Wim Dankbaar

Larry, were you really not awre of all this? http://www.the7thfire.com/bush8b.htm This FBI document identifying George Bush as a CIA agent in November, 1963 was first published by Joseph McBride in The Nation in July, 1988, just before Bush received the Republican nomination for president. McBride's source observed: "I know [bush] was involved in the Caribbean. I know he was involved in the suppression of things after the Kennedy assassination. There was a very definite worry that some Cuban groups were going to move against Castro and attempt to blame it on the CIA." 20 When pressed for confirmation or denial, Bush's spokesman Stephen Hart commented: "Must be another George Bush." Within a short time the CIA itself would peddle the same damage control line. On July 19, 1988 in the wake of wide public attention to the report published in The Nation, CIA spokeswoman Sharron Basso departed from the normal CIA policy of refusing to confirm or deny reports that any person is or was a CIA employee. CIA spokeswoman Basso told the Associated press that the CIA believed that "the record should be clarified." She said that the FBI document "apparently" referred to a George William Bush who had worked in 1963 on the night shift at CIA headquarters, and that "would have been the appropriate place to have received such an FBI report." According to her account, the George William Bush in question had left the CIA to join the Defense Intelligence Agency in 1964. For the CIA to volunteer the name of one of its former employees to the press was a shocking violation of traditional methods, which are supposedly designed to keep such names a closely guarded secret. This revelation may have constituted a violation of federal law. But no exertions were too great when it came to damage control for George Bush. George William Bush had indeed worked for the CIA, the DIA, and the Alexandria, Virginia Department of Public Welfare before joining the Social Security Administration, in whose Arlington, Virginia office he was employed as a claims representative in 1988. George William Bush told The Nation that while at the CIA he was "just a lowly researcher and analyst" who worked with documents and photos and never received interagency briefings. He had never met Forsyth of the FBI or Captain Edwards of the DIA. "So it wasn't me," said George William Bush. 21 Later, George William Bush formalized his denial in a sworn statement to a federal court in Washington, DC. The affidavit acknowledges that while working at CIA headquarters between September 1963 and February 1964, George William Bush was the junior person on a three to four man watch shift which was on duty when Kennedy was shot. But, as George William Bush goes on to say, I have carefully reviewed the FBI memorandum to the Director, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State dated November 29, 1963 which mentions a Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency....I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum as information furnished to me orally or otherwise during the time I was at the CIA. In fact, during my time at the CIA. I did not receive any oral communications from any government agency of any nature whatsoever. I did not receive any information relating to the Kennedy assassination during my time at the CIA from the FBI. Based on the above, it is my conclusion that I am not the Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency referred to in the memorandum. 22 So we are left with the strong suspicion that the "Mr. George Bush of the CIA" referred to by the FBI is our own George Herbert Walker Bush, who, in addition to his possible contact with Lee Harvey Oswald's controller, may thus also join the ranks of the Kennedy assassination cover-up. It makes perfect sense for George Bush to be called in on a matter involving the Cuban community in Miami, since that is a place where George has traditionally had a constituency. George inherited it from his father, Prescott Bush of Jupiter Island, and later passed it on to his own son, Jeb.

http://www.tarpley.net/bush8b.htm Such participation would certainly be coherent with George's role in the Prescott Bush, Skull and Bones, and Brown Brothers, Harriman networks. During the twentieth century, the Skull and Bones/Harriman circles have always maintained a sizable and often decisive presence inside the intelligence organizations of the State Department, the Treasury Department, the Office of Naval Intelligence, the Office of Strategic Services, and the Central Intelligence Agency. Indeed, the Harriman and related Anglophile financier factions of Wall Street have generally regarded those parts of the state apparatus dealing with intelligence and covert operations as their own very special property, property which had to be kept seeded with control networks in order to be effectively steered from above. For George Bush to interface with the intelligence community while ostensibly engaged in his business career would be coherent with that well-established pattern. A body of leads has been assembled which suggests that George Bush may have been associated with the CIA at some time before the autumn of 1963. According to Joseph McBride of The Nation, "a source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine activities." 1 By the time of the Kennedy assassination, we have an official FBI document which refers to "Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency," and despite official disclaimers there is every reason to think that this is indeed the man in the White House today. The mystery of George Bush as a possible covert operator hinges on four points, each one of which represents one of the great political and espionage scandals of postwar American history. These four cardinal points are: 1. The abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, launched on April 16-17, 1961, prepared with the assistance of the CIA's "Miami Station" (also known under the code name JM/WAVE). After the failure of the amphibious landings of Brigade 2506, Miami station, under the leadership of Theodore Shackley, became the focus for Operation Mongoose, a series of covert operations directed against Castro, Cuba, and possibly other targets. 2. The assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963, and the coverup of those responsible for this crime. 3. The Watergate scandal, beginning with an April, 1971 visit to Miami, Florida by E. Howard Hunt on the tenth anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion to recruit operatives for the White House Special Investigations Unit (the "Plumbers" and later Watergate burglars) from among Cuban-American Bay of Pigs veterans. 4. The Iran-contra affair, which became a public scandal during October-November 1986, several of whose central figures, such as Felix Rodriguez, were also veterans of the Bay of Pigs. George Bush's role in both Watergate and the October surprise/Iran-contra complex will be treated in detail at later points in this book. Right now it is important to see that thirty years of covert operations, in many respects, form a single continuous whole. This is especially true in regard to the dramatis personae. Georgie Anne Geyer points to the obvious in a recent book: "...an entire new Cuban cadre now emerged from the Bay of Pigs. The names Howard Hunt, Bernard Barker, Rolando Martinez, Felix Rodriguez and Eugenio Martinez would, in the next quarter century, pop up, often decisively, over and over again in the most dangerous American foreign policy crises. There were Cubans flying missions for the CIA in the Congo and even for the Portuguese in Africa; Cubans were the burglars of Watergate; Cubans played key roles in Nicaragua, in Irangate, in the American move into the Persian Gulf." 2 Felix Rodriguez tells us that he was infiltrated into Cuba with the other members of the "Grey Team" in conjunction with the Bay of Pigs landings; this is the same man we will find directing the contra supply effort in central American during the 1980's, working under the direct supervision of Don Gregg and George Bush. 3 Theodore Shackley, the JM/WAVE station chief, will later show up in Bush's 1979-80 presidential campaign.

