal investigative writer Mark Fuhrman from seeing the assassination of President John F. Kennedy as "a simple act of murder." Sometimes, fortunately, in seeking that "simple solution," some real progress is made in defining how to go about finding any solution. Mark Fuhrman's book is well worth reading for its clarity and single-mindedness in taking on the challenge of a much-muddled subject. It is also the most useful brief summary to date of how the investigations into the assassination have proceeded, officially and unofficially, from 1963 to the present. Mark Fuhrman spent his professional life in the Los Angeles Police Department, and shared the conclusion of many of his colleagues that there had to be a conspiracy in the Kennedy assassination. Despite that, he set himself the task of solving the case in "an effort to clear away some of the fog... so that we can see it for what it is - a simple act of murder." He certainly succeeded in creating a brisk read for armchair investigators. Fuhrman correctly notes that most of the vast material commenting on the assassination is peripheral to the evidence and begins at the wrong end of the investigation by trying to decide on a suspect first, and then cutting the evidence to fit. Fuhrman reviews the evidence first. And his understanding of it provides both the highlights and the failures of his book as he proves to be not above cutting some of the evidence himself. Perhaps the most interesting part of the book is Fuhrman's masterly analysis of Arlen Specter's much-debated "magic bullet" theory. Specter, as assistant counsel to the Warren Commission, came up with an ingenious theory as to how one bullet caused extensive wounds to President Kennedy, then to Texas Gov. John Connally, and then conveniently rolled out - to be found, almost pristine, on Connally's stretcher at Dallas' Parkland Hospital. The theory was so improbable that three members of the commission objected to it. One, Georgia Sen. Richard Russell, refused to sign the report unless his dissent was published with it. It has since been the inspiration for dozens of conspiracy theorists, who jump to wildly differing conclusions. According to Fuhrman, Specter's difficulty was that the commission had concluded that the first of the three bullets Oswald fired had missed. That meant the second bullet had to do double damage since the commission had also decided that the third bullet was the head shot that hit only Kennedy. Fuhrman's solution is simpler and obvious. According to the commission, three shots were fired; the range of all three shots was between 50 and 100 yards, the rifle had a four-power telescopic sight, and the target was moving at less than 8 m.p.h. It was almost impossible to miss with any shot. Why wasn't it more likely that the first shot hadn't missed, but had indeed hit Kennedy in the upper back and that the second shot had hit Connally (hence, the bullet found on his stretcher)? Fuhrman's theory makes a lot more sense. There is only one problem. No one has yet succeeded, under similar conditions, in making those three shots with a comparable bolt-action Mannlicher-Carcano in the 5.6 seconds allotted by the Zapruder film timing, much less reload, aim, and fire another shot in the 1.8 seconds Fuhrman allots between the first shot striking Kennedy and the shot striking Connally. Fuhrman and Specter both have a problem. The "magic bullet" theory actually originated with a naval officer nominally in charge of what is generally agreed was the badly botched autopsy conducted at Bethesda Naval Hospital with 28 people crammed into the room and the Kennedy family outside determining what would and would not be allowed. The officer was Cmdr. James J. Humes. The Kennedy autopsy was Humes' very first forensic autopsy and he was as full of opinions as he was an amateur in forensic autopsy. Fuhrman concludes that Specter should have known better than to buy into Humes' theory, once he took the consistent - and directly conflicting - testimony of Connally and his wife. But the commission was under tremendous pressure from Lyndon B. Johnson's White House to get its report out before the 1964 election, and it was certainly easier to wind it up by August listening to Humes as if he actually knew what he was talking about. Unfortunately, despite calling the Humes autopsy "botched" himself, Fuhrman goes along with its conclusions, ignoring forensic autopsy expert Cyril Wecht, radiologist David Mantik, and others who have offered important reconsiderations of the autopsy X-rays and photographic evidence - all of it indicating that the autopsy was part of a government smoke screen concealing just how the shots had hit Kennedy. Fuhrman seems more inclined, like Gerald Posner of Case Closed, to find a better basis for the Warren Report than to consider new evidence. Available now, for example, are photographs collected from the more than 30 photographers present in Dealey Plaza that day.Some of these appear to challenge the Zapruder film, which the commission put forward as the most important evidence. A Simple Act of Murder is not entirely satisfying, but it is hard to believe any solution ever will be, especially when one reads a recent statement by Gary Cornwell, who served as deputy chief counsel for the House Select Committee on Assassinations that investigated the Kennedy assassination in the late 1970s. Looking back after all the years he spent on the case with chief counsel Robert Blakey, Cornwell concluded that "the honest truth is that we will probably never 'solve' the case. The case should have been solved in 1963 and 1964, and because the government decided not to look for the real answers when it had the chance, the opportunity was probably lost forever." <END QUOTE>

