Carl Jenkins

[John Simkin]

My advice to Sheehan years ago, was that material from Carl Jenkins was the weakest part of the Christic case, and perhaps even deliberately planted to poison it. Even if my fears are correct, there would be no reason to suspect that Wheaton was worse than just plain gullible.

I would add that I've been examing the timing of when and where certain Contra information was provided. While Wheaton's information on Jenkins and Quintaro themselves can be shown to be accurate and while the names that were given in reference to Contra activities were on the money, I've begun to have the notion that during 1986 Jenkins may well have started to plant bogus information, especially in regard to Shackley and a secret/rogue assassination team/network.

Such information would clear him from becoming a whistle blower, would help sabotage Sheehan's related pure North illegal arms deals case and would also help contaminate anthing else that Wheaton might want to share.

It always seems to be a handy thing to divert someone from a small conspiracy by offering them a much bigger, sexier one. Something tells me that Jenkins may have become bait for Sheehan... then he could casually tell everyone that Sheehan had just misunderstood everthing he had to say.

Victor Marchetti has described this type of CIA operation a “limited hangout”. To quote Marchetti:

A "limited hangout" is spy jargon for a favorite and frequently used gimmick of the clandestine professionals. When their veil of secrecy is shredded and they can no longer rely on a phony cover story to misinform the public, they resort to admitting - sometimes even volunteering some of the truth while still managing to withhold the key and damaging facts in the case. The public, however, is usually so intrigued by the new information that it never thinks to pursue the matter further.

We will probably never find out who masterminded the assassination of JFK - or why. There are too many powerful special interests connected with the conspiracy for the truth to come out even now, 15 years after the murder.

But during the next two months, according to sensitive sources in the CIA and on HSCA, we are going to learn much more about the crime. The new disclosures will be sensational, but only superficially so. A few of the lesser villains involved in the conspiracy and its subsequent coverup will be identified for the first time - and allowed to twist slowly in the wind on live network TV. Most of the others to be fingered are already dead.

But once again the good folks of middle America will be hoodwinked by the government and its allies in the establishment news media. In fact, we are being set up to witness yet another coverup, albeit a sophisticated one, designed by the CIA with the assistance of the FBI and the blessing of the Carter administration.

A classic example of a limited hangout is how the CIA has handled and manipulated the Church Committee's investigation of two years ago. The committee learned nothing more about the assassinations of foreign leaders, illicit drug programs, or the penetration of the news media than the CIA allowed it to discover. And this is precisely what the CIA is out to accomplish through HSCA with regard to JFK's murder.

In August, 1978, Marchetti published an article about the assassination of in the liberty Lobby newspaper, Spotlight. In the article Marchetti argued that the HSCA had obtained a 1966 CIA memo that revealed that E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis and Gerry Patrick Hemming had been involved in the plot to kill Kennedy. Marchetti's article also included a story that Marita Lorenz had provided information on this plot. Later that month Joseph Trento and Jacquie Powers wrote a similar story for the Sunday News Journal.

The HSCA did not publish this CIA memo linking its agents to the assassination of JFK. Hunt now decided to take legal action against the Liberty Lobby and in December, 1981, he was awarded $650,000 in damages. Liberty Lobby appealed to the United States Court of Appeals. It was claimed that Hunt's attorney, Ellis Rubin, had offered a clearly erroneous instruction as to the law of defamation. The three-judge panel agreed and the case was retried. This time Mark Lane defended the Liberty Lobby against Hunt's action.

Lane eventually discovered Marchetti’s sources. The main source was William Corson. It also emerged that Marchetti had also consulted James Angleton and Alan J. Weberman before publishing the article. As a result of obtaining of getting depositions from David Atlee Phillips, Richard Helms, G. Gordon Liddy, Stansfield Turner and Marita Lorenz, plus a skillful cross-examination by Lane of E. Howard Hunt, the jury decided in January, 1995, that Marchetti had not been guilty of libel when he suggested that JFK had been assassinated by people working for the CIA.

Gary Buell posted this very interesting information when I raised this issue before:

Members who have looked at Joseph Trento's new book "The Secret History of the CIA" know that it contains material of interest concerning the assassination, mostly from the perspective of James Jesus Angleton of the CIA. What it does not contain is anything about the alleged memo re Howard Hunt in Dallas which Trento had written about in an article in the Sunday News Journal, August 20, 1978, and which is reproduced in Plausible Denial by Mark Lane. So I thought I would ask him about it. What follows is our correspondence via e-mail:

Gary Buell: I am currently reading your fascinating new book. My particular interest is the JFK assassination and the information you received from Angleton deserves careful consideration. I think that there was one serious omission in your book in that regard. That is the lack of any mention of the memo that Angleton showed you concerning Howard Hunt's alleged presence in Dallas on 11/22/63. Many researchers believe that was an Angleton disinformation ploy of some sort but whether the memo was genuine or not I do not see how the reader can be expected to evaluate Angleton's views on the assassination without considering this material. I believe you yourself once speculated that he may have been attempting to obscure his own role in sending Hunt to Dallas. And, if I am not mistaken did you not also once suggest that Hunt may have been sent to Dallas by a KGB mole? Did you ever discuss this memo or its contents again with Angleton before his death?