I would not be so sure about Roscoe White, untill the FBI produces the ORIGINAL diary they took. Wim

Here Larry: http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/P.../MENA/bush.html The Crimes of Mena: Bush's Early CIA Experience -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- "The Man Who Wasn't There, 'George Bush,' C.I.A. Operative" By Joseph McBride THE NATION, July 16/23, 1988 Vice President George Bush's resume is his most highly touted asset as a candidate. But a recently discovered F.B.I. memorandum raises the possibility that, like many resumes, it omits some facts the applicant would rather not talk about: specifically, that he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency in 1963, more than a decade before he became its director. The F.B.I. memorandum, dated November 29, 1963, is from Director J. Edgar Hoover to the State Department and is subject-headed "Assassination of President John F. Kennedy November 22, 1963." In it, Hoover reports that the Bureau had briefed "Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency" shortly after the assassination on the reaction of Cuban exiles in Miami. A source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine activities. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Back To The Mena Page. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Back To The Den: Politics. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Back To The Top. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Mail to: What Really Happened http://www.macha.idps.co.uk/bush_story.html As George Bush Junior ran for President of the United States in the year 2000, I remembered this FBI record about his Dad. Date: Thu, 4 Jan 1996 20:14:32 GMT From: Larry + Jennie Subject: More George Bush and the CIA "The Man Who Wasn't There, 'George Bush,' C.I.A. Operative" By Joseph McBride THE NATION, July 16/23, 1988 Vice President George Bush's resume is his most highly touted asset as a candidate. But a recently discovered F.B.I. memorandum raises the possibility that, like many resumes, it omits some facts the applicant would rather not talk about: specifically, that he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency in 1963, more than a decade before he became its director. The F.B.I. memorandum, dated November 29, 1963, is from Director J. Edgar Hoover to the State Department and is subject-headed "Assassination of President John F. Kennedy November 22, 1963." In it, Hoover reports that the Bureau had briefed "Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency" shortly after the assassination on the reaction of Cuban exiles in Miami. A source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine activities. ____________________________ That memo also provides insight as to the qualifications for why George Bush was selected Director for Central Intelligence in 1976, during a period when the CIA was washing its dirty linen and allegedly reforming itself. Here are some excerpts from the NATION: Informed of this memorandum, the Vice President's spokesman, Stephen Hart, asked, "Are you sure it's the same George Bush?" After talking to the Vice President, Hart quoted him as follows: "I was in Houston, Texas, at the time and involved in the independent oil drilling business. And I was running for the Senate in late '63." "Must be another George Bush," added Hart. Because the Vice President's response seemed something of a non-denial denial (he described what else he was doing rather than specifically denying C.I.A. involvement), I put the following queries to him via Hart: Did you do any work with or for the CIA prior to the time you became its director? If so, what was the nature of your relationship with the agency, and how long did it last? Did you receive a briefing by a member of the F.B.I. on anti-Castro Cuban activities in the aftermath o the assassination of President Kennedy? Half an hour later, Hart called me back to say that he had *not* spoken again to the Vice President about the matter, but would answer the questions himself. The answer to the first question was no, he said, and so he could skip number two. "This is the first time I've ever heard this," C.I.A. spokesman Bill Devine said when confronted with the allegations of the Vice President's involvement with the agency in the early 1960s. "I'll see what I can find out and call you back." The next day Devine called back with the terse official response, "I can neither confirm nor deny." Told what the Vice President's office had said, and asked if he could check whether there had been another George Bush in the C.I.A., Devine seemed to become a bit nonplused: "twenty-seven years ago? I doubt that very much. In any event, we have a standard policy of not confirming that anyone is involved in the C.I.A." Hoover's memo, which was written to the director of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, was buried among the 98,755 pages of F.B.I. documents released to the public in 1977 and 1978 as a result of the Freedom of Information Act suits. It was written to summarize the briefings given to Bush and Capt. William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency by the F.B.I.'s W.T. Forsyth on November 23, the day after the assassination, when Lee Harvey Oswald was still alive to be interrogated about his connections to Cuban exiles and the C.I.A. The briefing was held, according to the F.B.I. director, because the States Department feared that "some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U.S. policy, which is not true." Hoover continues: "Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matter in the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who did not entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling that the President's death represents a great loss not only to the U.S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no plans for unauthorized action against Cuba. "An informant who has furnished reliable information in the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that these individuals are afraid that the assassination of the President may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them, and although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination. "The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency..." (We attempted to locate William T. Forsyth, but learned that he is dead. Forsyth worked out of the Washington F.B.I. headquarters and was best known for running the investigation of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in the Bureau's subversive control section. Efforts to locate Captain Edwards by press time were unsuccessful.) Vice President Bush's autobiography, "Looking Forward," written with Victor Gold (Doubleday, 1987), is vague to the point of being cryptic about his activities in the early 1960s, when he was running the Houston-based Zapata Off-Shore Company. ("Running an offshore oil company," he writes, "would mean days spent on or over water; not only the Gulf of Mexico but oceans and seas the world over.") But the 1972 profile of Bush in "Current Biography" provides more details of his itinerary in those years: "Bush traveled throughout the world to sell Zapata's oil-drilling services. Under his direction it grew to be a multimillion-dollar concern, with operations in Latin America, the Caribbean, the Middle East, Japan, Australia, and Western Europe." And according to Nicolas King's "George Bush: A Biography," Zapata was concentrating its business in the Caribbean and off South America in the early 1960s, a piece of information that meshes neatly with the available data on Bush's early C.I.A. responsibilities. Bush's duties with the C.I.A. in 1963 -- whether he was an agent, for example, or merely an "asset" -- cannot be determined from Hoover's memo. However, the intelligence source (who worked with the agency in the late 1950s and through the 1960s) said of the Vice President: "I know he was involved in the Caribbean. I know he was involved in the suppression of things after the Kennedy assassination: There was a very definite worry that some Cuban groups were going to move against Castro and attempt to blame it on the C.I.A." The initial reaction of Senator Frank Church, chair of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, to the firing of William Colby and the naming of Bush as Director of Central Intelligence in 1975 was to complain that it was part of a pattern of attempts by President Gerald Ford (a former member of the Warren Commission) to impede the Church committee's nearly concluded investigation into C.I.A. assassination plots, with which Colby was cooperating but which Ford was trying vainly to keep secret. Asked recently about Bush's early C.I.A. connections, (former Texas Democratic Senator Ralph) Yarborough said, "I never heard anything about it. It doesn't surprise me. What surprised me was that they picked him for Director of Central Intelligence -- how in hell he was appointed head of the C.I.A. without any experience of knowledge." Hoover's memo "explains something to me that I've wondered about. It does make sense to have a trained C.I.A. man, with experience, appointed to the job." Bush's C.I.A. connections might throw new light on his knowledge of the *contra* funding and supply operation, and his alleged knowledge of *contra* drug smuggling and the activities of General Noriega. It is worth noting in this context that, as Leslie Cockburn writes in "Out of Control," "The anti-Castro C.I.A. team in Florida were already drawing attention to their drug-smuggling activities by 1963," and that it was Felix Rodriguez, the C.I.A., "alumnus who wore Che Guevara's watch and counted George Bush among his friends," who allegedly coordinated a $10 million payment to the *contras* by the Colombian cocaine cartel. ___________ There is also a report, that I cannot find the source, claiming George Bush was responsible for two ships, the "Houston" and the "Barbara" (?), charged with resupplying the CIA-trained Bay of Pigs invaders. Does anyone have information on that ? And again, George Bush lied through his teeth about being "out of the loop" on Iran/contra. Larry

Larry, An expert on Bush is Bruce Campbell Adamson. His website is: http://ciajfk.com And his email address: bca@ciajfk.com He should be able to answer your questions. Ask him to join this forum too. Wim

Mr. "Folsom" appears to have left the forum. I guess he is not going to comment.

