William Plumlee

David: Again, this is so odd. I actually spoke with workers in Ohio who replaced the leather and Whitaker was clear that the vehicle was stripped to metal on November 25, 1963. It is literallly like a shell game. Doug Not to take away from anyone... BUT what about the "alleged" south knoll shooter? The Windshield hole or crack is a very interesting topic... so is the background leading up to the "alleged hole in the windshield. Sometime ago I posted an overhead picture of Delay Plaza and drew a "line of shot" from the south side of the underpass and parking lot. Perhaps someone would care to locate that picture and post it and compare it to the hole or crack in the windshield. Remember the road curves and dips as it goes under the underpass. Shoots came from our left . I know some do not want to hear this... BUT... I post this for no other reason that to make some aware of this little known background.... I am sure this will kill this thread.... no Pun, intended. OLD POSTINGS: Mar 28 2007, 06:58 AM Post #46 Super Member Group: Members Posts: 5179 Joined: 9-December 04 From: Europe Member No.: 2082 QUOTE (Charles Drago @ Mar 27 2007, 10:51 PM) I wanted to revisit this topic, if only to move it to the top of the list with the hope of stimulating additional postings. Charles Charles and all, I have been exploring things behind the scenes [not posting them as I do them on the Forum]. I have, as I said, some images by Tom and have located four other much larger clusters of them. If this were to really be moved forward it would need a core group with a lead person; a well organized plan of how to collect, preserve, validate the methodology of and present to the public (and in what forum?!); some money with which to do this; a permanent archive for these items that will be publicly accessable yet highly secure against tampering or theft, etc. Anyone with ideas toward these ends is certainly welcome to post those ideas or contact me by email. When things cystalize a bit more behind the scenes I'll post a bit more. Tom was highly secretive during his lifetime, but he made copies and placed them in secure places. I'd also like to make here a list with URLs, if available, of all presentations Tom did, as well as all recolections people have of meeting and talking with him about his technique, etc. One interesting fact I came accross in what I've been working on is that Tom gave a very large amount of his conclusions and enhancements to the FBI! It would be most interesting to file a FOIA on those. All of that material exists in copies elsewhere, but to see if the FBI claims to have them, has done anything with them, passed them on to any other agencies, tested his enhancement process, etc. Anyone out there who can work with me on that for a fast-track FOIA contact me by email. Tom was quite naive [iMHO] to the end of his life that goodness still could be found within the varous agencies of the USG and his presentation and 'donation' of these materials to the FBI he thought was sufficient to prove to them, and thus the Nation, that there had been a massive conspiracy and coverup [perish the thought!] and he was very disappointed that the FBI, as well as no other Government agencies, never got back to him over the materials he tendered. I'd almost bet that those materials were looked at carefully for the purposes of denying and refuting them and would like to try to find those analyses, if they exist. Tom died not long after his donation of these materials to the USG. Peter This post has been edited by Peter Lemkin: Mar 28 2007, 07:12 AM William Plumlee Feb 15 2008, 04:15 AM Post #47 Advanced Member Group: Members Posts: 893 Joined: 11-October 04 From: d Member No.: 1680 QUOTE (Jack White @ Mar 8 2007, 03:14 PM) QUOTE (Peter Lemkin @ Mar 8 2007, 09:37 PM) It is late here and I'm tired....and will try to put down a few thoughts briefly and come back to put down more in a day or so. I'm probably one of the or the only researcher here to have had some of my work and photos 'enhanced' by Tom Wilson. I'm looking at them here on my desk. I've never put them on the internet...and likely not about to. I know some about Tom's computer program and there is much I don't. He was too secretive. There are those who could help, but I can't [yet] pry information out of them. I'll not mention who they are here and now. He was approved by the courts as an expert witness in forensics, using his techniques on forensic materials. Cyril is too busy with his own problems to help much on that now. What to say...I had him use his program on the ultra-high-quality Cancellare photo I got via the back door. He never explained totally how his system worked and thus what one gets [or sees] is, yes, hard to verify. Basicly, he had his system look for spectral patterns characterisic of specific materials: glass, metal, wood, cloth, etc. He claimed he could even 'see'/distinguish variants of these. OK, I can 'see' these in his enhancements...but without the independant test on a non-controversial item who is to say if the new image is an artifact or a real 'enhancement' of what was there. My problem and I'm trying to 'lean' on those who could answer....thus far with no success. My gut feeling is his technique worked, but not to the level he claimed in all cases. I have some very interesing 'images' here I can overlay on the original Cancellare and thus orient what is where...but ....too tired to go into it all now...tomorrow....more.... Peter I am familiar with Tom's work for Peter, because it was I who persuaded Tom to take a look. However, he was very secretive with both Peter and me about what he found. He would only tell me that he found TWO MEN in the tree shadows. I never saw his work on this, and frankly was doubtful, since darkroom enhancement of the area showed nothing. He would not show Peter what he found either, and soon his relations with Peter soured, because I feel he thought Peter was being too "pushy" and impatient for progress...plus he was busy building his lawsuit against the govt. Jack What does the south knoll photo really mean? Two people in the shadows of a tree? It means nothing unless you take into account the story behind the photo and how it came into being and the background of the people in question.. (1) the location of these two people were first told to the FBI in Buna Vista Colorado in April and May of 1964. The FBI was not at all interested in the story and said there was nobody there because they had pictures of the aera and it did not show anyone at that location. They also said their investigation proved I was at another location in Florida at the time of the assassination. I was not. ( THE Cancellara Photo had not surfaced at this early date, 1964) It was also stated by the FBI that if I (Plumlee) did not quit talking about Dallas and my wild stories concerning the assassination I would never get out of jail ( I was in lock up from about two weeks after the JFK until sometime shortly after the WC completed its findings. I was never interviewed by the WC) Some years later (1980) Barnard Finsterwald Jr and Gary Shaw had a copy of the Cancellara photo which appeared in Gary Shaws early or first book (can't recall name about 1976 ??) I was shown that picture for the first time and I pointed out to them where Sergio and I were standing at the time of the shots. (near and within the shadows of the fork tree. I drew them a map of our route out of Delay Plaza. Shortly after that my house in Grant Colorado was burned down and I was beat up at a Evergreen Colorado Bar and had ten stitches in right forehead and eye. A few months later, I was shot at in my truck and ran off the road. There were passengers in the truck at the time who have given statements to law enforcement) Some years later (1990 ??) Jim Maras and Peter Lambkin and I started research on this subject and others concerning JFK and OPS. It that point all hell broke loose and the FBI hounded me for years and IRS took all my holdings and bank accounts for back taxes) We, the three of us continued to work on trying to prove I and Sergio were there that day and at that location on the south knoll when the shots were fired Around that time Jim Maras introduced me to Jack White and the photo came up and I was under the impression that Jack White was going to look into the picture. I was told he had done that and he failed to see anything there. Soon thereafter Peter Lambkin retained Tom Wilson to take a look at the picture. Carl Which also looked at Tom's work, I was told. I was also told he (Wilson) had found two people near or at the forked tree, but he was working on it . Shortly after that and just before he