Joe Trento: I left it out because Hunt's role had been so discussed. My view is that Hunt's presence was more an embarrassment then anything significant. That's how Angleton treated it. Lane made much more of this then I believe it deserved. Gary the real question is it was Angleton's disinformation or someone trying to force the CIA's hand by demonstrating employees had come to Dallas. The original manuscript did include the material but the publisher could not publish a 1,000 page book.

Gary Buell: Thanks for the prompt reply. I am not real clear on your answer. If it was Angleton's disinformation to what end? And was Hunt in Dallas or not and who sent him? If I recall your original article (which I did read quoted in Lane's book)you refer to sources at the HSCA admitting having this memo, which was later denied. The whole thing is confusing, particularly your coment about someone trying to force the CIA's hand. I mean Angleton was behind this in one way or another. I would be most interested in reading the section of your book on this that was cut for space, if you are agreeable.

Joe Trento: For contractual reasons I cannot give you the cut material to read. But to clarify the Angleton matter: I was originally tipped off by an assassination committee employee. They contacted me because I had written about Angleton and had access to him. They showed me a copy of the memo about Hunt being in Dallas. I called Angleton and he said he was aware of the memo and may even have a copy. He didn't. But a close friend of his did - and that friend said Angleton had entrusted to him. I read that copy, they matched. Jim did this sort of thing in an effort to get sensitive documents out during the months after his firing in 1974. I suspect Jim felt the document and Hunt story would come out anyway so he orchestrated the leak through me and the committee. The committee denial came because the document was never in the official group of documents they received. Jim told me he thought Hunt's presence was meaningless. He first claimed the reason the committee had the memo was because someone wanted to demonstrate he and Helms were covering up. I am convinced that the memo as written while Angleton did his internal probe to see what the Agency had done or not done and they ran across this business with Hunt and realized they had a potential public relations problem if the information got out. I never was told or got the impression that it was anything very significant - just very interesting. Did Jim tell me the truth on this? The answer is yes and no. I think Lane used this and other events to keep himself as part of the story. The reality is that all of this sideshow stuff diverted folks from looking at what the Soviet's did with LHO in Russia. I suspect at the time of the leak that's what Angleton and friends did not want researchers or reporters looking at.

Gary Buell: Thank you for your lengthy reply which answers some questions and raises others. So the HSCA did have the memo but could not confirm its authenticity because it was not officially turned over - that is interesting. To my knowledge this memo has never turned up in the archives of the committee or ever been acknowledged. I wonder if it still exists. Re-reading your original article you seem to have placed a great deal more importance on the memo at that time. You cite unamed CIA investigators who theorize that Oswald was working for US Intelligence and turned by the KGB. And that Hunt was in Dallas on the orders of a high-level CIA official who was in reality a KGB mole and who ordered Hunt to kill Oswald. Do you think Angleton sent Hunt to Dallas? If this were a movie then Angleton would turn out to be the mole but in real life I think that is far-fetched. What is your take on all this now? Was the memo authentic? Did Angleton send Hunt to Dallas and, if not, who did? If he was in Dallas at all. And what was his mission? Was Oswald a double- or triple agent?

Joe Trento: Angleton thought very little of Hunt so I doubt that they ever had much to do with each other. I suspect that the CIA successfully cited national security considerations regarding some of the JFK/ Soviet stuff. We had a number of sources from the CIA office of Security who offered a variety of theories. As far as it not showing up in the committee records, I suspect an agreement was made between the CIA and the Chairman. I would have never heard except from my staff sources. One possibility is they wanted to do something with it in the hearings and the members were against it, I may have been used as a trial balloon. At the time my colleague and I wrote the piece I suspected everyone's motives. Considering what I know now of the other screw ups the CIA and FBI perpetuated in this case the memo reflected potential public relations problem.

Gary Buell: Thanks for the reply. Obviously the CIA was able to cover-up this "public relations problem", thanks, as you said, to Blakey. Let me ask a few direct questions: 1. Do you think Hunt was in Dallas? If so, any idea who sent him and on what mission? Or are we left simply with speculation? The most fascinating speculation was that he was sent by the KGB mole. 2. Do you think there was a high-level mole in the CIA? If this is in the book, I apologize as I am still reading it. Can we rule out Angleton? Helms? You have been very gracious thus far and I realize that you cannot correspond endlessly with every reader.

Joe Trento: I think Hunt must have been in Dallas - perhaps not even on CIA business. Probably coming back from Mexico. I think the idea that a mole ordered him to Dallas was far fetched. You would have to assume he was competent and could carry out what the mole wanted. I don't think Helms or Angleton were moles. But it is clear that there were at least mid-level moles. Finish the book. You might want to get my previous book (with Bill Corson and Susan Trento Widows.)

I believe that Carl Jenkins was a limited hangout in 1986. In doing so he undermined the testimony of Gene Wheaton and enabled Ted Shackley to sue Daniel Sheehan.

In his autobiography, Spymaster (2005), Shackley attacks those people who have suggested that the CIA were involved with the drug trade. However, he does not mention the fact that he won a libel case against Daniel Sheehan. In fact Sheehan does not get a mention in the book. Nor does Carl Jenkins.

[John Simkin]

A couple of weeks ago I was contacted by a man called Kent Jenkins. He says "While Kennedy was being assasinated Carl Jenkins was on the other side of the world in Taiwan having his son. Please get off of him he had nothing to do with the Kennedy Assasination. I have a personal relationship with him. Please feel free to reply with questions, comments, etc etc."