Larry, the document in complete form can be seen here: http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/bush.htm As you can see, it is not a Secret Service memo, but an FBI memo. Wim PS: An even more interesting document can be found here: http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/bush3.htm

Michael, Is the description of Richard's murder in Double Cross accurate? If so, up to the details of the white and black gloves? Do you have any inkling as to the motive of his murder? Is there a provable alibi for 11/22/1963? Wim

Smathers was also friends with JFK's arch rival Nixon, as well as Dr. alton Ochsner. He was also interested in Judyth's cancer research. He sent Judyth a letter that she still has. Wim

It is possible that the conspirators had "the goods" on the Kennedy's, enough to force Bobby to keep his mouth shut. For example, I am convinced Marilyn Monroe was pregnant from JFK, refused the abortion that Giancana would arrange in Chicago, just like with Judyth Exner, then fell victim to JFK's request to Giancana to solve the problem. Giancana sent a private plane with his men to the west coast on the early morning of August 4, 1962, and RFK was there personally to make sure the evidence would suggest suicide. I'd say that's enough to make sure Bobby won't call for an investigation. Wim

On request he will say: The Kennedy family has never doubted the Warren Commission! Never has, never will! Why? He must know better, especially with the findings of the HSCA, which he ignores. I just can't figure it out. Any ideas? Wim

Well William, I surely wouldn't dispute the problems with gathering hard evidence; I still need to see a) some evidence that Cain was skilled with a rifle and had been practicing enough in 1963 to have passable skills, the same thing I would need to see for Roselli. Well, I think it would be equally hard to find such evidence for Charles Nicoletti, other than that he was a killer and a hitman for Sam Giancana, as most of his trusted underlings were. FWIW, Martin Shackelford calls Cain a "hitman" here: From: mshack@juno.com (Martin R Shackelford) Subject: COPA Date: Wed, 23 Oct 1996 04:11:20 EDT "In the Panel on JFK and Castro, Peter Dale Scott discussed Paulino Sierra Martinez of Chicago, his ties of RFK ally Harry Williams, Howard Hunt, James McCord, Alpha 66, Bernard Barker, Carlos Prio, John Martino and the Minutemen; some, including Frank Sturgis, were reporting on the group to the CIA. Hitman Richard Cain was promised a career in the CIA if he provided information on Sierra's group. Mario Garcia Kohly (see Robert Morrow's books) was backed by Meyer Lansky. The U.S. government protested Castro's deportation of Jake Lansky. The DRE bought guns from John Masen in Dallas. During the Topic Research Group on Oswald, a participant indicated that David Ferrie sent his CAP cadets to Tulane University for mind control experiments. The New York Branch of CAP was founded by Cord Meyers Sr, father of the CIA official. " Aside from that though, I'm very open to the Diaz Garcia connection with Cain early on, I think there is some very good evidence to tie Diaz Garcia to the Dallas plot - as I elaborate in my book - and I would love to see anything concrete you have on the early Garcia/Cain meeting and any association after that. In fact I'd love to see any details that you might have on Garcia in 1963. The source for that is General Fabian Escalante, who was the head of Cuban State Security, so I gather his sources are Cuban intelligence files. He is widely respected as a source. As to Carr and his observation, I'm afraid that his report or any other commentary about it has to face up to the reality of what can be observed from the site he claimed; if you or anyone else can go to Dallas and confirm that by actual experiement I would be the first to jump in line to use Carr as a data point. So far what I've done on the ground in Dallas just doesn't allow me to do so. On this picture http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/images/dealeyplaza1963.jpg you can see the construction site. Carr said that he could only see the upper floors of the TSBD., which is entirely consistent with this picture as the other buildings would obstruct his view to the lower floors. Maybe it was Cain shooting with the Mannlicher Carcano. I have read once that the tip on the afternoon of the assassination that Oswald had bought the rifle from Klein's Sporting Goods, came form the Sheriff's office in Cook County in Chaicago, where Cain worked. I cant find the article anymore. Çonfirmation of this is appreciated.

So ... I think it is clear that Richard Cain was in the PERFECT position to be selected as a shooter by Giancana. And gathering hard evidence for that thesis is always difficult in a case where the the evidence has been destroyed, manipulated and surpressed. Wim