died The FBI contacted me in Denver Colorado asking about the picture and they showed me a copy and wanted me to mark the location where we were standing. I refused. They also showed me an affidavit which my brother had signed that stated I was in Dallas early AM visiting my step-mother his mother. I refused to help them in any way because I was pissed at them because of the IRS matter. I told them to shove it and to talk to the CIA if they wanted to know anything about what I did and had done, including Iran-Contra operations. I felt I was being set up. Now that is a very rough background as to the events which leads to this south knoll investigation and the photo.. (For the sake of time, I have been about as short as I Can make this) The reason this is important to the investigation, is because it proves two people were there and when you take into account the background of these two people then it should be looked into. I have always felt that photo is an important link and should be looked into, perhaps more so than the north knoll.. How and why the software works and who did what back when is really not the issue. Again. What does it prove if two people are proved to be at that location at the time of the shots?. Add that to the "Tall Tales" of the Plumlee story and what have you? Include the new release documents and all the new evidence and take a hard look at what Plumlee has said before the new releases were released.. If two people are prove to be there, then why were they there? To kill the President? Well could they have been at that location for other reasons? I have been called "one of the assassins". Why? Could my story be true if it is proved I was at that location... Why one of the assassins? Why not one who tried to stop it? Preponderance of the evidence over the years and the new declassified documents, I feel should be looked into in order to get the trail to point to the real assassination. That is the issue I feel. Seems each time we start to go into a matter we get drawn away from the subject and our egos get in the way. I say I saw JFK get assassinated. I saw we were sent in to stop it or as I have said long ago "ABORT IT" I do not expect anyone to even read this long post about an old mans forty year plus story.. The JFK matter has been shut down and contaminated by dis information. This story also will die on the vine because this story goes beyond reason and it also conflicts with others theories and their life work has been dedicated to their theories and there is not room for a true tall tale... it goes against the norm and all the experts. If the real story did get out or released then all that has been written would have to be sent to the deep six... and the experts would not be of much help in any new investigations... we would have to breed another group of new experts and investigators, because all the old experts would have discredited themselves by their own works. Peter Lemkin Feb 15 2008, 08:27 AM Post #48 Super Member Group: Members Posts: 5179 Joined: 9-December 04 From: Europe Member No.: 2082 QUOTE (William Plumlee @ Feb 15 2008, 04:15 AM) Carl Which also looked at Tom's work, I was told. I was also told he (Wilson) had found two people near or at the forked tree, but he was working on it . Shortly after that and just before he died The FBI contacted me in Denver Colorado asking about the picture and they showed me a copy and wanted me to mark the location where we were standing. I refused. They also showed me an affidavit which my brother had signed that stated I was in Dallas early AM visiting my step-mother his mother. I refused to help them in any way because I was pissed at them because of the IRS matter. I told them to shove it and to talk to the CIA if they wanted to know anything about what I did and had done, including Iran-Contra operations. I felt I was being set up. Tosh, Who is Carl? Also, I know you were 'spooked' that the FBI had various materials and that they approached you at that point. I know think I understand, in part, what that might have been about. Before Tom Wilson died he had arranged to meet with some fairly high-level FBI agent at their Dallas offices. There he gave a presentation several times repeated of his technique and what he had uncovered about the assassination, using it. He then turned some of these materials over to the FBI - from which they went into a black hole. You are apparently the only person to have seen part of them when those FBI men came to you and asked for you to verify parts of what Wilson had told them. Wilson, in his naivete, had assumed the FBI would take his years of hard work and 'solve' or make major progress on Dallas. As we all know they have done nothing before, during or since. They closed the case on or about 11/14/1963. William Plumlee Feb 16 2008, 01:07 AM Post #49 Advanced Member Group: Members Posts: 893 Joined: 11-October 04 From: d Member No.: 1680 QUOTE (Charles Drago @ Mar 27 2007, 01:51 PM) I wanted to revisit this topic, if only to move it to the top of the list with the hope of stimulating additional postings. Charles Charles. Its been almost a year of this thread and as yet nothing has been done in reference to any of the photos of the south knoll and others. The only thing which has been accomplished is the threads go nowhere and the subject matter goes into the black hole. What is most important? How the work was done or what the work of Wilson's pointed out. As to the south knoll photo and if shown that two people were there in the shadow of the forked tree, then what does that mean? What questions will this raise if it is prove that there were two persons at that location? We will never get to that point. Its been over a year of back and forth as to the photo work and how it was or was not done. Seems we miss the real point of why these two people, if real, were there on the south knoll. Why were they there and too, why were they not interviewed. The story behind the photo is a interesting story when you mention that the FBI knew about these two people many years ago. Why were they not questioned even after one of these persons stated they were there? I too, brought this thread forward, but it too will die on the vine and the subject matter will not be addressed. What would these two people in the photo, if real, have to say on the subject of what they saw and why they were there? To me that is the real issues. I understand the work has to be validated. However, we speculate on everything else that comes down the pike in reference to the assassination of JFK.... but this matter seems to be "Taboo" for whatever reasons. For the benefit of doubt lets say there were two people there... what would that really mean? Would what these two persons have to say really mean anything? Did they hear any shots? From where? How many? What were they going to do? Were they there to kill the President? OR were they there for other reasons? We drift off into speculations on many matters as to JFK. But as to the two people on the south knoll we stay away from that subject and if we push we are attacked and called liars. But the FBI does come to one of them asking many questions about the south knoll and they take things out of your burned house. Why? More south Knoll which went nowhere and the thread went dead much like thr hole in the windshield some years ago: QUOTE (William Plumlee @ Oct 22 2006, 05:25 PM) NEW TOPIC: being the other thread was diverted and a little off track: Now I am going to "step out of line" again and ask a few questions that some do not want asked. I will not go into Central America. After all this is a JFK investigative forum. Right? Have you noticed how everyone stays away from that "south knoll shooter", or that south knoll picture. Also who brought the "south knoll shooter", and the picture into this investigation? "... a shot came from behind and to the left of us...". (previous quote) "... we checked the south parking lot but did not notice anything". (previous quote) "... the shots ECHOED through out the plaza"... ". (previous quote) "... some years ago I set off a firecracker at the south end of the triple underpass and watched people look toward the north side of the Plaza and at the north end of the underpass. I think that was because of the echo effect from the tube like tunnels of the underpass...". (previous quote) ".... the Limo was directly in-line with the south shooter and the Presidents head was turned toward the south, Jackie (south knoll south end of underpass) ". Note: Each time this south knoll information comes up; the thread is turned back to the "Badgeman" and other north side of Plaza matters and those theories and doctored