Good Day.... http://www.rcfp.org/news/2006/0720-foi-settle.html <QUOTE> Settlement enough for FOIA requester to win attorney fees An author who largely prevailed in an FOIA lawsuit against the CIA over documents about the Kennedy assassination is eligible for attorney fees, a federal appellate court ruled. July 20, 2006 · A federal court order enforcing an agreement by the CIA to release documents under the Freedom of Information Act is enough of a victory to make the requester eligible for attorney fees, the U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington, D.C., ruled last week. A three-judge panel ruled July 11 that a 2001 U.S. District Court order memorializing the CIA's agreement to release documents about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy to a Virginia historian means the author "substantially prevailed," meeting the standard for attorney fee eligibility under FOIA. Court of Appeals Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson wrote for the unanimous three-judge panel that the settlement in favor of access for requester William Davy Jr., met what is known as the Buckhannon standard after a 2001 U.S. Supreme Court ruling. "First the order changed the legal relationship between [the plaintiff] and the defendant, and, second, Davy was awarded some relief on the merits of his claim," wrote Henderson, partially quoting the high court ruling. Although the appellate court determined Davy to be "eligible" for fees based on the court-ordered agreement, the case was returned to the district court to determine whether Davy was entitled to attorney fees. Dan Alcorn, the attorney who represented Davy, said although the current framework for recovering attorney fees is less than adequate, the Court of Appeals decision provides some relief. "I think there's been a feeling that fees are almost impossible in FOIA cases," Alcorn said. "Although the case law is not perfect and not what we would like, it's not impossible under existing case law." The decision also offers some relief from the practice of federal agencies dropping challenges to releasing records at the last minute to avoid paying FOIA requesters' attorney fees. Davy's 1993 FOIA request sought certain CIA documents related to the Kennedy assassination. Seven years after his request, Davy sued the agency. Two years after filing suit, despite its earlier claim that the records were so security-sensitive it could "neither confirm nor deny" their existence, the CIA "voluntarily" released a batch of more than 100 documents without waiting for U.S. District Judge Richard Leon of Washington to rule on the merits of the case. Although the CIA won a motion officially dismissing the case, Davy later asked the court to order the agency to pay the $27,000 in attorney fees he incurred during the legal battle to get the records. In February 2005, Judge Leon denied Davy's motion without explanation. In reversing Leon, the appeals court relied heavily on Buckhannon Board and Care Home Inc. v. West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources, in which the Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that a plaintiff must receive at least some relief in a court ruling on the merits of a case or in a court-sanctioned settlement agreement to meet the "prevailing party" standard required under FOIA to receive attorney fees. First Amendment advocates support legislation that would change the law to award plaintiff attorney fees when an FOIA lawsuit leads to government compliance with the legal obligation to provide information. In ruling for Davy, the court cited its 2005 decision in Edmonds v. FBI, marking the second time that a court-endorsed decree providing substantial relief -- though short of courtroom victory -- was sufficient to meet the standard for attorney fees. "It's moving in the direction we would like to see," Alcorn said. (Davy v. Central Intelligence Agency; Requester's counsel: Daniel S. Alcorn, Vienna, Va.) -- <END QUOTE>

Good Day.... Recently, I saw a small scan of an 11-22-63 "Birmingham Post Herald" newspaper that was printed pre-assassination and detailed events from 11-21-63. The front page had an article entitled, "Dallas Jury Wants RFK as Witness." The scan is too small to read the accompanying article. Can someone, please, provide the details? Thank You in advance.

Good Day.... Has anyone ever heard about/read about/interviewed a man named DONALD BANKSTON claiming to be a DP witness? Thank You in advance. Best Regards in Research, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "Drehm seemed to think the shots came from in FRONT OF or BESIDE the President." (my EMPHASIS) ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a very close Dealey Plaza witness who was also a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, quoted only minutes after the attack, and while he is still standing within Dealey Plaza ("Dallas Times Herald," 11-22-63, final edition)

....Good Day Robin.... MARY WOODWARD's backside is seen in the Z-film as the 3rd woman to the photo apparent right of the "silver hardhat man," A.J. MILLICAN (she has lighter color hair than the women she is nearest). She is obscurred in both BETZNER #3 (by SS agents) and WILLIS #5 (her hands are up and clapping, but D.P.D. Presidential Limousine Escort Motorcycleman DOUGLASS JACKSON hides half her face). Her entire smiling face is seen in the ALTGEN's photo #6 looking towards the presidential limousine photo apparent left of MILLICAN, and the limousine's UNITED STATES flag obscures a portion of her body. A few years ago I was referred to her by her ex-son-in-law, but at that time she did not want to provide an interview. Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "I looked over, and the second shot hit him in the face." ---- JAMES M. CHANEY, D.P.D. Presidential Limousine Motorcycle Escort in an 11-22-63 ABC tv interview with BILL LORD, describing the 2nd of 3 shots he remembered hearing. CHANEY also said that when he heard the 1st shot CHANEY remembered hearing that it sounded like a motorcycle backfiring & CHANEY looked to his left & saw that President KENNEDY then "looked back over his left shoulder."

Good Day.... A reminder to some attempting to revise history.... From the "Associated Press".... <QUOTE> CIA Blamed for Bay of Pigs Debacle February 22, 1998 NEW YORK (AP) -- One of the Cold War's most secret documents --- the CIA's scathing internal investigation into the 1961 Bay of Pigs debacle --- is finally out, and there is little wonder why the spy agency has guarded it so jealously. The 150-page report, released after sitting in the CIA director's safe for more than three decades, blamed the disastrous attempt to oust Fidel Castro not on President John F. Kennedy's failure to call in air strikes, but on the agency itself. The CIA's ignorance, incompetence, as well at its arrogance toward the 1,400 Cuban exiles it trained and equipped to mount the invasion, was responsible for the fiasco, said the report. "The choice was between retreat without honor and a gamble between ignominious defeat and dubious victory. The agency chose to gamble, at rapidly decreasing odds," the report said. The document, released by the agency last week, criticized almost every aspect of the CIA's handling of the invasion: misinforming Kennedy administration officials, planning poorly, using faulty intelligence and conducting an overt military operation beyond "agency responsibility as well as agency capability." Few of the CIA personnel helping train the exiles for the invasion spoke Spanish, yet "the agency reduced the exiled leaders to the status of puppets." Despite U.S. news articles linking the United States with a plan to invade Cuba, the project went forward under the "pathetic illusion" of deniability, the report said. Castro's forces easily turned back the April 1961 assault at the Bay of Pigs, killing 200 rebel soldiers and capturing 1,197 others, who were later turned over to U.S. authorities. The fiasco at the swampy, mosquito-ridden inlet on Cuba's southern coast was a watershed for the CIA, puncturing the air of invincibility it had acquired with its successes in helping topple Iran's president in 1953 and Guatemala's leader in 1954. It was also a major foreign policy disaster for the Kennedy administration, tarnishing its "Camelot" sheen and frustrating its young president. Yet it also hardened his determination to get rid of Castro, evident in subsequent assassination plots that became subject of congressional investigations. CIA officials and Cuban exiles believed Kennedy's failure to approve air strikes to back up the seaborne invaders doomed the plan. But the report, by CIA Inspector General Lyman Kirkpatrick, placed the blame directly on CIA leaders, saying they had "failed to advise the president, at an appropriate time, that success had become dubious and to recommend that the operation therefore be canceled." The report so outraged CIA officials that all but one of the 20 copies produced was destroyed. CIA officials feared that if the document leaked, it could provoke crippling public criticism of the agency. "In unfriendly hands, it can become a weapon unjustifiably (used) to attack the entire mission, organization, and functioning of the agency," CIA deputy director C.P. Cabell wrote in a December 15, 1961, memorandum. The sole remaining copy of the report remained in the CIA director's safe until last week, when it was released in response to a Freedom of Information Act request by the National Security Archive, a non-profit group in Washington. <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "It is inconceivable that a secret intelligence arm of the government has to comply with all the overt orders of the government?" - the C.I.A.'s JAMES J. ANGLETON in executive session testimony to the "Church Committee," as repeated to ANGLETON by Senator SCHWEIKER; Church Committee, Hearings, Vol. II