(Capital emphasis mine) (34) Richard Randolph Carr stated to the FBI on January 4, 1964, that he saw a man looking out of a window on the top floor of the depository a few minutes before Carr heard shots.(99) He described the man as white, wearing a hat, tan sport coat and GLASSES.(100) He said that at the time of the motorcade, he was standing on about the sixth floor of the new courthouse which was under construction at Houston and Commerce Streets.(101) Carr said that from that spot he could only see the top floor and roof of the depository building.(102) It was from that location that he observed the man in the depository window.(103) Carr said that after the shots he was going toward the direction of the triple underpass; when he got to the intersection of Houston and Commerce Streets, he saw a man whom he believed to be the same individual he had seen in the window of the depository.(104) (35) Carr was not called to testify before the Warren Commission. He did testify on February 19, 1969 in the Parish County Criminal District Court in New Orleans in State of Louisiana v. Clay L. Shaw, a case involving charges of conspiring to assassinate President Kennedy. According to the transcript of his testimony, Carr stated that he saw the man in the fifth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository.(105) He said he later saw the man going down Houston Street; turning at Commerce Street.(106) Carr also described the hat worn by the man as felt and said his glasses were HEAVY - RIMMED with heavy ear pieces.(107) He had on a tie and a tan sport coat.(108) As the man ran, he was continually looking over his shoulder as though he was being followed.(109) (36) During his testimony at the Clay Shaw trial, Carr also reported seeing men in Dealey Plaza at the time of the assassination who were not mentioned in the report of his FBI interview in January 1964. Carr was asked during the Shaw trial if he noticed any movement after the shots which seemed "unusual."(110) Carr then said that he saw a Rambler station wagon with a rack on top parked on the wrong side of the street, heading north and facing in the direction of the railroad tracks, next to the depository.(111) (37) Carr said that immediately after the shots he saw three men emerge from behind the depository and enter the station wagon.(112) He gave a description of one of them: he was "real dark-complected" and appeared to be Spanish or Cuban; he drove the car away, going north on Houston Street.(113) (38) During the Shaw trial testimony, Carr said he had reported this information to law enforcement officers and that someone had told him not to repeat this information.(114) At that point, defense counsel objected to hearsay by carr, and no further details were elicited about the reported coercion of Carr, other than his statement that he did what the FBI told him to do, "I shut my mouth."(115) (39) Committee investigators did not locate Richard Carr to discuss this information with him. Now compare this with Giancana in Double Cross (page 466): http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/images/466.JPG From Chicago, Mooney brought in Richard Cain, Chuckie Nicoletti, and Milwaukee Phil, all having worked previously on "the Bay of Pigs deal". Mooney said that both Cain and Nicoletti were actual gunmen for the hit, being placed at opposite ends of the Dallas Book Depository, In fact, he asserted it was Cain, not Oswald who'd actaully fired from the infamous sixth story window. (Giancana does not have the details strait on placing Nicoletti, but after all, he was not there) James Files being asked about people who were on Dealey Plaza November 22 1963: Richard Cain? "Yes." Milwaukee Phil Alderisio? "Some of these people are still alive....yes, he was there." Have a look at Richard Cain: http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/images/cain.jpg http://www.ipsn.org/newey.html Shallow mended his fences with the Police Department and was later promoted to sergeant, incredible as it may seem. “Between the two of them they decided Shallow should take the rap and admit to it and Cain should play hard nose,” Newey said. “He was planning to leave the department anyway and go down to Florida and work the Bay of Pigs operation for the CIA. The contract was not with Richard Cain directly - but between the U.S. Government and Sam Giancana.” Cain was a vassal of Giancana and Giancana was in bed with the Kennedys who were on a mission to rid Cuba of Fidel Castro. Under orders from the Chicago mob boss, Cain opened an office at Rush and Oak, where he recruited Cuban insurgents and soldiers of fortune to go down to South Florida to train as guerilla warriors - a black bag assignment, perfect for one such as Cain. It is personally troubling to Paul Newey even to this day, but he continues his efforts to flesh out the real truth behind the man and the myth that is Richard Cain - including persistent rumors that this Chicago mob-cop may have participated in the planning of the Kennedy assassination. http://richardlindberg.net/articles/articles.html?1 