photos. Why is it so important not to really look into that area of the south side? Each time that area is brought up it is past by or diverted into something else not related. It was the same in 1964, and again in 1974, and again in 1978, 81, 91, and now 2006. It was the same with the FBI, Secret Service, Congressional and Senate investigators of many years ago. It seems to be very important to focus on the North side and by pass the South. Why? Is it perhaps that is the area that best confirms the fake story played by the government of where the shooters or assassins really were? Also note. I have put out a lot of information these past few years and months; most of it backed up with documentation and preponderance of evidence. None of that information is addressed directly. Each time it is moved away from and something else is put in place to investigate. What really happens is I get investigated and threated by federal sources, including IRS. I find this strange if we say we are truly looking at all available information in reference to who shot Kennedy. If we say we want the truth-- then should we not really look into this south area with a fine tooth comb? Tosh, I have believed in the South Knoll shooter for quite some time, and felt somewhat exonerated when I first saw Sherry G's analysis. And you're right, in that when the topic comes up, it invariably leads back to the North Knoll. Frankly, there are as many potentials in the Cancellare photo of the South Knoll parking lot as there are of the North Knoll area photos. For anyone who has been or will be in Dealey Plaza, or has seen some recent photos taken from the south end of the railroad overpass facing the TSBD, you'll see something you generally don't see from other angles. Stand in Elm St near the head shot X facing west and look straight ahead. You'll be facing the west end of the South Knoll, and not down Elm towards the Stemmons entrance. I would suggest the forum's resident photo experts take a look at the background of Cancellare with the same zeal as they have of Moorman, Betzner, Willis, the Z film, etc. I have some photos, but unfortunately can't post here due to limited attachment space. RJS This post has been edited by Richard J. Smith: Oct 23 2006, 01:29 PM

Jack. Jim and I went to your office ( about 1990-91 before the Florida Hurricane Andrew and a little before Oliver Stone's JFK movie) to see if you could do some photo work on the (Cancella?? Photo) which I said showed two people standing in the shadows of a tree near the steps on the south knoll at the time the shots were fired. You showed us your work and that is when I saw your picture of "Gator", who had been on the flight too and from Dallas that day. After a brief discussion concerning Gator and his name, I told you he was a Cuban who had lost a finger or two when he used to work at an alligator farm near West Palm Beach Florida. I was under the impression that Gator had previously been an associate of Eddie Bayo and a friend of Frank Sturges and had worked with Alpha-66 and later Omega-7. He knew some of the Dallas Cubans and the locations of the Dallas "Safe-houses". He used to hang out at the "Dark Horse Bar" in West Palm Beach and knew Sergio. I was told he had been with the Castro Cuban rebels before Castro came into Havana in 1959 and was an associate of Joe Westbrook Rosales and the old M-26-7 at the University of Havana, before the Palace attack.(1956-58) His MO was communications and had been on the raider ship Rex and installed some of its electronics.... I was under the impression that day that he was part of the "Abort Team" and had came on board from JM/WAVE, Miami Station. He used to live in Morgan City LA and had a room at the Dixie Hotel across from the Railroad Tracks and worked at "Sid's Place, a bar at Bayo Buff east of Morgan City. He was a friend of Le Roy Davis of Morgan City and had been involved in gunrunning to anti- Castro groups in Florida. He lost his fingers at the alligator farm about 1960, before the BoP. I think Jim might be able to add to this, if his memory is as keen as yours now days. As to a positive ID and a "real" name, I would not know. We did not go around asking a guy his real name. That would get you killed in a heart beat. You Take care "old man" Tosh ( FWIW)

Definitely wrong. Tosh and Jim Marrs came to my office. Jim wanted Tosh to see my slide show. When Tosh saw the DCM, he said spontaneously "THAT'S GATOR!" His ID seemed very spontaneous. He only identified him as Cuban AFTER saying THAT'S GATOR! Sorry to dispute you. I was there when he made the identification. Jack Jack. Your memory is still very sharp. I too remember that day in your office with Jim; I was contacted today by a researcher who made me aware of the above postings and he asked me to post the following. I post this for no other reason than to help those who might be interested. I label it in the FWIW section... take it or leave it. however these statements of mine were first given to the Denver FBI in the spring of 1964 at Buna Vista, Colorado and again to the Church Committee around 1975 if I remember right. Jack you take care. Your one of the few I do respect. Your work is beyond reproach.. tosh (from the flight out of Dallas after the assassination) "........ On the plane, besides myself, were Rojas, Sergio, a person who I knew as Gator from the Loxahatchee camp, and two other individuals that I didn't know. Gator had identifying characteristics of an unusually large Adam's Apple and a missing finger, which had supposedly been bitten off at an alligator farm. The people on the flight out of Dallas were very quiet. I interpreted their silence as dejection at the mission's failure to abort the assassination of the President. I believed that if these men had been the shooters or assassins themselves, they would have been very excited because they had carried it off. That's why to this day I take issue with the idea, which I have been asked to speculate on many times, that the attack on the President was in behalf of the CIA, Mafia, or Military Intelligence, and I had unknowingly flown an attack team in which had assassinated the President. Part 3 - Conclusion When I later learned that Oswald had been arrested as the lone assassin, I remembered having met him on a number of previous occasions which were connected with intelligence training matters, first at Illusionary Warfare Training in Nagshead, North Carolina, then in Honolulu at a radar installation and at Oahu's Wheeler Air Force Base, then in Dallas at an Oak Cliff safe house on North Beckley Street run by Alpha 66's Hernandez group, who had worked out of Miami prior to the assassination. The post-mission debriefing was held on November 25th, my birthday, in West Palm Beach by Rex Beardsley, Bob Bennett and, I believe, Tracy Barnes. There was some discomfort or unhappiness about my having been present in the Plaza without authorization. Sergio was reprimanded for taking me along as a 'spotter'. The report was transmitted to field headquarters Miami to JM/WAVE Headquarters, and the CIA’s Miami Cuban Desk. I regret that prior to the production of this narrative, the context and substance of my story has been changed and/or misstated by others to suit their own purposes. When I have spoken on tape, I have been asked to speculate on certain facts which were inaccurately produced as my own factual assertions. One of the most significant problems has been that my story has been tailored and changed to support the claims of others, about whom I knew nothing. I certify this declaration to be true and correct to the best of my knowledge. ....". I was just ask to post the whole damn thing: FWIW (others have used this for their own gain without my permission) ".... The following statements contained within this paper, are my personal story. Anything in previous publications is subject to question and is or has not been, reviewed, approved, or authorized, by me. My purpose in producing this unadulterated information and statement is to clarify previous errors of fact, which have been attributed to me. Therefore, this statement supersedes all previous versions of what others have claimed, speculated, or produced in media and print form, as being my true testimony and story. Any reproduction of this article, in whole or in part, without written permission from the author is prohibited, and will be considered as a copyright violation and subject to the penalties provided by law. I hereby declare the following to be true and correct to the best of my knowledge. Dated this 21st day of November 2004. (previously certified November 25, 1991) Part 1: Background Information My name is William Robert Plumlee, also known as 'Tosh" I am a retired commercial pilot and have worked for and with the United States Government for many years. My background follows: I was enlisted and assigned to military specialized operations at Fort Bliss, Texas in April of 1954.