Good Day.... Exerpt from the BARBIE ZELIZER book, "Covering the Body: The Kennedy Assassination, The Media, and the Shaping of Collective Memory" (1992).... http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0226979717...%3D#reader-link Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner or later, The Truth emerges Clearly Dealey Plaza Professionally-surveyed Map, Witnesses, Evidence, Info, etc. ROSEMARY WILLIS Headsnap Westward Towards "Grassy Knoll" Discovery BOND Photos Do Not Support GORDON ARNOLD's Presence President Kennedy.... "4 Principles" speech & Don Roberdeau research/discoveries T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "Now in Breaking News, a blistering, behind-the-scenes novel about the savagely competitive world of television news, he writes about this world he knows best--a world where integrity is held hostage in the relentless pursuit of the bottom line." - publisher's note about DP attack witness and reporter ROBERT MacNeil's 1998 book, "Breaking the News"

CONNALLY: LBJ "was being a real asshole about the whole thing and insisted." Good Day.... http://www.opednews.com/articles/opedne_do...ion_the_bes.htm <QUOTE> Is deception the best way to serve one's country? by Doug Thompson The handwritten note lay in the bottom drawer of my old rolltop desk, one I bought for $50 in a junk store in Richmond, VA, 39 years ago. "Dear Doug & Amy," it read. "Thanks for dinner and for listening." The signature was a bold "John" and the letterhead on the note simply said "John B. Connally" and was dated July 14, 1982. I met John Connally on a TWA flight from Kansas City to Albuquerque earlier that year. The former governor of Texas, the man who took one of the bullets from the assassination that killed President John F. Kenney, was headed to Santa Fe to buy a house. The meeting wasn't an accident. The flight originated in Washington and I sat in the front row of the coach cabin. During a stop in Kansas City, I saw Connally get on the plane and settle into a first class seat so I walked off the plane and upgraded to a first class seat right ahead of the governor. I not only wanted to meet the man who was with Kennedy on that day in Dallas in 1963 but, as the communications director for the re-election campaign of Congressman Manuel Lujan of New Mexico, I thought he might be willing to help out on what was a tough campaign. When the plane was in the air, I introduced myself and said I was working on Lujan's campaign. Connally's face lit up and he invited me to move to the empty seat next to him. "How is Manuel? Is there anything I can do to help?" By the time we landed in Albuquerque, Connally had agreed to do a fundraiser for Lujan. A month later, he flew back into New Mexico where Amy and I picked him up for the fundraiser. Afterwards, we took him to dinner. Connolly was both gracious and charming and told us many stories about Texas politics. As the evening wore on and the multiple bourbon and branch waters took their effect, he started talking about November 22, 1963, in Dallas. "You know I was one of the ones who advised Kennedy to stay away from Texas," Connally said. "Lyndon (Johnson) was being a real asshole about the whole thing and insisted." Connally's mood darkened as he talked about Dallas. When the bullet hit him, he said he felt like he had been kicked in the ribs and couldn't breathe. He spoke kindly of Jackie Kennedy and said he admired both her bravery and composure. I had to ask. Did he think Lee Harvey Oswald fired the gun that killed Kennedy? "Absolutely not," Connally said. "I do not, for one second, believe the conclusions of the Warren Commission." So why not speak out? "Because I love this country and we needed closure at the time. I will never speak out publicly about what I believe." We took him back to catch a late flight to Texas. He shook my hand, kissed Amy on the cheek and walked up the ramp to the plane. We saw Connally and his wife a couple of more times when they came to New Mexico but he sold his house a few years later as part of a bankruptcy settlement. He died in 1993 and, I believe, never spoke publicly about how he doubted the findings of the Warren Commission. Connnally's note serves as yet another reminder that in our Democratic Republic, or what's left of it, few things are seldom as they seem. Like him, I never accepted the findings of the Warren Commission. Too many illogical conclusions. John Kennedy's death, and the doubts that surround it to this day, marked the beginning of the end of America's idealism. The cynicism grew with the lies of Vietnam and the senseless deaths of too many thousands of young Americans in a war that never should have been fought. Doubts about the integrity of those we elect as our leaders festers today as this country finds itself embroiled in another senseless war based on too many lies. John Connally felt he served his country best by concealing his doubts about the Warren Commission's whitewash but his silence may have contributed to the growing perception that our elected leaders can rewrite history to fit their political agendas. Had Connally spoken out, as a high-ranking political figure with doubts about the "official" version of what happened, it might have sent a signal that Americans deserve the truth from their government, even when that truth hurts. <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research, + ++Don Donald Roberdeau United States Navy U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, plank walker Sooner, or later, The Truth emerges clearly For your key considerations + independent determinations.... Homepages Website: "Men of Courage": President Kennedy-elimination Evidence, Witnesses, Photographers, Outstanding Researchers Discoveries, Suspects, + Key Considerations.... http://droberdeau.blogspot.com/2009/08/1-men-of-courage-jfk-assassination_09.html The Dealey Plaza Detailed Map: Documented 11-22-63 Victims Precise Locations + Reactions, Evidence, Witnesses Locations, Photographers, Suspected Bullet Trajectories, Outstanding Researchers Discoveries, + Important Information + Key Considerations, in One Convenient Resource.... http://i.imgur.com/rGmmWxD.gif ( updated map, + new information ) Discovery: Very Close JFK Assassination Witness ROSEMARY WILLIS's Zapruder Film Documented 2nd Head Snap: West, Ultrafast, and Directly Towards the Grassy Knoll .... http://droberdeau.blogspot.com/2011/01/discovery-close-jfk-assassination.html Visual Report: The First Bullet Impact Into President Kennedy: While JFK was Still Hidden Under the "Magic-limbed-ricochet-tree".... http://i.imgur.com/rfRH5jX.gif Visual Report: Reality Versus C.A.D. : the Real World, versus, Garbage-in-garbage-out.... http://i.imgur.com/r8Ga26x.gif T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore For the United States: http://www.dhs.gov "Finance is the gun. Politics is knowing when to pull the trigger." ----ENZO ROBUTTI as "Don Licio Luchesi," "The Godfather-Part III" (1990)