By this time Paul Newey had opened a private detective agency and correspondence school for aspiring investigators. He lost touch with Richard Cain and was enjoying an uneventful retirement until early Spring of 1961 when plans for the Bay of Pigs operation were unfolding and training bases established in Florida, Louisiana and Mexico. "The next thing I know, I see Cain on LaSalle Street. He says to me, Paul, I'm training Cuban commandos for the CIA." Assigned to the Glenview Naval Air Station where the CIA maintained a secret hangar and airstrip, Cain, who was learning to live with lesser ambitions, allegedly babysat exiled Cuban fighter pilots who were flying secret missions over Cuba in American B-29s. The story seems rather far-fetched in hindsight, but anything was possible during the Cold War era. Fluent in Italian and Spanish, Cain parlayed his earlier acquaintance with Paul Newey and his CIA contacts into a part-time job without first telling Newey. The Washington spymasters who hatched the Bay of Pigs Operation, believed Cain could be of some use because of his close association with Chicago mobsters who had a stake in the Havana casinos during the long and feudalistic regime of the corrupt Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Jack Mabley, who doubled as president of the Village Board of Glenview from 1957-1961, helped Cain find a place to live in a small Glenview subdivision known as Countryside, but Mabley is among a legion of skeptics who doubt the validity of these far-reaching allegations. Mabley contends he knew nothing about Cain's work for the Cubans or the CIA. "I have no idea how Cain got involved with the CIA," Mabley said. http://spot.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_.../fredonia4.html Someone from the floor offered that in Giancanna's book "Double Cross" Richard Cain is named as one of the shooters. Peter pointed out that the book came out long after Richard Cain was dead so he couldn't sue for libel. Peter feels the authors "cripped" from one of his books which is why he didn't buy it at first. Peter does not think that Richard Cain was a shooter and that the book "Double Cross" could help to explain the periphery of the case but not the center. Peter spoke of a very senior DEA informant that said that the same people who killed Jimmy Hoffa were the ones who killed John F. Kennedy. Sam Giancana's daughter said roughly the same thing. Peter thinks that the more we explore the convergence the more we will see not a CIA-Mexico connection but a Mexico City-Chicago connection. Richard Cain was certainly a top level informant for the FBI on Chicago. Someone from the floor said he was also a hitman which Peter agreed to. Peter explained that the man Cain reported to was the Chicago FBI man, William Rommer (sic?) who told Gerald Posner that Ruby had nothing to do with the mob. "Richard Cain and William Rommer were extremely close, and I am not suggesting that William Rommer was mob corrupted, in the sense that he was on the take or anything, he got a lot of information about the mob from Richard Cain and the price he paid to get the information was to protect Richard Cain's people. You cannot deduce from that that Ruby was one of those people but you can see the trouble that you get into. This is what I call "Deep Politics", you see?" http://spot.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_.../fredonia3.html Many on Oswald in Russia, and more than you would want to know, (almost) on Oswald in Mexico City. The Mexican secret police, the DFS, is mentioned repeatedly in those documents. He thinks that the person we think of as Oswald never went to Mexico at all. By knowing more about the DFS, we learn more about the case. It is not a distraction. Drug running in Mexico is a subject that ties Ruby and Sam Giancana together, as an example. Ruby's drug running through Mexico to Chicago goes back to the 40's. Neither one ever convicted of drug running. Three people from the mob who knew each other through the CIA were John Roselli, John Martino and Richard Cain and they are very interesting. They are involved in intelligence operations disguised as journalistic investigations paid by LIFE magazine. This was a reference to the Bayo-Pawley affair. (See the "Fish is Red" p. 164-173, the authors, Turner and Hinkle on p. 167 refer to this as as, "The Founder (Henry Luce of LIFE) was taking his gremlins beyond the familiar world of checkbook journalism into the nether reaches of paramilitary journalism.") http://www.assassinationweb.com/scotte.htm a) The three mob figures. Richard Cain, John Roselli, and John Martino were all close, through both their mob connections and their work for the CIA. All three of them later professed knowledge about the assassination. In 1963 the CIA recruited Richard Cain to spy on a Cuban in Chicago, Paulino Sierra, whom the CIA rightly suspected was recruiting Cuban exiles they mistrusted for an operation sponsored by Robert Kennedy. Meanwhile John Martino (who before he died claimed knowledge of a plot involving