(RA18389060; Recon Training Command, RTC-D8) I was associated with various Military Intelligence units of the Fourth Army based at Fort Bliss, Texas, and also the Fourth Army Reserve, located at Dallas Love Field, Dallas Texas. This service period was in the early to mid fifties and into the early sixties. Approximately 1962 through 1963, I was assigned to Task Force W Section- C-7 tab B and D during the Cuban Project which operated at the time from the JM/WAVE station attached to Miami, Florida's 'Cuba Desk' of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). I operated as a contract "Undercover pilot" and also, at times, I was assigned to specialized Cuban operations of the CIA's "Covert Action Group" (CAG) I was engaged in many secret operations through out the early sixties. Some years later, after brief retirement, known as 'The Farm'. I reactivated myself and became attached as an undercover operative and contract pilot for the federal government during President Reagan's "Drug War". I was attached to a secret team known as 'America-Mexico Special Operations Group' ("AMSOG"), HQ'ed Panama Southern Command. I was also a pilot and associated with the Contra Resupply Network. I have testified four times in close door session, to various Senate and congressional investigative committees (Director FBI 1964; J Hoover; Senator Church, 1976-75; closed-door testimony, classified TS; to Congressmen Tom Downing's investigators, before the HSCA was formed; to Senator John Kerry's Committee of 1988-91 also classified " "TS Committee Sensitive" and the "Tri-State Drug Task Force", (Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico) chaired by Arizona Governor, Bruce Babbit. The cover operation contact cut out was the Phoenix Organized Crime Div. Phoenix AZ,1975-86. I worked with Senator Gary Hart and his security adviser Bill Holden, on previous intelligence matters with the NSC and the drug war with Colombia and Costa Rica. I worked UC operations with KiKi Camarena and his pilot, before they were murdered and I was a Military/DEA contract pilot, attached to Panama and Colombia, Costa Rica Investigative Task Force on Narcotics. I have a secret classified file as defined within the National Security statutes under the name of William Robert (Tosh) Plumlee aka William H "Buck" Pearson code named "Zapata", Miami Cuba Desk, 1960-63 MI/CIA OMC-TFW7; Section C (locate Tab B & D) classified information; portions declassified Aug 1998. Associated with Operation 40 connected to the NSC and the "White House Situations Rooms briefings. I was a contract operative for the CIA, associated with Tracy Barns, Wild Bill Harvey, Frank Bender, John Martino and many others. I have limited this paper to one particular mission that I was assigned to on November 20, 1963. I was a covert 'contract' military Intel pilot on civilian status for this secret operation. I have titled this work as: "The Flight To Dallas; A Pilots Memoirs". I have certified this copy as a declaration and personal testimony; a true account of my activities between November 20 through November 22, 1963 *** Part 2: Flight to Dallas - November 20-22, 1963 Beginning November 20, 1963, I was assigned to be a co-pilot on a top secret flight, which was attached to a Military Intelligence unit and supported by the CIA. Our mission, we were told, was to 'Abort' a pending attempt on the President's life which was to take place in Dallas. We were contracted as "cut-outs" a system used to shield a secret operation from public exposure. Our team was based out of South Florida. My pilot for this operation was Emanuel Rojas. We had flown together before. I was the co-pilot for this operation. The first leg of the flight would be from Lantana, Florida ( about five miles south of West Palm Beach) to Tampa Florida. The aircraft used for the first phase of this trip was a D-18 Twin Beach aircraft. We took-off before day break on November 21, 1963 expecting to arrive in Tampa about sunup. We were to pick up other personal at Tampa. One of these people was John Roselli, whom I knew. I had known John Roselli before this flight. I had flown Roselli and others to places like Cuba, Bimini, Galveston Texas, Las Vegas and California. He was also known to me as"Colonel Rawlston" or just "the Colonel". We (Rojas and I) were to pick up 'the Colonel' at Tampa's Congress Inn that morning. We changed aircraft at Tampa to a waiting DC-3 that was registered to 'Atlantic Richfield', and continued our trip to New Orleans, where a couple of people, who I did not know, got off and a few others got on. The Colonel stayed on board the DC-3. We continued our trip leaving New Orleans and continuing to Houston International Airport where we spent the night at the Shamrock Hilton, not far from the airport. We parked the aircraft on the Trans Texas side of the airport not far from the Texas Air National Guard and their AT6 type aircraft. The next morning, November 22,1963, about 4:30-5 a.m., our weather briefing was not favorable for a VFR flight into Dallas's Red Bird airport. We selected Garland as an alternate in case the weather had not improved by the time we arrived near Dallas air space. We did not file a flight plan nor intended to file IFR. This would have left a record of our flight with air traffic control. We continued to Garland,in northeast Dallas instead of Redbird Airport in Oak Cliff, a suburb of Dallas. We made this decision because of possible bad weather southwest of Dallas that had not cleared as yet. We arrived in Garland near daybreak. There had been so many threats against the President's life that we didn't have a great sense of urgency about this particular one. While waiting out the bad weather in Garland, and about thirty minutes after landing three of the passengers were picked up by car, including Roselli. (There are three documented corroborations of my presence at Garland airport that morning). After the weather had cleared sufficiently for the plane to continue via VFR flight rules to Redbird Airport in Dallas, we left Garland for the ten minute flight to Red Bird. We landed at Redbird around 9:30 or 10:30 a.m., perhaps as late as 11 a.m. where everybody got off and went their own way. It was my impression at that time that I was flying an abort team into Dallas, comprised of John Roselli, a couple of Cubans and some people that I surmised were connected with organized crime in New Orleans. The CIA's specific information about the assassination, which their field personnel had obtained from Texas informants and international sources, was past to Military Intel units attached to the Pentagon. Some of this information, I had been told, came from the interrogations of Two Cubans who had plotted to fire on Air Force One with a bazooka on November 17 in West Palm Beach, Florida. The pre-mission briefing was held at Loxahatchee, Florida on the evening of November 20th, but since I was not "field operational" at that time, except as a ‘contract pilot', I was not directly addressed at the briefing, other than routing and weather reports pertaining to flying the team into position. There would be no formal flight plans filed and the routing would be conducted under VFR (Visual Flight Rules) I only began to learn the full scope of the operation from my pilot Rojas and a field operative friend of mine named Sergio. Most of the details of this operation were told to me only after we had become airborne. I would learn more operational details upon reaching Redbird Airport. I learned that it had been discussed by the abort team where to go, how to abort, and what to look for. I had not at first paid much attention to any of these details as bits and pieces unfolded. I was told that the abort team, for whom I was only the pilot at that time, would probably be looking for a minimum of 19 or 20 people that would be in the Plaza. Most of the team members felt that this was another false alarm, there had been many during the past few weeks. The detailed instructions to the team had come from Robert Bennett and Rex Beardsley, as well as another case office whose name I can not recall. Although my specific assigned function was only a pilot. Upon arriving at Redbird Airport, Sergio asked me if I wanted to come along and see the President. I could also act as a spotter for him and his team, which, he said, were assigned to the south side of the plaza. I was told other members of the