I took his advice and asked the following questions:

(1) Was he involved in training CIA assets to kill Fidel Castro in the early 1960s?

(2) Was he aware of any plots to kill John F. Kennedy in 1963?

(3) Does he know Gene Wheaton and Rafael Quintero? What was the nature of his relationship with these two men?

(4) Did he and Gene Wheaton provide information to Daniel Sheehan in 1986 about the activities of Ted Shackley, Tom Clines, Richard Secord, Ed Wilson, etc.

(5) Would Carl like to respond to the contents of this document (Report by Anne Buttimer, Chief Investigator for the Assassination Records Review Board - 12th July, 1995):

Wheaton began by telling me he would only give me limited information over the telephone although he was willing to meet me face to face to provide as much information as he had. He said he had no physical proof of what he would eventually tell the Board; however he said he does have a number of documents which he will need to show me in order for me to believe what he has to say.

By way of providing background on himself Wheaton explained he is a 59 year old retired military intelligence officer. He works as a consultant investigating terrorist attacks around the world and said he expects his telephone will ring in the next few days with an offer to work on the Oklahoma City federal building bombing. He said if this happens he will also probably be called to Washington DC and would meet with me here. If he does not he would still agree to meet with us but would have to do so on the West Coast. He lives in Riverside County, California near Palm Springs.

Wheaton told me that from 1984 to 1987 he spent a lot of time in the Washington DC area and that starting in 1985 he was "recruited into Ollie North's network" by the CIA officer he has information about. He got to know this man and his wife, a "'super grade high level CIA officer" and kept a bedroom in their Virginia home. His friend was a Marine Corps liaison in New Orleans and was the CIA contact with Carlos Marcello. He had been responsible for "running people into Cuba before the Bay of Pigs." His friend is now 68 or 69 years of age.

Over the course of a year or a year and one-half his friend told him about his activities with training Cuban insurgency groups. Wheaton said he also got to know many of the Cubans who had been his friend's soldiers/operatives when the Cubans visited in Virginia from their homes in Miami. His friend and the Cubans confirmed to Wheaton they assassinated JFK. Wheaton's friend said he trained the Cubans who pulled the triggers. Wheaton said the street level Cubans felt JFK was a traitor after the Bay of Pigs and wanted to kill him. People "above the Cubans" wanted JFK killed for other reasons.

Wheaton said we must look at his friend and his associates in order to know what really happened to JFK. One of those associates was I. Irving Davidson who was/is "the bag man for the intelligence community." Davidson runs a group called the Timber Center which handles payoffs and payments for the CIA, the NSA and the Pentagon. He is a friend of Jack Anderson's and was indicted with Carlos Marcello in the 1980's on a Teamster's kick-back charge. Davidson is a non-practicing attorney in Washington D.C. He is now about 70 years old.

Wheaton said he would speak to the Board confidentially but would not allow his name to be used publicly because his friend and the friend's associates "said they would destroy me in the media with a blitz of disinformation to destroy my professional reputation. They will make me out to be a conspiracy nut. I'm not afraid of them, I've been a cop too long and besides, they only kill the people on the inner circle. The rest of us end up having our reputations destroyed."

Wheaton concluded by saying "this matter is not complex but it is convoluted. I need to show you the paper trail to show the contacts of these people."

(6) In a filmed interview with William Law and Mark Sobel in the summer of 2005, Gene Wheaton claimed that Carl Jenkins and Rafael Quintero were both involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Wheaton argues that this testimony was based on conversations he had with Carl and Rafael in the mid 1980s. How does Carl react to this claim?

I am still waiting for a reply.

[John Simkin]

It seems that Kent Jenkins is Carl E. Jenkins' grandson.

[James Richards]

Peter,

I don't wish to divert this thread but I take it Avirgan is Tony Avirgan, the reporter married to Martha Honey and who was wounded at the La Penca bombing?

Regarding the incident itself, do you know anything about an ex Agency employee named John Harper who was an explosives expert and an associate of Carl Jenkins? It has been alleged that the actual bomber was trained by Harper.

Anything you can add would be appreciated.

James

[Robert Charles-Dunne]

FWIW Department....

The following can be found at:

http://serendipity.nofadz.com/cia/rhayes.htm

AFFIDAVIT OF

Robert M. Hayes

2104 Selkirk Lane North

Lakeland, Florida

(813) 644-4364

Although I will reveal the full details of my intelligence background and activities only before a grand jury, trial jury or congressional committee, I will say that during and after my military service in the United States Army (RA11312792) I worked for or with the Army Security Service, the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Army's Criminal Investigative Division.

This affidavit is limited to my activities from approximately 1971 through 1977 in Lakeland, Florida; Sao Paulo, Brazil and Albuquerque, New Mexico.

I moved to Lakeland in 1971 to accept a position as chief engineer of Davy Powergas, now known and [sic: as] Davy McKee. Subsequent to my arrival in Lakeland, I was approached in Lakeland by a man who identified himself only as "Erickson" of Army CID in Pensacola. He asked me to assist in an investigation of an alleged conspiracy to steal a military payroll from Fort Stewart, Ga. The investigation was halted after the chief suspect, Military Police Sgt. Robert Earl Ward, was severly wounded Nov. 23, 1971 in a gun battle with Punta Gorda, Florida police officers. Ward was charged with two counts of attempted murder for wounding two policemen.