Good Day.... "Chicago Sun Times" 21MAR06 article.... http://www.suntimes.com/output/elect/cst-nws-mob21.html <QUOTE> Mob didn't turn out vote for Kennedy: UIC professor March 21, 2006 BY ABDON M. PALLASCH Staff Reporter No, the Mafia did not win the 1960 presidential election for John F. Kennedy, according to a study by a University of Illinois at Chicago professor. After Kennedy's razor-thin victory over Richard Nixon in Illinois, which cemented Kennedy's lead in the electoral college, Nixon backers blamed Mayor Richard J. Daley's notorious precinct captains for election-night hijinks. But years later, another argument emerged: Kennedy or his father made a deal with the mob to throw the election in Chicago -- and thus Illinois -- to Kennedy. Author Seymour Hersh made the argument in a 1997 book. Frank Sinatra's daughter, Tina, and Judith Campbell Exner, reputed former mistress of the late president and of late Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana, also made versions of that argument. To test the theory that the mob turned out the vote in Chicago's 1960 general election, John Binder, a finance professor at UIC, analyzed vote totals for five city wards where the mob reputedly had clout, as well as in Cicero and Chicago Heights. Those areas performed no differently than the non-mob wards and suburbs, Binder found. "There's really no evidence to support that story," Binder said. "Some of the people telling these stories are nuts." The Democratic votes in the 1st, 24th, 25th, 28th and 29th wards, as well as in Cicero and Chicago Heights, did not jump any more from Adlai Stevenson in 1956 to Kennedy in 1960 than other comparable wards and townships, he said. Exner had also said she was sent to deliver money from the Kennedy family to Giancana to help fund union efforts on Kennedy's behalf in the West Virginia primary election in which Kennedy surprised Hubert Humphrey. Binder questions that as well. "How in God's name is Sam Giancana going to get anything done in West Virginia?" he asked. "They don't have any influence there." Could the mob's influence in the 1960 Chicago general election have been citywide through the unions as opposed to just the mob-controlled wards? Binder calls that unlikely because Kennedy and his brother had antagonized union leaders during the McClellan hearings. "There is evidence that unions voted the other way -- they couldn't stand the Kennedys," Binder said. apallasch@suntimes.com <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner or later, The Truth emerges Clearly Dealey Plaza Professionally-surveyed Map, Witnesses, Evidence, Info, etc. ROSEMARY WILLIS Headsnap Westward Towards "Grassy Knoll" Discovery BOND Photos Do Not Support GORDON ARNOLD's Presence President Kennedy.... "4 Principles" speech & Don Roberdeau research/discoveries T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "I'm not satisfied when I see men like Jimmy Hoffa--in charge of the largest union in the United States--still free." ----JOHN F. KENNEDY, Senator & Presidential candidate, during the first 1960 Presidential election tv-radio debate, Monday, September 26, 1960, Chicago, IL

JACK: The black and white photo of Beverly was NOT enhanced. It is NOT intended to show PAINT on the shoes, but that the shoes are identical to the ones she had packed away for forty years. I saw the shoes. I saw the yellow paint. So did Dr. Fetzer and Dr. Mantik. ....Good Day Jack.... With your being a photographer, did any of the three of you think to capture some color photo(s) of the shoes BEVERLY showed to you? When did she show you the shoes? Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner or later, The Truth emerges Clearly Dealey Plaza Professionally-surveyed Map, Witnesses, Evidence, Info, etc. ROSEMARY WILLIS Headsnap Westward Towards "Grassy Knoll" Discovery T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "If only I had reacted, I could have taken that shot.... ....that would have been alright with me." ----CLINT EASTWOOD, as Secret Service Agent Frank Horrigan in the film, "In the Line of Fire" (1992)

LEE: In the meanwhile, I will also ask Don Roberdeau the 2 questions at hand, as relate to where the reference info came from on his plat - the yellow marks, and the alleged 'curb strike' on Elm. ....Good Day Lee.... Please view the following ROBERT WEST surveyed map (one of several different surveyed maps he did for the warrenatti from 1963-64), in case it does not appear here. If I recall correctly, I received and enlarged that ROBERT WEST surveyed map and read where it was written "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB" about 4 or 5 years before I started posting publicly on the internet in 1997-98.... http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROBERTwest_CURBbulletIMPACT.gif The first time I read "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB" that appears on the ROBERT WEST map I first wondered--and still do--from where and/or who WEST obtained the information(s) to document that on his surveyed street contour map. Then I immediately recalled the often overlooked warrenatti 1964 testimony of JEAN HILL, in which she testified that she was told by an "agent" that another "agent"--WHO WAS IN DEALEY PLAZA DURING THE ATTACK--had seen an attack bullet strike and kick up debris near JEAN. (of course, there, "officially," was no other "agents" stationed in Dealey Plaza, so, the warrenatti have *forgotten* about JEAN testifying to any "agents" and a bullet striking near her) Recall also that in 1966 CHARLES BREHM is documented on film stating to LANE that he watched something traject away leftward and behind President KENNEDY and landed at the Elm Street south curb near BREHM.... As documented, the oval "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB" spreads to BREHM's front left and his right.... A bullet, barely tangentially striking President KENNEDY, source-triggered from the HSCA determined GK picket fence assassin, or, triggered from a north triple overpass vertical sewer assassin, could very well have exited and, carrying with it observed head debris, trajected behind and to the left of the president into the "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB" zone, exactly as WWII U.S. Army Ranger, D-Day and battles experienced BREHM was attracted to watch. Perhaps one of the reasons (or the very reason) that specific ROBERT WEST surveyed map was originally re-printed small enough to make it hard to read the annotated "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB" was BECAUSE it does detail the oval with "AREA OF BULLET SHOT ON CURB," and the warrenatti, again, deliberately, tried (but failed, yet again) to conceal even more information from We, The People. The eight (8) Elm Street south curb yellow painted strips are all visible--some easier to see than others--within the ZAPRUDER film, and, they are also visible in post-attack aerial and ground sourced films and photos captured within weeks of 22NOV63. I was told the reason for the yellow strips was to provide them on a car driver side of the road so the car driver would be alerted to Elm Street curving to the right before reaching the cement vertical supports of the triple overpass, and being so alerted a driver (and a driver who had never driven down the street and/or a drunk driver) would not drive straight into the cement supports, as had actually occured prior to 22NOV63. The reason the yellow strips were closer together the closer a driver approached the vertical cement supports was to alert the driver more frequently.... which makes sense, especially if the yellow strips reflected car lights at night to a driver/drunk driver.... A driver located on the east end of Elm Street (e.g. viewed from adjacent to the warrenatti-posnerian-"magic-limbed-ricochet-tree" ) could/would have been attracted to see the yellow strips from that distance and line of sight, as appearing very close together. If I can ever help, Please feel free to contact me directly, Anytime. Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner or later, The Truth emerges Clearly Dealey Plaza Map, Witnesses, Evidence, Info, etc. ROSEMARY WILLIS Headsnap Westward Towards "Grassy Knoll" Discovery BOND Photos Do Not Support GORDON ARNOLD's Presence President Kennedy.... "4 Principles" speech & Don Roberdeau research/discoveries T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "It's exactly as it was. Part of the irony is it's just a beautiful place, and for it to happen here — that sort of fracture between beauty and terror," ----DAVID HEATH, 22NOV63, standing in Dealey Plaza