team would be patrolling the north side and the overpass. I understood we would be looking for a type of triangulation ambush. I gladly accepted Sergio's offer. It seemed like an adventure I didn't want to miss. We were driven from Red Bird Airport to a place not far from the Oak Cliff Country Club, then driven to Dealey Plaza, where we (Sergio and I) checked various areas and attempted to spot potential members of an attack team from the position on the South Knoll. The original information the team had received from sources in Texas and the CIA was an attempt was going to be made outside the Adolphus Hotel, but for reasons unknown to them, I was told ,the routing of the motorcade had been changed at the last minute to Dealey Plaza. While on the south knoll, Sergio and I were attempting to evaluate the most logical places where shooters might be located, but everything was confused, the timing was off, team members were late getting into position. They were not where they were supposed to be and the limited radio contacts that we had with them were not working, or spotty at best. It was soon after our arrival that the motorcade arrived. When the shots rang out, I had the impression of 4 or 5 shots, with one being fired from behind and to my left on the South Knoll, near the underpass and south parking lot. While leaving via the south side of the underpass near the train tracks, Sergio and I smelled gunpowder. I never saw Roselli in Dealey Plaza that day. We were picked up on the back side of the underpass, southwest side, by a person who had previously been at the Country Club. After driving away, and on the way back to Red Bird we stopped in the parking lot of Ed McLemore's Sportatorium, where Sergio changed out of the clothes he had muddied when he fell down the slippery west side of the railroad tracks. We stopped by the place in Oak Cliff, then returned to Redbird Airport. We waited for a few of the operatives who had been on our flight into Dallas to return. We waited as long as we could before departing without Roselli and some of the others. At approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we took off from Red Bird without filing a flight plan. Our original flight out of Dallas called for us to fly to Shepard Air Force Base in Wichita Falls, Texas. But because of the assassination that routing was changed at the last minute by Rojas. We would head for Houston and back to south Florida. On the plane, besides myself, were Rojas, Sergio, a person who I knew as Gator from the Loxahatchee camp, and two other individuals that I didn't know. Gator had identifying characteristics of an unusually large Adam's Apple and a missing finger, which had supposedly been bitten off at an alligator farm. The people on the flight out of Dallas were very quiet. I interpreted their silence as dejection at the mission's failure to abort the assassination of the President. I believed that if these men had been the shooters or assassins themselves, they would have been very excited because they had carried it off. That's why to this day I take issue with the idea, which I have been asked to speculate on many times, that the attack on the President was in behalf of the CIA, Mafia, or Military Intelligence, and I had unknowingly flown an attack team in which had assassinated the President. Part 3 - Conclusion When I later learned that Oswald had been arrested as the lone assassin, I remembered having met him on a number of previous occasions which were connected with intelligence training matters, first at Illusionary Warfare Training in Nagshead, North Carolina, then in Honolulu at a radar installation and at Oahu's Wheeler Air Force Base, then in Dallas at an Oak Cliff safe house on North Beckley Street run by Alpha 66's Hernandez group, who had worked out of Miami prior to the assassination. The post-mission debriefing was held on November 25th, my birthday, in West Palm Beach by Rex Beardsley, Bob Bennett and, I believe, Tracy Barnes. There was some discomfort or unhappiness about my having been present in the Plaza without authorization. Sergio was reprimanded for taking me along as a 'spotter'. The report was transmitted to field headquarters Miami to JM/WAVE Headquarters, and the CIA’s Miami Cuban Desk. I regret that prior to the production of this narrative, the context and substance of my story has been changed and/or misstated by others to suit their own purposes. When I have spoken on tape, I have been asked to speculate on certain facts which were inaccurately produced as my own factual assertions. One of the most significant problems has been that my story has been tailored and changed to support the claims of others, about whom I knew nothing. I certify this declaration to be true and correct to the best of my knowledge. Dated this 21st day of November, 2004 William Robert "Tosh" Plumlee, aka William H."Buck" Pearson. *** Notes Regarding References: Certified military Records can be found on William R. Plumlee at the Texas Adjutant General, State of Texas, Headquarters,Texas National Guard; also at the archived files of the Fourth Army Reserve and Fifth Army, located at Camp Mabry, Austin Texas. The following is a brief summary of these records: Enlistment Record of William Robert Plumlee: Texas National Guard 49th, Armored Division; United States Army, Fourth Army HDQ, Fort Bliss Texas; Fourth Army Reserve, Dallas Love Field, Dallas, Texas. Recap of documents found at the Texas Adjutant General, Camp Mabry, Austin Texas: William Robert Plumlee S/N RA- 18389060; 9th of Feb 1955; grade CPL; Auth for grade 25-1; enlisted under authority of (NGR25-1) For service in NGS Texas; Company C 156Tk Bn. Fourth Army Reserve; DoB 11 25 37; Civil Trade or Occupation: Aircraft Mechanic, Southwest Airmotive, Dallas Love Field, Dallas, Texas. Enlistment Records: 22Oct52 thu 8th Feb53 NG Enl s/n25926077 Pvt disc. HonMin; Disc. 8Feb53; re enl. 28th Sept53 thu 2Mar54USAR 4th Army; 18389060 Grade at disc.USAR, CPL. 3Mar54 thu 2Jul USA s/n18389060 rank CPL; United States Army (USA) Ft Bliss Texas assn. temp dty (unknown). 6Jul54-No Record of Disc. tnsf. Texas 4th Army Res, Dallas Love Field, Dallas Texas. Co C156Tk Bn.CO Capt. assn 'Specialized operations, Intel: Commanding officers; Capt. Gilbert B Cook; Texas National Guard: 2ndLt. Charles R Brannon, Arty; Ft. Bliss, Texas, (RTC); Capt. Edward G Seiwell, Fourth Army Reserves, Dallas, Texas; MOS: WR Plumlee 1795, 3795 Tank Crew man Tk Commander, Sherman Tank. Cpl. Plumlee USA MOS 'Unknown'; Unknown sta. Ft. Bliss, Texas; Fort Hood,Texas, National Guard; Unknown. Office of Origin (OO) Records at Office of Adjutant General State of Texas Camp Mabry, Texas. Texas National Guard; Texas Fourth Army Reserve; Certified Copy of Available Documents By; XXX referenced doc loc. "on file". Medical reports: Personnel Records Center, St Louis, MO. NOTE: For anyone interesting in taking the time to open up the following links I think you will find the information more that interesting in reference as to how J.Edgar Hoover obstructed Justice in withholding inportant files from investigative committees: There are two different sets of FBI files on William Robert Plumlee. One set was released to the HSCA; 1978, while the other (Plumlee/Rosellie; 62-2116 file) was not declassified until 1997. A careful review of these pages will show how J Hoover withheld information contained within FBI files from the HSCA as well as other investigative committees: NOTE: THE FOLLOWING REFERENCED FBI FILES HAVE BEEN REMOVED. (DECEMBER 1, 2004) AFTER I WAS ADVISED THAT WITHIN THOSE RELEASED FOIA FBI PAGES CONTAINED MATTERS WHICH ARE STILL CLASSIFIED "TOP SECRET COMMITTEE SENSITIVE", AS RECLASSIFIED ON AUGUST 12, 1991. I WAS NOT AWARE OF THIS AT THE TIME SOME OF THESE PAGES WERE POSTED BY ME ON THIS FORUM. I WILL REVIEW THESE PAGES AND REPOST THE REFERENCES THAT ARE CONSIDERED NOT TO "COMPROMISE" PROCEDURES AND METHODS ...". (END) "... The following statements contained within this paper, are my personal story. Anything in previous publications is subject to question and is or has not been, reviewed, approved, or authorized, by me. My purpose in producing this unadulterated information and statement is to clarify previous errors of fact, which have been attributed to me. Therefore, this statement supersedes all previous versions of what others have claimed, speculated, or produced in media and print form, as being my true testimony and story. Any reproduction of this article, in whole or in part, without written permission from the author is prohibited, and will be considered as a copyright violation and subject to the penalties provided by law. I hereby declare the following to be true and correct to the best of my knowledge. Dated this 21st day of November 2004. Part 1: Background Information My name is William Robert Plumlee, also known as 'Tosh" I am a retired commercial pilot and have worked for and with the United States Government for many years. My background follows: I was enlisted and assigned to military specialized operations at Fort Bliss, Texas in April of 1954.