Early in 1972, I learned that all civil and military charges against Ward had been mysteriously dropped. The suspicious circumstances surrounding the lack of prosecution prompted me to telephone the Lakeland Police Department on March 5, 1972 and arrange to surrender two Browning .38 automatic pistols and a modified .30 military carbine that Ward had stored at my apartment. I subsequently learned from a source in the Federal Bureau of Investigation that ballistics test of the two pistols confirmed the weapons had been used in at least one murder in Long Island, New York.

On March 6, 1972, I received a call from Erickson asking me to meet him the following day at Roberts Flying Service at Lakeland Municipal Airport. On the morning of the 7th, I met in Lakeland with Richard Barest, Ward's Lakeland attorney, who suggested I leave Lakeland.

Following the meeting with Barest, I met Erickson, who arrived at Lakeland airport in a U.S. Air Force plane. He informed me that my participation in the investigation could not be acknowledged nor my safety guaranteed. He also recommended I leave Lakeland.

Acting on that advice, I traveled to Sao Paulo, Brazil, arriving on July 12, 1972. I lived at first with a Lebanese family. Through the family, I was introduced on July 25 to Ferris Dubakues, an agent of Al Fatah, a radical Palestinian terrorist organization affiliated with the Palestinian Liberation Organization. Dubakues attempted to recruit me as an Al Fatah terrorist, but I refused to participate in any way in terrorist activities.

I subsequently was contacted by Max Schoener, an Israeli intelligence agent, or and Seymour Malkin, who frequently worked for Schoener. At their request, I agreed to work for Mossad.

I later met and worked for Frederick Mayer and Franz Jank, agents for West German intelligence. I continued accepting assignments from Mossad and sometimes sold information developed for one intelligence agency to the other agency.

During this and subsequent periods, I used the aliases of Roberto Reis in Brazil and Roberto Reyes in Argentina. My passports and other credentials in those names and that of Al Assal have since been destroyed.

On Jan. 9, 1973, I was granted resident alien status in Brazil. I subsequently applied for and was granted Brazilian gun permit 745123 for a .22 Astra automatic and permit 741426 for a .38 Taurus revolver.

After working for a Brazilian engineering company, I eventually formed Hayes-Bosworth, a Brazilian company engaged in heavy engineering and construction projects for Brazilian and foreign clients. Between 1972 and 1976, the company's success provided me with the funds, contacts and time to indulge my lifelong interest in Latin American politics.

While building Hayes/Bosworth, I continued my affiliation with Israeli and West German intelligence and eventually was recruited by the United States Central Intelligence Agency.

My first contact with the CIA came on June 19, 1973 when I was introduced to Joe Siblay. Our initial meeting occurred at the Sao Paulo apartment of a mutual friend, who introduced Sibley as an engineer engaged in consulting work for Anaconda Copper Co. in Chile.

This and subsequent conversations with Sibley established him as an American expatriate extremely knowledgable in Chilean politics and reasonably familiar with Latin America in general. These conversations also established Sibley's strong anti-communist attitude, an attitude I shared both then and now.

I next met Silbey [sic: Sibley] on Feb. 14, 1974 at my office at Hayes/Bosworth. We met again on Feb. 22.

In March or April of that year, I received a call from Frank Ryan, an official at the U.S. consulate in Sao Paulo. He asked me to come to the consulate to update some paperwork. When I arrived at the consulate, Ryan escorted me to an office within the consulate, where Sibley was seated at a desk.

After Ryan left the room, Sibley informed me that his "real" name was John Joseph Michaels and produced corroborating identification that I recognized from previous experience as genuine CIA credentials. He then recited in great detail and accuracy my previous connections with and service for various U.S. intelligence organizations, including the agency. He also recited details of my work for Israeli and West German intelligence.

Michaels then requested my assistance in illegal clandestine operations that he referred to as "projects." He said these operations were targeted against communist agents in Latin America, primarily those working for or under the control of Cuban intelligence operatives.

I agreed to work for Michaels and subsequently accepted several operations in which the identity and loyalty of the targets was established to my satisfaction. These operations occurred between 1974 and 1976 and ranged from routine intelligence gathering to kidnapping, interrogation and assassination.

I accepted these operations in the belief that I was serving the best interests of the American government and was operating with the sanction of that government. I received no payment for conducting these operations and frequently spent large sums of my personal funds to accomplish them.

My relationship with Michaels ended abruptly [in] 1976 after Michaels proposed an operation that I considered not only absurd, but also contrary to the best interests of the U.S. government.

In the spring of 1976, Michaels proposed that I arrange to "simulate terrorism." I responded that there was no way to "simulate" terrorism. I insisted that an act is either terrorist or not, and anyone knowingly engaging in a violent act against civilians is in fact a terrorist and beyond sanction.

Despite my objection, Michaels continued to endorse the concept, explaining that evidence would be planted in such a manner to ensure that the operation would be blamed on Cuban agents.

When I asked what the target of this "simulated" act was to be, he proposed three: A large Catholic cathedral in Sao Paulo, a twin theatre complex near the U.S. consulate in Sao Paulo and the U.S. consulate itself.