Oswald) was involved with Miami CIA elements in an operation designed to frustrate Kennedy's Soviet policies, and possibly to set up the Rosselli "turn-around" story, blaming the Kennedy assassination on a team recruited to kill Castro. Two and possibly three of the future Watergate burglars were also collecting dirt (including false stories) on Paulino Sierra for the CIA. These false stories may explain why Bobby Kennedy, on November 22, told Paulino Sierra's boss (Harry Ruiz-Williams), "one of your boys did it." (We now know that Bobby Kennedy's staff reacted strongly to the first publication of the Rosselli turn-around story.) http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/arrb/index33.htm I'd just like to mention some specific points in trying to be helpful and put some new information on the record which has not been made public to my knowledge. Specifically General Escalante has stated in interviews conducted for the book ZR Rifle by Claudia Furiati, a Brazilian journalist, that he believes two Cuban exiles, Alatio DeValle and Herminio Diaz Garcia, took part in the assassination in Dallas. He told me that this was based on informant reports by Cuban sources which are in their files. He also named three Chicago mafia figures, Dave Yaras, Lenny Patrick and Richard Cain, which he believes were in Dallas and also involved in the plot. Again this is based, he says, on their informant reports. It would be very important to retain any documents which Cuba could provide to substantiate these claims, and he did show me files of such documents. But I did not retain copies of them. I am not an official representative of the U.S. Government, but they do exist. http://karws.gso.uri.edu/JFK/History/WC_Pe...he_trail_I.html Twenty years ago Giancana inherited Al Capone’s crime syndicate, took his place at the head of an underground army of Chicago racketeers and made millions by trafficking in drugs and running gambling dens and brothels. Eventually he decided to retire and to hand over the business to younger successors, thereby satisfying their thirst for power and money. Yet even after retirement, he lived in his “citadel” in constant fear of retribution. But not retribution at the hands of the mafia. The point is that in December 1973 his personal bodyguard Richard Cain let it slip in a bar in the hearing of outsiders that he and his chief had had something to do with an international conspiracy and a political murder on an assignment from the CIA. Exactly 24 hours later two masked men walked into the same bar, ordered everyone at gunpoint to line up face against the wall, singled out Cain, shoved a gun barrel in his mouth and silenced him for good. http://newtimes.rway.com/1996/112096/cover.htm Giancana's sidekick, Richard Cain, travelled all over the world for him, mostly setting up casinos. Now casinos and drugs go together. Couriers go from casino to casino, they handle the drugs, and the money can be laundered by being bet and lost on a roulette wheel. So it's a pretty common symbiosis, whether it's Lebanon or Havana or Las Vegas. .................... A: I've always argued that Ruby was a much more important person. The house committee admitted that, yes, he was a mob figure but he was a two-bit punk or that sort of thing. But he was a police connection, and that's a very important part of mob activity. The reason the mob's so powerful in Chicago is they've always had someone like {master wiretapper} Richard Cain who was a policeman, once head of investigations for the Sheriff of Cook County. In other words, he was a senior law enforcement official, there but he was also a made member of the mob and very close to Giancana. He was also a top, top informant for William Roemer, who was the FBI's chief mob man in Chicago, and Cain was one of Roemer's best friends. http://www.flash.net/~dperry2/elrod.html Other people who have professed or have had assassination investigators claim they fired shots that hit the President include Charles Nicoletti, Lucien Sarti, Sauveur Pironti, R. Bocognoni, William Greer, Jack Lawrence, Richard Cain, Valeri Kosikyan, John Rogers, Dave Yaras, Lenny Patrick, R. Gaines, Herminio Diaz, Eladio del Valle and Jack Ruby http://www.cuban-exile.com/doc_026-050/doc0027-1.htm Escalante: He may not have left through official means through Immigration. If he had a yacht he may have just up and left. What is certain is that he left in 1960. Cuban authorities did create the expulsion of Santos Trafficante. At that time Santos Trafficante was staying in the Hotel Havana Riviera. Trafficante managed several casinos in Havana that had by that point been closed. He was tied to two Cubans who played a very important role in this--Senior Daniel Hernandez Ortega (?); he was a manager of Trafficante's in a gambling casino in Havana called Sans Souci. During 1960, Santos Trafficante also had a Cuban bodyguard. His name was Herminio Diaz Garcia. We will talk about later. ...Hernandez met and talked with Richard Cain in December of 1960 regarding a plot against the life of Fidel Castro.