(RA18389060; Recon Training Command, RTC-D8) I was associated with various Military Intelligence units of the Fourth Army based at Fort Bliss, Texas, and also the Fourth Army Reserve, located at Dallas Love Field, Dallas Texas. This service period was in the early to mid fifties and into the early sixties. Approximately 1962 through 1963, I was assigned to Task Force W Section- C-7 tab B and D during the Cuban Project which operated at the time from the JM/WAVE station attached to Miami, Florida's 'Cuba Desk' of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). I operated as a contract "Undercover pilot" and also, at times, I was assigned to specialized Cuban operations of the CIA's "Covert Action Group" (CAG) I was engaged in many secret operations through out the early sixties. Some years later, after brief retirement, known as 'The Farm'. I reactivated myself and became attached as an undercover operative and contract pilot for the federal government during President Reagan's "Drug War". I was attached to a secret team known as 'America-Mexico Special Operations Group' ("AMSOG"), HQ'ed Panama Southern Command. I was also a pilot and associated with the Contra Resupply Network. I have testified four times in close door session, to various Senate and congressional investigative committees (Director FBI 1964; J Hoover; Senator Church, 1976-75; closed-door testimony, classified TS; to Congressmen Tom Downing's investigators, before the HSCA was formed; to Senator John Kerry's Committee of 1988-91 also classified " "TS Committee Sensitive" and the "Tri-State Drug Task Force", (Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico) chaired by Arizona Governor, Bruce Babbit. The cover operation contact cut out was the Phoenix Organized Crime Div. Phoenix AZ,1975-86. I worked with Senator Gary Hart and his security adviser Bill Holden, on previous intelligence matters with the NSC and the drug war with Colombia and Costa Rica. I worked UC operations with KiKi Camarena and his pilot, before they were murdered and I was a Military/DEA contract pilot, attached to Panama and Colombia, Costa Rica Investigative Task Force on Narcotics. I have a secret classified file as defined within the National Security statutes under the name of William Robert (Tosh) Plumlee aka William H "Buck" Pearson code named "Zapata", Miami Cuba Desk, 1960-63 MI/CIA OMC-TFW7; Section C (locate Tab B & D) classified information; portions declassified Aug 1998. Associated with Operation 40 connected to the NSC and the "White House Situations Rooms briefings. I was a contract operative for the CIA, associated with Tracy Barns, Wild Bill Harvey, Frank Bender, John Martino and many others. I have limited this paper to one particular mission that I was assigned to on November 20, 1963. I was a covert 'contract' military Intel pilot on civilian status for this secret operation. I have titled this work as: "The Flight To Dallas; A Pilots Memoirs". I have certified this copy as a declaration and personal testimony; a true account of my activities between November 20 through November 22, 1963 *** Part 2: Flight to Dallas - November 20-22, 1963 Beginning November 20, 1963, I was assigned to be a co-pilot on a top secret flight, which was attached to a Military Intelligence unit and supported by the CIA. Our mission, we were told, was to 'Abort' a pending attempt on the President's life which was to take place in Dallas. We were contracted as "cut-outs" a system used to shield a secret operation from public exposure. Our team was based out of South Florida. My pilot for this operation was Emanuel Rojas. We had flown together before. I was the co-pilot for this operation. The first leg of the flight would be from Lantana, Florida ( about five miles south of West Palm Beach) to Tampa Florida. The aircraft used for the first phase of this trip was a D-18 Twin Beach aircraft. We took-off before day break on November 21, 1963 expecting to arrive in Tampa about sunup. We were to pick up other personal at Tampa. One of these people was John Roselli, whom I knew. I had known John Roselli before this flight. I had flown Roselli and others to places like Cuba, Bimini, Galveston Texas, Las Vegas and California. He was also known to me as"Colonel Rawlston" or just "the Colonel". We (Rojas and I) were to pick up 'the Colonel' at Tampa's Congress Inn that morning. We changed aircraft at Tampa to a waiting DC-3 that was registered to 'Atlantic Richfield', and continued our trip to New Orleans, where a couple of people, who I did not know, got off and a few others got on. The Colonel stayed on board the DC-3. We continued our trip leaving New Orleans and continuing to Houston International Airport where we spent the night at the Shamrock Hilton, not far from the airport. We parked the aircraft on the Trans Texas side of the airport not far from the Texas Air National Guard and their AT6 type aircraft. The next morning, November 22,1963, about 4:30-5 a.m., our weather briefing was not favorable for a VFR flight into Dallas's Red Bird airport. We selected Garland as an alternate in case the weather had not improved by the time we arrived near Dallas air space. We did not file a flight plan nor intended to file IFR. This would have left a record of our flight with air traffic control. We continued to Garland,in northeast Dallas instead of Redbird Airport in Oak Cliff, a suburb of Dallas. We made this decision because of possible bad weather southwest of Dallas that had not cleared as yet. We arrived in Garland near daybreak. There had been so many threats against the President's life that we didn't have a great sense of urgency about this particular one. While waiting out the bad weather in Garland, and about thirty minutes after landing three of the passengers were picked up by car, including Roselli. (There are three documented corroborations of my presence at Garland airport that morning). After the weather had cleared sufficiently for the plane to continue via VFR flight rules to Redbird Airport in Dallas, we left Garland for the ten minute flight to Red Bird. We landed at Redbird around 9:30 or 10:30 a.m., perhaps as late as 11 a.m. where everybody got off and went their own way. It was my impression at that time that I was flying an abort team into Dallas, comprised of John Roselli, a couple of Cubans and some people that I surmised were connected with organized crime in New Orleans. The CIA's specific information about the assassination, which their field personnel had obtained from Texas informants and international sources, was past to Military Intel units attached to the Pentagon. Some of this information, I had been told, came from the interrogations of Two Cubans who had plotted to fire on Air Force One with a bazooka on November 17 in West Palm Beach, Florida. The pre-mission briefing was held at Loxahatchee, Florida on the evening of November 20th, but since I was not "field operational" at that time, except as a ‘contract pilot', I was not directly addressed at the briefing, other than routing and weather reports pertaining to flying the team into position. There would be no formal flight plans filed and the routing would be conducted under VFR (Visual Flight Rules) I only began to learn the full scope of the operation from my pilot Rojas and a field operative friend of mine named Sergio. Most of the details of this operation were told to me only after we had become airborne. I would learn more operational details upon reaching Redbird Airport. I learned that it had been discussed by the abort team where to go, how to abort, and what to look for. I had not at first paid much attention to any of these details as bits and pieces unfolded. I was told that the abort team, for whom I was only the pilot at that time, would probably be looking for a minimum of 19 or 20 people that would be in the Plaza. Most of the team members felt that this was another false alarm, there had been many during the past few weeks. The detailed instructions to the team had come from Robert Bennett and Rex Beardsley, as well as another case office whose name I can not recall. Although my specific assigned function was only a pilot. Upon arriving at Redbird Airport, Sergio asked me if I wanted to come along and see the President. I could