D.P.D. GUS ROSE About the "Minox" Camera Good Day.... Comments from D.P.D. detective GUS ROSE about OSWALD's "Minox" camera taped during ROSE's deposition to the HSCA.... <QUOTE> We found this camera and of course, we brought it and a whole lot of other property in, as possible evidence in the case. And, uh, while we were marking the evidence for later identification by us to be used in evidence we did, Stowall and I, did take a close look at this Minox miniature camera and it did have a roll of film in it. As time passed and after the Warren Commission was appointed, uh, a couple of F.B.I. agents made three different trips to our office to talk to me about this camera. They said that after they had received all the property they found that I had made a mistake, and that really wasn't a camera, it was a Minox light meter. However, as I told them at the time, I was sure that I had not made a mistake, it definitely was a camera and definitely did have film in it. However, they wanted me to change that in our property invoice to read Minox light meter and not read Minox camera. We never did change it. Uh, Captain Fritz instructed me if I was sure I was right not to make any changes in any reports, to stay with what was right. <END QUOTE> Best Regards in Research, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "The appearance of the term 'micro dots' on page 44 of Lee Oswald's address book aroused our suspicions, particularly in that it was associated with the address of the photographic firm where he was once employed." ----MEREDITH GARDNER, U.S. National Security Agency, Soviet-Codebreaker

Good Day.... From the following article concurrent with the release of longtime LBJ crony HORACE BUSBY's book of memoirs, it sounds like even more affirmations and (hopefully) details that the KENNEDY's (and others) did not want LBJ on the 1964 Democratic presidential ticket.... ....from the "Scripps Howard News Service".... http://www.shns.com/shns/g_index2.cfm?acti...=BUSBY-03-02-06 <QUOTE> Horace Busby was LBJ's right-hand man By PERRY FLIPPIN Scripps Howard News Service 02-MAR-06 As a 24-year-old news reporter in Austin, Texas, Horace Busby was recruited in 1948 to become the "idea man" for then-U.S. Rep. Lyndon B. Johnson. During the next 20 years, Busby was a confidant, speechwriter, quasi-therapist and friend to the man who would become the 36th president and Texas' foremost political figure in the 20th century. Now, six years since Busby's death, his son, Scott, has published Busby's memoirs, "The Thirty-First of March," which portrays in vivid detail LBJ's final days in office. The Washington Post has called it "the best and most-honest book we have about LBJ." The Houston Chronicle praised it as "a brief and brilliant memoir." Nobody except Lady Bird was better acquainted with Johnson than Busby, who was born in Fort Worth and became editor of The Daily Texan while a student at the University of Texas at Austin. His father, an old-school Church of Christ evangelist, hoped young Horace would become a minister. Journalism, he counseled, "is the shortest road to hell." The elder Busby was appalled that his son would consider a job with the Hill Country congressman, whom he knew drank whiskey, danced, played forty-two and "whooped it up at parties sometimes." In an eight-page letter, the old man cautioned, "Lyndon, you know, is a Digressive" meaning he had fallen away from the Church of Christ and thrown in with the Disciples of Christ, who use instrumental music in worship. The younger Busby accepted LBJ's offer sight-unseen and set out to "put some Churchill" in the congressman's public utterances. Although Johnson could rage unmercifully at his employees and drive them to exhaustion, he pushed himself even harder. Johnson wanted electricity and telephones for people living in the country, affordable health care, good schools, safe highways and comfortable retirement improvements for ordinary people. He was the last of Franklin D. Roosevelt's "New Dealers," who were loathed by people of wealth. Busby, who coined the term "The Great Society," describes LBJ's controversial victory over former Texas Gov. Coke Stevenson in 1948, his disappointing loss to John F. Kennedy in 1960, the devastating assassination in 1963 and the decision delivered via national television on Sunday night, March 31, 1968 to quit politics. For Busby, his ringside seat with LBJ's meteoric rise is mingled with the grand and the mundane. He applauded his employer's determination to make civil rights a hallmark of his legacy. He deplored efforts by White House insiders in 1963 to dump LBJ from the ticket. He fumed at Johnson's churlish behavior toward friends and associates intent on helping advance his career. Johnson singled out Busby to write his unforgettable valedictory: "I shall not seek and I will not accept the nomination of my party for another term as your president." Early in 1968, Johnson told Busby, "I have made up my mind. I can't get peace in Vietnam and be president, too." Busby writes with warmth and insight about the man who could be endearing and infuriating, ebullient and morose, insecure, paranoid, devious, coarse, brooding and brilliant. In his book "The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson," author Eric Goldman wrote, "More than any other member of his staff, Lyndon Johnson believed Horace Busby thought and felt like him." Reading Busby's inviting prose makes it clear why he was Johnson's favorite. Unfortunately, none of LBJ's Senate years are included, lost from Busby's writings. In the end, the president asked Busby to help him achieve one last ambition: "I tell you what we'll do," LBJ told his aide, "We'll go back down to Texas, and I'll buy us a newspaper. "You can be the editor, and I'll be the publisher. "I guess I've always wanted to be a big ... publisher someday. "We'll turn that state upside-down," he continued, clapping his hands. "We'll take on the oil crowd, and the utilities and all the fat cats. "We'll run 'em out of Austin, and we'll keep (them) running across the Red River all the way to Kansas." Busby declined the offer, staying in Washington, D.C., to edit his own business newsletter until his health failed in the 1990s. It was no accident that LBJ held such esteem for Houston Harte, the San Angelo Standard-Times publisher at the time, even attending the newspaper mogul's funeral in 1972. Johnson died 10 months later. Just hours before boarding Air Force One for the last time, LBJ told Busby: "When I get back down to that ranch, I'm going to get up every morning and do just exactly what I've always wanted to do for 40 years _ nothing." In his boyhood, LBJ had been told by his father that he had "a lazy streak." He had lived out his career fearful that people would think he did not "work hard enough." Busby accurately foresaw the rise of the Republican Party in the Old South and the powerful partnership created by the media, Hollywood and academia. As TIME magazine's Hugh Sidey observed: Busby "viewed it all as another chapter in the great and wonderful political drama in which he had taken part." <END QUOTE> **some notes.... HORACE BUSBY (born 1924, died 2000) **On 24NOV63 the USSR's DOBRYNIN showed up at the WH and popped a thick file about OSWALD while-in-Russia on BUSBY's desk and declared "Oswald's not one of ours." **on some date before 11-29-63 (before WC formed) LBJ tasked BUSBY with making WAGGONER CARR head-up command of the investigation **longtime advisor to LBJ since 1948; was in his UPI office on 11-22-63 when teletype flashed assassination news (in a 2005 article it says his wife was in LBJ's home) **BUSBY coined the term "The Great Society" that LBJ used in speeches http://www.ratical.org/ratville/JFK/JohnJu...y/JFK911MM.html http://msnbc.msn.com/id/6827500/ http://www.wcnc.com/sharedcontent/washingt....1ee328c60.html Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "From a moral standpoint, Johnson had no use for religion except for the political benefits that it bestowed upon him. He had no use for the sanctity of marriage except for the voting benefits it offered to him as a 'married man.' And, his desire for alcohol, just like with sex, was excessive. In short, moral rules relating to his personal conduct had no effect on stopping him from getting what he wanted." ----CRAIG ZIRBEL, summarizing LBJ's amoral characteristics that may have contributed, along with 4 on-going criminal investigations implicating LBJ, to LBJ's motivations for wanting President KENNEDY assassinated, "The Texas Connection" (pg.108)