Although I refused the operation in unmistakable terms, Michaels insisted that I reconsider and said two of his agents would contact me for further discussion.

In late June or early July of 1976, I was approached at my office by two Americans I knew to be subordinates of Michaels. They once again proposed a bombing attack of one of three targets originally proposed by Michaels.

The meeting resulted in two other meetings. The third and final meeting ended in an angry exchange in which I rejected both the operation and the concept and told Michael's subordinates that I never wanted to see him or them again.

The following week, the two Americans were found dead in a downtown Sao Paulo park with their hands and feet bound by wire. Each had been shot in the back of the head. No arrests were made in connection with the death.

The deaths of the two Americans were followed by the violent deaths on the same day of four of my associates. No arrests were made in connection with their deaths.

Reliable contacts in the Brazilian government and military and contacts in other circles warned me that my own death was imminent if I did not flee Brazil.

Before I could arrange a departure, I was visited at my office by heavily-armed members of the Brazilian Air Force security branch. The officer in charge of the detachment had orders to transport me to Cumbica, a facility widely known in Brazil as a military concentration camp. Through threats of violence and the timely intervention of Brazilian friends, I postponed my arrest.

Although I remain unaware of the precise connection between Michaels and the Brazilian Air Force, I am convinced this visit and a subsequent incident with the security force were ordered and orchestrated by Michaels.

After the incident at my office and warnings from friends, I prepared to flee Brazil with my pregnant American wife. Accompanied by several heavily-armed employees, my wife and I arrived at the airport to return to the U.S. We were met by the same Brazilian officer who had attempted to arrest me at my office.

The officer said that both I and my wife were wanted for questioning at Cumbica. I informed the officer that I would accompany him if my wife were allowed to continue to the U.S. I also informed him that should he refuse, my men would engage his in a gun battle in the airport lobby. Under those conditions, he permitted my wife to depart and delayed my arrest until her plane had sufficient time to clear Brazilian air space.

Once I was convinced my wife was safely out of the country, I accompanied the officer to the airport parking lot, where there was an explosive diversion that permitted me to escape under cover of gunfire.

After hiding with friends for a day, I drove across Brazil with a friend, crossed the border into Paraguay and made my way to Asuncion. The following day, after an attempt on my life that left me wounded, I flew from there via Braniff Airlines to Miami. I traveled under my own passport.

I was met at the Miami airport by agents from the local CIA office. Although they denied any specific knowledge of me or my activities, they asked what my plans were. Upon telling them that I planned to fly to Albuquerque, New Mexico to join my wife, who was staying there with her parents, they asked me to call the Denver CIA office after my arrival.

I contacted the Denver office and later was contacted by the CIA office in Santa Fe, New Mexico, which dispatched an agent known to me as Carl Tollonin to debrief me. Tollonin later was joined by a second agent known to me as Roy Clarkson. Over a period of several months, first Tollonon [sic] and then Clarkson attempted to convince me that I had been duped by Michaels and had never worked for U.S. intelligence. They also convinced me that Michaels had been killed smuggling weapons in the Middle East.

Throughout this debriefing I considered Michaels the source of my problems-- which included the premature birth of my first daughter, a birth that I believe was accelerated by the strains the situation in Brazil had placed on my wife. And I blamed Michael's wrath on my refusal to "simulate terrorism."

Once Clarkson persuaded me that Michaels was dead, I was prepared to forget the incident and rebuild my life. I remained in Albuquerque for several years. During that period I was asked by contacts I knew to be CIA agents to assist in an effort to compromise certain Arabic students attending universities in the Southwest. Once compromised, the students were to be manipulated by the CIA after they returned home and rose to prominence within their countries. I refused to participate.

While still in New Mexico, I was recruited by a statewide task force to become an undercover informant in an investigation of organized crime. The task force was created by then New Mexico Attorney General Jeff Bingaman, who now is a U.S. Senator from New Mexico, and his assistant Roy Anescowicz. The task force's chief investigator was former CIA agent Sam Papich. My primary contact with the task force was an investigator named Pete Donahue.

My value as an informant arose from my social contacts with alleged organized crime figures George Demuksian, Gerry Tevisanno and Billy Marchiando. I agreed to provide the task force with information on their activities, and ultimately testified before a statewide grand jury in 1978. Despite the evidence presented by the task force, no indictment was returned, a fact I attribute to deliberate prosecutorial mismanagement by Bingaman.

I eventually returned to Lakeland in 1981 and buried the Brazilian incident and my other intelligence activities in my past. But Michaels returned to haunt me late last year when I read a November 16, 1987 Time magazine article titled "The Misadventures of el Patron." The article detailed the activities of John Hull, an American expatriate operating a farm on Costa Rica's northern border with Nicaragua. Hull was identified in the article and in previous testimony by himself and others as a CIA agent whose farm was used to transship weapons and other supplies to the Contra rebels opposing the Sandinista government in Nicaragua.

Although he has consistently denied it, Hull also has been accused in court testimony and published accounts of participation with others in an aborted plot to bomb the U.S. embassy in San Juan, Costa Rica and to blame the bombing on agents of the Sandinista government.