also act as a spotter for him and his team, which, he said, were assigned to the south side of the plaza. I was told other members of the team would be patrolling the north side and the overpass. I understood we would be looking for a type of triangulation ambush. I gladly accepted Sergio's offer. It seemed like an adventure I didn't want to miss. We were driven from Red Bird Airport to a place not far from the Oak Cliff Country Club, then driven to Dealey Plaza, where we (Sergio and I) checked various areas and attempted to spot potential members of an attack team from the position on the South Knoll. The original information the team had received from sources in Texas and the CIA was an attempt was going to be made outside the Adolphus Hotel, but for reasons unknown to them, I was told ,the routing of the motorcade had been changed at the last minute to Dealey Plaza. While on the south knoll, Sergio and I were attempting to evaluate the most logical places where shooters might be located, but everything was confused, the timing was off, team members were late getting into position. They were not where they were supposed to be and the limited radio contacts that we had with them were not working, or spotty at best. It was soon after our arrival that the motorcade arrived. When the shots rang out, I had the impression of 4 or 5 shots, with one being fired from behind and to my left on the South Knoll, near the underpass and south parking lot. While leaving via the south side of the underpass near the train tracks, Sergio and I smelled gunpowder. I never saw Roselli in Dealey Plaza that day. We were picked up on the back side of the underpass, southwest side, by a person who had previously been at the Country Club. After driving away, and on the way back to Red Bird we stopped in the parking lot of Ed McLemore's Sportatorium, where Sergio changed out of the clothes he had muddied when he fell down the slippery west side of the railroad tracks. We stopped by the place in Oak Cliff, then returned to Redbird Airport. We waited for a few of the operatives who had been on our flight into Dallas to return. We waited as long as we could before departing without Roselli and some of the others. At approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we took off from Red Bird without filing a flight plan. Our original flight out of Dallas called for us to fly to Shepard Air Force Base in Wichita Falls, Texas. But because of the assassination that routing was changed at the last minute by Rojas. We would head for Houston and back to south Florida. On the plane, besides myself, were Rojas, Sergio, a person who I knew as Gator from the Loxahatchee camp, and two other individuals that I didn't know. Gator had identifying characteristics of an unusually large Adam's Apple and a missing finger, which had supposedly been bitten off at an alligator farm. The people on the flight out of Dallas were very quiet. I interpreted their silence as dejection at the mission's failure to abort the assassination of the President. I believed that if these men had been the shooters or assassins themselves, they would have been very excited because they had carried it off. That's why to this day I take issue with the idea, which I have been asked to speculate on many times, that the attack on the President was in behalf of the CIA, Mafia, or Military Intelligence, and I had unknowingly flown an attack team in which had assassinated the President. Part 3 - Conclusion When I later learned that Oswald had been arrested as the lone assassin, I remembered having met him on a number of previous occasions which were connected with intelligence training matters, first at Illusionary Warfare Training in Nagshead, North Carolina, then in Honolulu at a radar installation and at Oahu's Wheeler Air Force Base, then in Dallas at an Oak Cliff safe house on North Beckley Street run by Alpha 66's Hernandez group, who had worked out of Miami prior to the assassination. The post-mission debriefing was held on November 25th, my birthday, in West Palm Beach by Rex Beardsley, Bob Bennett and, I believe, Tracy Barnes. There was some discomfort or unhappiness about my having been present in the Plaza without authorization. Sergio was reprimanded for taking me along as a 'spotter'. The report was transmitted to field headquarters Miami to JM/WAVE Headquarters, and the CIA’s Miami Cuban Desk. I regret that prior to the production of this narrative, the context and substance of my story has been changed and/or misstated by others to suit their own purposes. When I have spoken on tape, I have been asked to speculate on certain facts which were inaccurately produced as my own factual assertions. One of the most significant problems has been that my story has been tailored and changed to support the claims of others, about whom I knew nothing. I certify this declaration to be true and correct to the best of my knowledge. Dated this 21st day of November, 2004 William Robert "Tosh" Plumlee, aka William H."Buck" Pearson. *** Notes Regarding References: Certified military Records can be found on William R. Plumlee at the Texas Adjutant General, State of Texas, Headquarters,Texas National Guard; also at the archived files of the Fourth Army Reserve and Fifth Army, located at Camp Mabry, Austin Texas. The following is a brief summary of these records: Enlistment Record of William Robert Plumlee: Texas National Guard 49th, Armored Division; United States Army, Fourth Army HDQ, Fort Bliss Texas; Fourth Army Reserve, Dallas Love Field, Dallas, Texas. Recap of documents found at the Texas Adjutant General, Camp Mabry, Austin Texas: William Robert Plumlee S/N RA- 18389060; 9th of Feb 1955; grade CPL; Auth for grade 25-1; enlisted under authority of (NGR25-1) For service in NGS Texas; Company C 156Tk Bn. Fourth Army Reserve; DoB 11 25 37; Civil Trade or Occupation: Aircraft Mechanic, Southwest Airmotive, Dallas Love Field, Dallas, Texas. Enlistment Records: 22Oct52 thu 8th Feb53 NG Enl s/n25926077 Pvt disc. HonMin; Disc. 8Feb53; re enl. 28th Sept53 thu 2Mar54USAR 4th Army; 18389060 Grade at disc.USAR, CPL. 3Mar54 thu 2Jul USA s/n18389060 rank CPL; United States Army (USA) Ft Bliss Texas assn. temp dty (unknown). 6Jul54-No Record of Disc. tnsf. Texas 4th Army Res, Dallas Love Field, Dallas Texas. Co C156Tk Bn.CO Capt. assn 'Specialized operations, Intel: Commanding officers; Capt. Gilbert B Cook; Texas National Guard: 2ndLt. Charles R Brannon, Arty; Ft. Bliss, Texas, (RTC); Capt. Edward G Seiwell, Fourth Army Reserves, Dallas, Texas; MOS: WR Plumlee 1795, 3795 Tank Crew man Tk Commander, Sherman Tank. Cpl. Plumlee USA MOS 'Unknown'; Unknown sta. Ft. Bliss, Texas; Fort Hood,Texas, National Guard; Unknown. Office of Origin (OO) Records at Office of Adjutant General State of Texas Camp Mabry, Texas. Texas National Guard; Texas Fourth Army Reserve; Certified Copy of Available Documents By; XXX referenced doc loc. "on file". Medical reports: Personnel Records Center, St Louis, MO. NOTE: For anyone interesting in taking the time to open up the following links I think you will find the information more that interesting in reference as to how J.Edgar Hoover obstructed Justice in withholding inportant files from investigative committees: There are two different sets of FBI files on William Robert Plumlee. One set was released to the HSCA; 1978, while the other (Plumlee/Rosellie; 62-2116 file) was not declassified until 1997. A careful review of these pages will show how J Hoover withheld information contained within FBI files from the HSCA as well as other investigative committees: XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX XXXXXX XXXXXXXXX NOTE: THE FOLLOWING REFERENCED FBI FILES HAVE BEEN REMOVED. (DECEMBER 1, 2004) AFTER I WAS ADVISED THAT WITHIN THOSE RELEASED FOIA FBI PAGES CONTAINED MATTERS WHICH ARE STILL CLASSIFIED "TOP SECRET COMMITTEE SENSITIVE", AS RECLASSIFIED ON AUGUST 12, 1991. I WAS NOT AWARE OF THIS AT THE TIME SOME OF THESE PAGES WERE POSTED BY ME ON THIS FORUM. I WILL REVIEW THESE PAGES AND REPOST THE REFERENCES THAT ARE CONSIDERED NOT TO "COMPROMISE" PROCEDURES AND METHODS

Tosh, A sad move to come back and delete your posts. Won't add to what credibility you have left....besides all such things are archived on a few sites on the internet - and many of us have downloaded various threads. We need to ADD to what is known - not DELETE information - even informed opinion/speculation. IMO. Now persons will wonder to themselves what you were trying to not say, hide, delete, forced to or asked to delete and by whom - and why, etc. et al. Pete: I could care less what you and others think about my credibility. Have a nice day.