Good Day.... Does anyone have a copy or transcript of a June 18, 1986 letter from PROUTY to GARRISON? If so, would you, please, email it to me at DRoberdeau@aol.com. Thank You, in advance. Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," plank walker Sooner, or later, The Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "To be courageous requires no exceptional qualifications. It is an opportunity that sooner or later is presented to us all." ----Senator JOHN F. KENNEDY, "Profiles in Courage" (1955

Good Day.... Can someone who has the video of the 1967 CBS News, 4-part inquiry presented on tv entitled "The Warren Report," please, make a copy for me? (I have the 1968 book, "Should We Now Believe The Warren Commission?" by STEPHEN WHITE that is based on that CBS inquiry) I will, of course, cover all expenses. Thank You in advance. Best Regards, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," plank walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "You choose life--we choose death." -note left by al-Quaida terrorists murderers after Spanish train bombings that killed 198 persons, March, 2004

HARTMAN's Touch History; a Grass Raised Bullet Track & Curb Nick Good Day All.... For those who have not viewed it yet, I was recently watching MARK OAKES on-camera interview of EDNA HARTMAN. (the OAKES video is copyrighted 1992) I was struck by her solid credibility and several very interesting and important observations that EDNA has detailed for us.... Prior to the attack, the HARTMAN's had been attending a court trial and the judge had stopped the proceedings early because the judge was going to the Trade Mart for the luncheon with President KENNEDY (could this have been the same judge whose "County Courts" building second floor courtroom windows that GADDY, MOONEYHAM, and others watched and heard the attack from?). Apparently after the trial was stopped, the HARTMAN's went just down Main Street to get something to eat, and watch President KENNEDY drive by. During the attack they each remembered hearing 2 or more shots from a couple blocks away while near "Mullendore's Cafeteria," located on the Record & Main Streets intersection northeast corner. They immediately ran west to Houston Street where they first encountered a dazed red-haired woman wearing a rose-color dress who EDNA asked what had happened? The dazed woman told the HARTMAN's that JFK had just been shot. (this rose-color-dress woman may be visible in the WILLIS #5 photo slide) They also were attracted to see a woman laying atop a boy on some grass (probably the NEWMAN's). They then spoke with a DPD-uniformed policeman who was standing with a boy (EUINS?) who also confirmed the president had been shot EDNA told OAKES that they <QUOTE> saw a policeman going up over the grassy knoll by the picket fence <END QUOTE> so they moved down into the north infield grass and ended up standing near the Elm Street south curb sewer. EDNA was looking down and around in the grass surrounding the cement apron of what EDNA called the "manhole sewer," and she was immediately attracted to notice a small hole opening in the nearby grass, where, around this hole opening, the grass was raised up noticeably around the hole opening, and a raised furrow track extended in a straight line from the hole opening. EDNA said of the bullet track that they looked at, and, also, physically explored with their hands and fingers, that the bullet track was <QUOTE> a piece of dirt raised up like a ground mole would, but it didn't go down, it went in the--across the ground, under it, and I bent over and I traced it for several feet back, and a policeman appeared ((JOE FOSTER?)) and traced it with me, and I said 'What in the world is this? It's like a ground mole hole, but I've never seen one so long' and he (the DPD policeman) said 'That's where a bullet went through' and it traveled quite a ways back, but it did not come out of the ground. I said 'Well, it did not come out?' and he said 'No. It's still in there' and as we turned around to go back to the curb to see where it had come from--there was a nick there in the curb--and just then all the motorcycles came at one time underneath...underneath 183. <END QUOTE> (((( THERE WAS A NICK THERE--not 157' further away southwest where the "Tague curb impact" was--IN THE CURB !! )))) The FBI did not take their statement until July 1964 (warrenatti CD1518). EDNA said the FBI acted like when the HARTMAN's went to the FBI to volunteer their detailed observations that their detailed observations were not important to the FBI nor the investigation, and it did not matter to the FBI whether the HARTMAN's made a statement or not. EDNA said the FBI told them that the bullet track was caused by "pieces of bone from the skull of the president," but EDNA said "I told them I did not believe a bone could do all of that." EDNA told OAKES, <QUOTE> The angle it (the bullet track) was, it could not have been from the president's skull <END QUOTE> When OAKES asked EDNA if the HARTMAN's ever told the FBI that--based on the direction the raised-grass bullet track furrow was pointing at--if the HARTMAN's had ever told the FBI that they thought the bullet track furrow pointed at the depository?, EDNA said no, they did not tell the FBI that. Geographically speaking, the bullet track was approximately 112' forward of President KENNEDY's Zf-313 position, very slightly left of limousine-forward, and to the right of the president's Zf-313 facing direction, with the limousine front glass windshield frame, windshield glass, and pushed-up left and right undamaged (but blood-splattered) sun visors directly in between the President KENNEDY at Zf-313 and the bullet track in the grass that the HARTMAN's and the DPD-uniformed policeman observed and explored.... An additional crucial consideration is that with President KENNEDY's headtop 4' above (422.6' HASL) his Zf-313 street point (418.6' HASL), the point of HARTMAN's grass bullet