The article was accompanied by a color photograph of Hull, which I immediately identified as John Joseph Michaels. After subsequent research and further examination of the photograph, I remain convinced that John Joseph Michaels and John Hull are the same individual, and that Michael's activities in Brazil are part of a continuing pattern of operations that led to the plot to bomb the U.S. embassy in Costa Rica, as he had asked me to bomb the U.S. consulate in Sao Paulo.

Robert H. Hayes

January 1988

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

CERTIFICATE OF NOTARY PUBLIC

BEFORE ME, personally appeared ROBERT HAYES, who after first being duly on oath, deposes and says that he is the person who executed the statement to which this certificate is attached, that he has read the statement and the facts and matters contained therein, that they were freely given and are true and correct to the best of his knowledge and belief.

WITNESS my hand and official seal, this 7th day of January, 1988.

Elizabeth B. Jones[?]

NOTARY PUBLIC

My commission expires May 12, 1988.

[William Kelly]

FWIW Department....

The following can be found at:

http://serendipity.nofadz.com/cia/rhayes.htm

AFFIDAVIT OF

Robert M. Hayes

2104 Selkirk Lane North

Lakeland, Florida

(813) 644-4364

Although I will reveal the full details of my intelligence background and activities only before a grand jury, trial jury or congressional committee, I will say that during and after my military service in the United States Army (RA11312792) I worked for or with the Army Security Service, the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Army's Criminal Investigative Division.

This affidavit is limited to my activities from approximately

AFTER READING MR. HAYES' AFFIDAVIE, PLEASE READ THE LATEST DOONSBURY CARTOON, IN WHICH THE SLACKER HIP KID, RECENTLY BOOTED FROM CIA SCHOOL, IS RECRUITED TO BE AN AGENT PROVOCATOUR BY BURING AN AMERICAN FLAG. YULK, YULK, YULK.

BK

[John Simkin]

I did not know that Carl Jenkins was linked to Barry Seal.

Pete Brewton, The Mafia, CIA and George Bush (1992)

On July 29, 1986, North had a meeting with retired Air Force Major General Richard Secord, who was running the Contra resupply effort as well as handling arms shipments to Iran. They discussed Ron Martin and Sergio Brull, along with Miami gun dealer David Duncan and the use of an East German ship that Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega was holding.

Brull was also named by Secord in an interview he had with the FBI in July 1986. Secord said Brull was an associate of Jack Terrell, who had been involved in efforts to resupply the Contras.

In 1989, Brull was sued by a bank in Haiti for allegedly absconding with the proceeds of a $1.4 million letter of credit that was to buy 5,000 tons of Brazilian sugar for Haiti. The bank couldn't locate Brull to serve him with the lawsuit and alleged that he had fled the country. The bank was able to track the $1.4 million that Brull took to a bank in Madrid, Spain."

Another member of this circle who was in Belize around this time was Carl Jenkins, an old CIA agent whose previous claim to fame was his role as Rafael "Chi Chi" Quintero's case officer during the Bay of Pigs fiasco." (Quintero, an infamous CIA operative who worked with Thomas Clines and Edwin Wilson, among others, was brought in by Secord and Clines to help with the Contra resupply effort.)" Jenkins is mentioned in a number of places in North's notebooks, including one memorable list by North that reads "Gene Wheaton, Carl Jenkins, [John] Hull, [Rob] Owen, [Oliver] North." This list was compiled by North on April 18, 1986, apparently during a telephone conversation with Alan Fiers, director of the CIA's Central American Task Force, who would later plead guilty to misleading Congress on the Contra affair.

Almost every time Jenkins appears in North's notebooks, he is in the company of Wheaton, the former Pentagon criminal investigator. Wheaton said Jenkins was using the tiny nation of Belize as a training area for Latin Americans and Laotians to fight in Nicaragua against the Sandinistas.

One of Jenkins's first assignments with the CIA was in the 1954 coup in Guatemala. Jenkins and his helicopter company in Guatemala were also customers of Commercial Helicopters in Baton Rouge, Louisiana." (This company got most of its financing from Louisiana mobster and savings-and-loan looter Herman K. Beebe, and one of its principals was a close friend of drug dealer and CIA asset Barry Seal. More on this later.)

On January 11, 1984, the day after North had scheduled a meeting with S. Cass Weiland and Senator Roth regarding Belize, North got another phone call from George Woodworth. He wrote in his notebook that it was about Weiland, who "wants to contact [the next word is illegible] people in Belize camps." The word that is illegible appears to be a four-letter word that begins with "dr" and ends with a "g." However, it doesn't appear to be the word "drug."

About the same time that Jenkins was training anti-Sandinistas in Belize and Corson's future attorney was saying the White House was interested in moving on a project in Belize, a friend of George Bush's, and Ronald Reagan's biggest campaign fundraiser in 1980 - i.e., Walter Mischer - was getting involved in small English-speaking Belize. He started out in 1984 in a shrimp business with his close friend, the late Houston developer Keith Jackson...

Ross, while denying that the company ever did business with his childhood buddy, Barry Seal, or the CIA, volunteered: "We used to lease helicopters from Flying Tiger Airlines." This airline company was established by General Claire Chennault in the 1950s as a cargo company, and became one of the largest private cargo companies in the world. It was not a CIA proprietary, but it did work for the CIA. It took its name from the group of pilots organized by Chennault during World War II to fly supplies to Chiang Kai-shek's nationalist Chinese. This group formed the foundation for the CIA's proprietary airline, Civil Air Transport, a branch of which became the infamous Air America.