Judyth can add one. Her friend Debbie Reynolds, who helped Judyth find corroboration, too. Her house ws filled with poop 3 feet high. Difficult to imagine? Well, the firemen, insurance and police had never seen this either . It's all on video. Wim PS: Where is "Folsom" today? (not that I miss him )

http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/images/exhibit361.jpg I would like to be able to read all the text. Does anyone know what the handrawn line means from the TSBD to that building/parking lot at the intersection of Broadway and Munger Street? Wim

Yes, I also would like to know more about that, if true. Tony, please share your source for that. Wim

http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/doctors.htm Seems to me the testimony of these doctors has been pretty consistent over the years. Wim

Well, I don't know how a wound fired into the external occipital protuberance would exit the top of the head like that. The autopsy pathologists never put the wound in the place shown by the autopsy photographs. Maynard, I agree with "Folsom" that it is difficult to determine wound locations from faked photographs, so here is some info from "Folsom's" doctors to strengten your point. http://www.jfkmurdersolved.com/doctors.htm "Thank you"

Lee, I guess T's info is underway, but stuck in traffic. We should not worry, I am sure T is a man of his word who doesn't play games. Wim

Sydney, Please let us know if you can find all the answers to your questions on Mr. Eaglesham's website. Wim

http://www.jfkmurder.com/knudsen.html In 1977, Mr. Groden had examined the "known" autopsy photographs in the National Archives while he was Staff Photographic Consultant for the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He noticed that several photographs were missing from the known inventory and he also discovered and reported to the HSCA that about a half dozen others, that were not in the original inventory, were now present in the Archives' collection. In his report to the HSCA, Mr. Groden reported that he had noticed that some of the photographs, notably those showing the rear of the president's head, had been retouched photographically. The insert lines and contrast changes were quite evident. No other members of the HSCA photo panel were aware of the testimony of the Dallas doctors about the massive exit wound in President Kennedy's head. "They didn't know what to look for." stated Mr. Groden. ------------- The House Assassinations Committee suppressed both Mr. Knudsen's testimony and Mr. Groden's report of the alteration. "It is quite important that there were other cameras." said Mr. Groden, "There were four autopsy photographers (and cameras) in all." John Stringer, William Bruce Pitzer, Robert L. Knudsen and Floyd Riebe. Mr. Pitzer was murdered soon after President Kennedy's autopsy to silence him. The existence of the other two or three additional sets of autopsy photographs have been concealed from the public and investigative agencies for thirty-five years. Additionally, testimony was received by the review board that Mr. Pitzer was, at the time of his death, in possession of a 16 millimeter film of the autopsy which he had taken during the autopsy examination and been working on at the time he was murdered. The film disappeared and has never again surfaced. No one from any of the five governmental investigations has seen any of these other three sets. The only set they've seen contain the doctored photographs which show a photographically rebuilt rear of the head to disguise the large exit wound which was in the back of President Kennedy's head. The proof of at least one more gunman and, of course, a conspiracy." © 1999 New Frontier Publications. All rights reserved.