track (413.3' HASL) was 9.3' below the top of President KENNEDY's headtop, again, keeping in mind the higher-than-JFK limousine windshield & sunvisors were in between the president and the grass bullet track. In 1982 EARL GOLZ (who is currently working on completing his book based on his interviews and research since the early 1970's) wrote that WAYNE HARTMAN said he could--and did--fit 3 fingers into the bullet track hole. GOLZ wrote that the HARTMAN's saw the bullet track in grass about 5' south of the Elm Street south curb sewer "manhole cover," and that the HARTMAN's said that the bullet track was 1.5" wide, extending horizontally just under the grass roots for a length of 18" to 24". GOLZ also wrote that the HARTMAN's said the bullet track was <QUOTE> not in line with the shots fired from the depository building <END QUOTE> but was <QUOTE> aligned in the direction of the grassy knoll across the street and to the right front of the limousine. <END QUOTE> The location that the HARTMAN's described for the bullet furrow in the grass is detailed on my "DP.jpg" professionally surveyed Dealey Plaza map, linkable to below, after my signature. Best Regards in Research. Honored to be yours in the pursuit of The Truth, Don Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," plank walker Sooner, or later, The Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "Brehm seemed to think the shots came from in FRONT OF or BESIDE the President." (my EMPHASIS) ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, quoted only minutes after the attack, and while he is still standing within Dealey Plaza ("Dallas Times Herald," 11-22-63, final edition) "He was coming down the street and my five-year-old boy and myself were by ourselves on the grass there on Commerce Street, and I asked Joe to wave to him and Joe waved, and I waved--and the ma--the man----As he--as he was waving back he was--he was----the shot rang out and he slumped down in his seat and his wife reached up toward him and he was slumping down and the second shot went off and it just--just knocked him down in the seat. ... Two shots. ... No sir, I did not see the man who did it. I--I----All I--all I did was look in the mans' face when he was shot there and saw that expression on his face and he grabbed himself and slide, and the second one whenever it went----I'm positive it hit him--I hope it didn't--but I'm positive it hit him and he went all the way down in the car, then they speeded up and I didn't know what was going on so I just grabbed the boy and fell on him and hoped that there wasn't a maniac around. ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, recorded within an hour after the attack for tv and radio (BREHM's 22NOV63 written affidavit statements to the Dallas police have "disappeared" from the Dallas police file) "When the President's automobile was very close to him and he could see the President's face very well, the President was seated, but was leaning forward when he stiffened perceptibly at the same instant what appeared to be a rifle shot sounded. According to BREHM, the President seemed to stiffen and come to a pause when another shot sounded and the President appeared to be badly hit in the head. Brehm said when the President was hit by the second shot, he could notice the President's hair fly up, and then roll over to his side, as Mrs. KENNEDY was apparently pulling him in that direction. BREHM said that a third shot followed and that all three shots were relatively close together. BREHM stated that he was in military service and he has had experience with bolt-action rifles, and he expressed his opinion that the three shots were fired just about as quickly as an individual can maneuver a bolt-action rifle, take aim, and fire three shots. BREHM stated he definitely knew that the President had been shot and he recalled having seen blood on the President's face. He also stated that it seemed quite apparent to him that the shots came from one of two buildings back at the corner of Elm and Houston Streets." ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, statement to the FBI, 24NOV63 "I saw a piece fly over in the area of the curb where I was standing. .... It seemed to have come left, and back. .... Sir, whatever it was that I saw did fall, both, in that direction, and, over into the curb there." CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, statements during the 1966 assassination documentary film, "Rush to Judgment" "After the car passed the building coming toward us, I heard a . . . surprising noise, and [the President] reached with both hands up to the side of his throat and kind of stiffened out . . . And when he got down in the area just past me, the second shot hit which damaged, considerably damaged, the top of his head. . . . That car took off in an evasive motion . . . and was just beyond me when a third shot went off. The third shot really frightened me! It had a completely different sound to it because it had really passed me as anybody knows who has been in down under targets in the Army or been shot at like I had been many times. You know when a bullet passes over you, the cracking sound it makes, and that bullet had an absolute crack to it. I do believe that that shot was wild. It didn't hit anybody. I don't think it could have hit anybody. But it was a frightening thing to me because here was one shot that hit him, obviously; here was another shot that destroyed his head, and what was the reason for that third shot? That third shot frightened me more than the other two, and I grabbed the boy and threw him on the ground because I didn't know if we were going to have a 'shoot-'em-up' in this area." ... "I was telling them that there were rifle shots and that they came from up in the corner of the School Book Depository or up in the corner of the building across from it." ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, to Larry Sneed, "No More Silence" (1988)