Commercial Helicopters also negotiated the sale of helicopters to Saudi Arabia for use as medical ambulances, and provided parts and services to a helicopter company in Guatemala. This company, Helicopteros de Guatemala, was run by Wheaton's buddy Carl Jenkins, the old CIA agent from Louisiana who was living in Guatemala and training Contras in Belize. At the time Commercial Helicopters filed for bankruptcy, it was holding for repair about $150,000 worth of helicopter parts belonging to Jenkins's company.

A letter filed with the bankruptcy court on April 11,1985, from Gary Villiard, the general manager of Commercial Helicopters, states that on May 30, 1984, Jenkins and Ricardo Moratoya from Helicopteros de Guatemala instructed him to transport a helicopter owned by the company from New Orleans to Commercial Helicopters' facilities in Lafayette, and then to ship it to Guatemala along with an engine belonging to them. Villiard said in the letter that he complied.

Jenkins had other connections to the Ed Wilson/Tom Clines/Ted Shackley/Dick Secord group. As previously noted, he was Chi Chi Quintero's CIA case officer during the Bay of Pigs, after which Tom Clines became Quintero's case officer. (Shackley was Clines's boss and headed up the CIA's Miami station after the Bay of Pigs disaster; he was also involved in the CIA's use of the Mafia to try to assassinate Fidel Castro.)

Jenkins also headed a large CIA base in Laos from 1970 to 1973, during which time Shackley, Secord and Clines were all involved in CIA operations in that area. Also working with these individuals in that theater were General John Singlaub and a Marine officer named Oliver North.

[Pat Speer]

I was just reading the 1978 HSCA testimony of Carlos Hernandez on Larry Hancock's

cd rom (which I recently re-found). (Chapter 5, Exhibit 2) On page 42 and

43, he identifies Carl Jenkins as the agent in charge of an infiltration

training camp based on Usepa Island, off the coast of New Orleans. He

adds that Jenkins was using the name Carl James.

This supports Gene Wheaton's statements about Jenkins' connections to the anti-Castro community and New Orleans..

Larry Hancock has confirmed that he hadn't read Hernandez' testimony since the recent interest in Jenkins (had any of us?). He will be adding this information to his website..

[James Richards]

Ussepa Island is off the coast of Florida.

Jose Basulto received part of his training there.

James

[Larry Hancock]

I think Pat's find is very significant for a variety of reasons.

First, we leaned from both Carlos and Victor Hernandez that certain individuals were taken out of the

regular Brigade training that was going on outside New Orleans...and although the CIA tried to run

a cover that they were utinmanageable personnel, Victor Hernandez blew that with his statements

that they were taken to a safe house, then given special training and then sent into Cuba on

a mission peripheral to the Bay of Pigs invasion force.

Second, we know from Jenkins records and other sources that the did covert, infiltration training and among

other things actually ran Castro assassination missions in an attempt to take out Fidel prior to the BOP.

Thrid, all of this ties exactly to Op 40 and Morales AM/MOT intelligence and political team that was sent into

the BOP on a peripheral mission and most of whom did not land.

I'm forced to the conclusion that Jenkins was actually running operations in with Morales trainees and the

two must have known each other well.

So far everything Wheaton surfaced to the ARRB about comments he heard from Jenkins and his special

exile associates has checked out...now including his reference to Jenkins having connections to operations outside

New Orleans. It seems to me we should take their reported comments about the JFK conspiracy and the people

who were sent to Dallas very seriously.

Thanks much Pat, great work!

-- Larry

I was just reading the 1978 HSCA testimony of Carlos Hernandez on Larry Hancock's

cd rom (which I recently re-found). (Chapter 5, Exhibit 2) On page 42 and

43, he identifies Carl Jenkins as the agent in charge of an infiltration

training camp based on Usepa Island, off the coast of New Orleans. He

adds that Jenkins was using the name Carl James.

This supports Gene Wheaton's statements about Jenkins' connections to the anti-Castro community and New Orleans..

Larry Hancock has confirmed that he hadn't read Hernandez' testimony since the recent interest in Jenkins (had any of us?). He will be adding this information to his website..

[Pat Speer]

Ussepa Island is off the coast of Florida.

Jose Basulto received part of his training there.

James

You're correct as usual. James. Hernandez said it was off the coast of New Orleans, but then said "I don't know where it was." I googled it and the source of his confusion became clear. While off the coast of Florida, Useppa is not in the keys. It is far up the western coast of Florida in the gulf, near Tampa Bay. It is almost equidistant between Miami and New Orleans. This puts it in Trafficante country, not Marcello country.

From wiki: "When tarpon fishing became popular in the 1880s, Chicago businessman John Roach established a resort on Useppa. Barron Collier bought the island in 1911, but the hotel was damaged by the Labor Day Hurricane of 1935, and was torn down after World War II. William Snow bought the island in 1962 and refurbished its decaying buildings, initiating a recovery in Useppa's tourism industry."

Does anyone know much about Baron Collier or his family?. Apparently they owned the island in 61. What about William Snow? Was he a legit businessman? Or was he a front for someone else?