http://jfkmurdersolved.com/autopsy.htm http://www.jfkmurder.com/knudsen.html One set of autopsy photographs, now at the National Archives, has been known to exist for years, and most of the pictures have been published by Robert Groden, but the new testimony documents the existence of at least one other complete set. In 1977, Mr. Groden had examined the "known" autopsy photographs in the National Archives while he was Staff Photographic Consultant for the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He noticed that several photographs were missing from the known inventory and he also discovered and reported to the HSCA that about a half dozen others, that were not in the original inventory, were now present in the Archives' collection. In his report to the HSCA, Mr. Groden reported that he had noticed that some of the photographs, notably those showing the rear of the president's head, had been retouched photographically. The insert lines and contrast changes were quite evident. No other members of the HSCA photo panel were aware of the testimony of the Dallas doctors about the massive exit wound in President Kennedy's head. "They didn't know what to look for." stated Mr. Groden. In 1997, the review board found and interviewed Saundra K. Spencer, who worked at the Naval Photographic Center in 1963. She was shown the autopsy photographs in the National Archives and found that they were not the photographs that she had processed. The pictures that she developed and printed had, "no blood or opening cavities." she stated. The film was brought in by an agent she believed was with the FBI. "When he gave us the material to process, he said that they had been shot at Bethesda and they were autopsy pictures." She was told, she said: "Process them and try not to observe too much, don't peruse." Robert Knudsen's widow, Gloria, revealed to the review board that her husband told her that photographing the dead president was "the hardest thing he had ever had to do in his life." Mr. Knudsen testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which in the late 1970s reopened the official investigation into the killings of both President Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Mrs. Knudsen said he later told her that four or five of the pictures the committee showed him did not represent what he saw or photographed that night and that at least one of them had been altered. "His son Bob said that his father told him that 'hair had been drawn in' on the photos to conceal a missing portion of the top-back of President Kennedy's head," according to a review board memo about a meeting with Mr. Knudsen's family. Mr. Knudsen's observations were identical to those of another autopsy photographer, Floyd Riebe as well as Robert Groden who also reported the alteration of exactly the same photographs, in exactly the same location. The House Assassinations Committee suppressed both Mr. Knudsen's testimony and Mr. Groden's report of the alteration. "It is quite important that there were other cameras." said Mr. Groden, "There were four autopsy photographers (and cameras) in all." John Stringer, William Bruce Pitzer, Robert L. Knudsen and Floyd Riebe. Mr. Pitzer was murdered soon after President Kennedy's autopsy to silence him. The existence of the other two or three additional sets of autopsy photographs have been concealed from the public and investigative agencies for thirty-five years. Additionally, testimony was received by the review board that Mr. Pitzer was, at the time of his death, in possession of a 16 millimeter film of the autopsy which he had taken during the autopsy examination and been working on at the time he was murdered. The film disappeared and has never again surfaced. No one from any of the five governmental investigations has seen any of these other three sets. The only set they've seen contain the doctored photographs which show a photographically rebuilt rear of the head to disguise the large exit wound which was in the back of President Kennedy's head. The proof of at least one more gunman and, of course, a conspiracy." © 1999 New Frontier Publications. All rights reserved.

Wim Dankbaar Ruysdaelweg 14 2051 EM Overveen Netherlands Telephone (31) 640456203 email info@jfkmurdersolved.com (the quickest way to drop me the line, apparently a thought you need help on to conceive it) I'm waiting ...........

I did not say that MOST of the witnesses heard more than 3 shots, I said that MANY witnesses heard two shots very close together, some of them adding that these could not have been fired from the same rifle. Mark Lane: Mr Bowers, how many shots did you hear? Lee Bowers: There were three shots and these were spaced with one shot, then a pause and then two shots in very close order, such as perhaps (knocking on table) knock ..... knock-knock. Almost on top of each other, while there was some pause between the first and the second shots. Lane: Did you tell that to the Dallas Police? Bowers: Yes, I told this to the police and then also told it to the FBI, and also I had a discussion two or three days later with them concerning this, and they made no comment other than the fact that when stated that I felt like the third and the second and third shot could not have been fired from the same rifle, they reminded me that I was not an expert. And I had to agree (Bowers smiles sourly). (Lee Bowers died in 1966 in a mysterious car crash without witnesses on a lone Texas country road) But hey, Folsom, I've seen enough of you and your twisting tactics. I am already violating my rule not to discuss with people who refuse to reveal their identity, so I am going to put you on ignore untill you do just that. Wim PS: And as for the privacy argument, that's what Skull and Bones members always use, and it's total BULL too, especially when rulers of the so called democratic free and OPEN world, who are affecting everyone's lives, are members and use the same BS argument.