Good Day.... Interestingly, an AOL poll that accompanies the AOL posting of the Reuters article reveals that 89% of respondents support that there was a conspiracy (27,091 votes so far) http://aolsvc.news.aol.com/news/article.ad...S00010000000001 <QUOTE> Cuba Paid Oswald to Kill Kennedy, New Film Says By Mark Trevelyan, Reuters BERLIN (Jan. 4) - Cuba lay behind the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy by Lee Harvey Oswald and its agents provided the gunman with money and support, an award-winning German director says in a new documentary film. Wilfried Huismann spent three years researching "Rendezvous with Death," based on interviews with former Cuban secret agents, U.S. officials and a Russian intelligence source, and on research in Mexican security archives. The film, shown to journalists in Berlin on Wednesday, says Oswald traveled to Mexico City by bus in September 1963, seven weeks before the Kennedy shooting, and met agents at the Cuban embassy there who paid him $6,500. Oscar Marino, a former Cuban agent and a key source for the documentary, told Huismann that Oswald himself had volunteered for the assassination mission and Havana had exploited him. "Oswald was a dissident. He hated his country...Oswald offered to kill Kennedy," Marino said in the film. "He was so full of hate, he had the idea. We used him...He was a tool." He said he knew with certainty that the assassination was an operation of the Cuban secret service G-2, but would not say if it was ordered by President Fidel Castro. Oswald was shot dead by Jack Ruby two days after killing Kennedy in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963. The film argues Cuba wanted to eliminate Kennedy as the chief enemy of its Communist revolution, and portrays him and Castro as dueling opponents each trying to assassinate the other first. Former CIA official Sam Halpern told Huismann: "He (Castro) beat us. He bested us. He came out on top, and we lost." FBI PROBE ABORTED Laurence Keenan, an officer of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) who was sent to Mexico City immediately after Kennedy's death to investigate a possible Cuban connection, said he was recalled after just three days and the probe was aborted. "This was perhaps the worst investigation the FBI was ever involved in," Keenan said. "I realized that I was used. I felt ashamed. We missed a moment in history." Keenan, 81, said he was convinced Kennedy's successor, Lyndon Johnson, blocked further investigation because proof of a Cuban link would put him under irresistible pressure to invade the island, a year after the Cuban missile crisis had brought the United States and Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear war. "Most likely there would have been an invasion of Cuba which could have had unknown consequences for the whole world," he told journalists at the screening, saying that was why Johnson preferred to accept Oswald was "a crazed lone Marxist assassin." Interviewed for the film, Alexander Haig, then a U.S. military adviser and later secretary of state, quoted Johnson as saying "we simply must not allow the American people to believe that Fidel Castro could have killed our president." "And the reason was that there would be a right-wing uprising in America, which would keep the Democratic party out of power for two generations," Haig said. He added that Robert F. Kennedy, brother of the assassinated president and attorney general in his administration, had personally ordered eight attempts on the life of Castro, who is still in power to this day. Cuban and Russian sources interviewed in the film say the KGB alerted the Cubans to Oswald in mid-1962 after he left the Soviet Union, where he had lived for three years, and returned to the United States with his Soviet wife and their daughter. Cuban intelligence first made contact with Oswald in November 1962, according to the film. Huismann also unearthed a U.S. intelligence report shown to Johnson which said Cuban secret service chief Fabian Escalante flew via Mexico City to Dallas on the day of Kennedy's assassination, and back again the same day. Tracked down by the film maker, Escalante denied he had been in Dallas and evaded questions about Cuba's alleged role. "What is truth, what are lies?" he said, smiling. <END QUOTE> Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "Brehm seemed to think the shots came from in FRONT OF or BESIDE the President." (my EMPHASIS) ----CHARLES F. BREHM, a combat gunfire experienced, United States Army Ranger, World War II and D-day veteran, quoted only minutes after the attack, and while he is still standing within Dealey Plaza ("Dallas Times Herald," 11-22-63, final edition)

Good Day.... My Dealey Plaza professionally surveyed map has been updated with many information considerations, additional witnesses, and a new graphic detailing the head-facing and changing directions and head rotational speeds of the KENNEDY's and CONNALLY's relative to limousine-forward during the start of the attack, to about Zf-205. http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DPonly.gif The DP map is updated at least monthly. Please feel free to bookmark in your favorites file and check periodically. All comments and critiques are always welcomed, along with your referenced suggestions for map inclusions. For your personal research, if you are looking for a mostly blank professionally-surveyed DP map that still contains President KENNEDY's timestamped Elm Street locations.... http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DPblank.gif Wishing Everyone a Successful new year. Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," Plank Walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more." ---- President JOHN F. KENNEDY, 20JAN61 inaugural address

Good Day.... An interesting quote of FINCK by ROBERT CHEEKS in his book review of "Tales From the Morgue" (2005) written by Dr. CYRIL WECHT.... http://www.intellectualconservative.com/article4833.html <QUOTE> Wecht was the first nongovernmental forensic pathologist to review the physical evidence of the November 22, 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Prior to that Wecht had delivered a paper, in February 1965, to the American Academy of Forensic Sciences critiquing the Warren Commission findings concerning the autopsy and the handling of evidence. A doctor in the audience was greatly impressed with Wecht's findings; he was Dr. Pierre Finck, the only forensic pathologist among the three doctors who performed the "autopsy" on the murdered president. Finck later met with Wecht and congratulated him on his speech, he then added a rather cryptic comment, "You cannot believe what it was like…it was horrible. Horrible. I only wish I could tell you more." Indeed. <END QUOTE> Don Roberdeau U.S.S. John F. Kennedy, CV-67, "Big John," plank walker Sooner, or later, the Truth emerges Clearly http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/DP.jpg http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/ROSE...NOUNCEMENT.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/BOND...PINGarnold.html http://members.aol.com/DRoberdeau/JFK/GHOS...update2001.html http://hometown.aol.com/DRoberdeau T ogether E veryone A chieves M ore "A red-brown to black area of skin surrounds the wound, forming what is called an abrasion collar. It was caused by the bullet's scraping the margins of the skin on penetration and is characteristic of a gunshot wound of entrance. The abrasion collar is larger at the lower margin of the wound, evidence that the bullet's trajectory at the instant of penetration was slightly upward in relation to the body." - 07HSCA175 describing President KENNEDY's, theorized, not-completely-probed, neck and back wounds