Larry, does connecting Hernandez to Jenkins help clarify a possible conspiracy? Does it bring any of your strongest suspects into contact with Jenkins, and complement Wheaton's statements?

[Larry Hancock]

Pat, it's the sort of totally independent corroboration that is key. Gaeton Fonzi was unable to find out

anything about "the big indian", the CIA totally stonewalled him and the HSCA as it had Garrison. Now

we know the facts about Morales. But then even a senior officer in a key position (Jenkins) was totally unknown

to us. Then what happens, within the last couple of years it turns out that Carl Jenkins was also

a key officer and now we have documents it was his operation that actually developed and launched

very real Castro assassination projected before the BOP...independently of the Roselli efforts. But

nobody had any idea of Jenkin's importance.

Some very important history is turning up in these documents and its real history. These people

were there, they were very important and they ran very real black operations. Combine Morales

remarks about JFK with Wheaton's information from Jenkins talking about the CIA officer/exile

involvement in eliminating JFK - and I have to have to ask why we should just not belive what these people

were saying?

-- Larry

Ussepa Island is off the coast of Florida.

Jose Basulto received part of his training there.

James

You're correct as usual. James. Hernandez said it was off the coast of New Orleans, but then said "I don't know where it was." I googled it and the source of his confusion became clear. While off the coast of Florida, Useppa is not in the keys. It is far up the western coast of Florida in the gulf, near Tampa Bay. It is almost equidistant between Miami and New Orleans. This puts it in Trafficante country, not Marcello country.

From wiki: "When tarpon fishing became popular in the 1880s, Chicago businessman John Roach established a resort on Useppa. Barron Collier bought the island in 1911, but the hotel was damaged by the Labor Day Hurricane of 1935, and was torn down after World War II. William Snow bought the island in 1962 and refurbished its decaying buildings, initiating a recovery in Useppa's tourism industry."

Does anyone know much about Baron Collier or his family?. Apparently they owned the island in 61. What about William Snow? Was he a legit businessman? Or was he a front for someone else?

Larry, does connecting Hernandez to Jenkins help clarify a possible conspiracy? Does it bring any of your strongest suspects into contact with Jenkins, and complement Wheaton's statements?

[Pat Speer]

Pat, it's the sort of totally independent corroboration that is key. Gaeton Fonzi was unable to find out

anything about "the big indian", the CIA totally stonewalled him and the HSCA as it had Garrison. Now

we know the facts about Morales. But then even a senior officer in a key position (Jenkins) was totally unknown

to us. Then what happens, within the last couple of years it turns out that Carl Jenkins was also

a key officer and now we have documents it was his operation that actually developed and launched

very real Castro assassination projected before the BOP...independently of the Roselli efforts. But

nobody had any idea of Jenkin's importance.

Some very important history is turning up in these documents and its real history. These people

were there, they were very important and they ran very real black operations. Combine Morales

remarks about JFK with Wheaton's information from Jenkins talking about the CIA officer/exile

involvement in eliminating JFK - and I have to have to ask why we should just not belive what these people

were saying?

-- Larry

Wait.. it sounds like you're saying SOMEONE TALKED... LOL. That "someone would have talked" argument has always annoyed the heck out of me...it's so willfully ignorant. Even worse, however, is the Hoover/Warren/Posner/Jennings/Myers/Bugliosi "not one scintilla" argument. What a load! As an homage to your book I think I'll rename my webpage "Scintilla."

[James Richards]

What about William Snow? (Pat Speer)

Pat,

There was an Assistant Secretary of State named William Snow. In 1958, Snow, Henry Holland and J.C. King were dispatched to Miami to speak with William Pawley. They wanted Pawley to travel to Cuba and to try and convince Batista to bow out gracefully.

Could this be the same Snow?

James

[Larry Hancock]

Thank you Pat...I'll try to work that word into the day's conversation in order to claim it...grin.

I'll have to admit it does "bug" me a bit that Mr. Bubliosi doesn't seem to be familiar

with some of the credible people whose remarks have surfaced only in the last decade.

Then again I'm not reading his book at present so perhaps those who are will tell us differently as the

progress through his 1,900 pages....

-- Larry

Pat, it's the sort of totally independent corroboration that is key. Gaeton Fonzi was unable to find out

anything about "the big indian", the CIA totally stonewalled him and the HSCA as it had Garrison. Now

we know the facts about Morales. But then even a senior officer in a key position (Jenkins) was totally unknown

to us. Then what happens, within the last couple of years it turns out that Carl Jenkins was also

a key officer and now we have documents it was his operation that actually developed and launched

very real Castro assassination projected before the BOP...independently of the Roselli efforts. But

nobody had any idea of Jenkin's importance.

Some very important history is turning up in these documents and its real history. These people

were there, they were very important and they ran very real black operations. Combine Morales

remarks about JFK with Wheaton's information from Jenkins talking about the CIA officer/exile

involvement in eliminating JFK - and I have to have to ask why we should just not belive what these people

were saying?

-- Larry

Wait.. it sounds like you're saying SOMEONE TALKED... LOL. That "someone would have talked" argument has always annoyed the heck out of me...it's so willfully ignorant. Even worse, however, is the Hoover/Warren/Posner/Jennings/Myers/Bugliosi "not one scintilla" argument. What a load! As an homage to your book I think I'll rename my webpage "Scintilla."