xxx

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Don't know were the list is just now, but listed was one of the suspected US. spies who was shot dead in the same chair one month before I was there, for three hours being interrogated in the same DGI office {by military riff-raff at {Havana} When I learned of it 40 years later, the thought of it shook me. It still does. Harry Hey Harry! Remember. By the Grace of God, there goes us'uns. A lot of good operatives sat in that chair. Yeah Tosh, there were 10 or 12 at least on that list. It is on computer somewhere. Zarba and Fuller were on that list with the others. Don't remember name of the chap shot to death in that chair? Amigo, T O G Does the brother, or the sister, of "Joe Westbrook, (Rosale) who was killed in 1957, come to mind? ---- did perhaps, "... Hector..." ? ... Hernandez?.., something, something, ??? (that helps a lot I'm sure) sit in that chair a few weeks before you arrived? Harry. Does Christina Benevides?? and "The Mexico Arms Pack with Cuba", ring any bells?.... from the old Guard of the M-26-7; remember the students from the 'University of Havana', of the fifties and the DR of the early sixties?

Don't know were the list is just now, but listed was one of the suspected US. spies who was shot dead in the same chair one month before I was there, for three hours being interrogated in the same DGI office {by military riff-raff at {Havana} When I learned of it 40 years later, the thought of it shook me. It still does. Harry Hey Harry! Remember. By the Grace of God, there goes us'uns. A lot of good operatives sat in that chair.

Thanks James; Your right. It was Tony Zarba who was executed along with Bobby Fuller, both American citizens I think. In reference to the Galindez affair? I too was aware of Berdardino involvement in someway. One of them was a relative of Terrrillo.., Berdardino it was, I think, but not sure. I'm not sure of all the details other than Murphy took one of the flights in place of a Dominican Republic pilot who was scheduled for that trip to NY.

Yes. Thats him. The aircraft Beachcraft D-18 that was used in the 1957 Galandez kidnapping was owned by Steve Guthrie of southern Florida (Coral Gables) and flown by Lester Murphy, Alex Rorke, M. Rojas, and others, from 1957 until 1961. The aircraft N-6?00? was also registered to Atlantic Richfield of Houston Texas in the early sixties and used in hush-hush CIA 'off the books' operations through out southern Florida and the Caribbean . Shortly after the Glandez affair of 57, Murphy disappeared. I have often wondered, if Murphy and Bobby Fuller knew of each other? (I think; if I remember right.., B Fuller and another American were executed as CIA spies by Castro's forces shortly after Castro and his rebels marched into Havana...( from memory)

Tosh, Thanks for the info on the PBY. Muchly appreciated. The Manuel Rojas you mentioned, could that have been Carlos Rojas? This photo below shows Carlos Rojas. Cheers, James Yes James, I believe he was aka as "Carlos", but that was during the days before Castro's Revolution (1958-59...., ( interesting backstory here: Carlos's daughter was said to have been murdered at the "Humboldt Apartment Complex", in Havana, 1958, because of a Batista informats, actions.... ref; M-26-7; Joe Westbrook, ?Chomone, and others, reference the Havana Place Attack ) It is rumored that " Carlos" traced down and found the informat some years later. Carlos captured the one he thought responsible, a man known as, "Marquesto ". Carlos threw him, "Marquesto", out of the back of a C-46 halfway between Cuba and Florida. ...It is said Carlos tracked Marquesto from Cuba to southern Florida for four years) It would be nice to confirm or have the above story confirmed by the relatives of Rojas as to Carlos and his later JM WAVE activities of the sixties, if their one in the same...???. P.S. in reference to Texaco PBY. On each side of the cockpit, painted below the windows, was a small painted art logo.., like a patch; It was a, "Black Cat" with a "Red Bird", in its mouth setting on a gree tree limb withjn a round yellow background. Anyone familiar with this logo?

Tosh, Thanks for the info on the PBY. Muchly appreciated. The Manuel Rojas you mentioned, could that have been Carlos Rojas? This photo below shows Carlos Rojas. Cheers, James Yes James, I believe he was aka as "Carlos", but that was during the days before Castro's Revolution (1958-59...., ( interesting backstory here: Carlos's daughter was said to have been murdered at the "Humboldt Apartment Complex", in Havana, 1958, because of a Batista informats, actions.... ref; M-26-7; Joe Westbrook, ?Chomone, and others, reference the Havana Place Attack ) It is rumored that " Carlos" traced down and found the informat some years later. Carlos captured the one he thought responsible, a man known as, "Marquesto ". Carlos threw him, "Marquesto", out of the back of a C-46 halfway between Cuba and Florida. ...It is said Carlos tracked Marquesto from Cuba to southern Florida for four years) It would be nice to confirm or have the above story confirmed by the relatives of Rojas as to Carlos and his later JM WAVE activities of the sixties, if their one in the same...???.

"... Rorke's connection to the owner of a CIA operated PBY out of Miami, and to a CIA man named Montgomery Luft - all aspects in the months just before both men disappeared. ...'. James: That was the PBY that was at one time going to be used to remove Eddie Bayo from Cuba. (check Billings background info) The mission failed and Pawley provided a ship to go in a get Bayo and others out off Cuba. that too, failed. (the Thor? or Winder Jammer? been awhile) ( I think Rampart Magazine covered some of this in the mid seventies; "The CIA's Secret Yacht War, by Warren Hinckle) I think Bill Turner might be able to shed a little light on that operation. "Fish are Red", and "Deadly Secrets" come to mind, also. The PBY was reg to "Texaco Petroleum", and later to, "Atlantic Richfield" One of the pilots who used to fly this PBY, Catalina, was Manuel Rojas a previous "Regina Cuban Air Cargo" pilot. He was earlier with Riddle Airlines back in 1957. I flew as co-pilot on a few of those early raids into Cuba with Rorke and at one time with Sturges in a C-46 and another in a D-18 Twin Beach, previously (1958-59?) owned by Steve Guthrie. This raid or flight was in early 62 or 63... In 1959 the PBY was used to take some of us off the island of Cuba after a botched landing in a DC-3... FWIW. Rorke also flew out of a small landing strip near CT "The Sea Spray Inn", which burned down around the sixties, I think. The PBY in question had been retro fitted at one time at LB Smith Aircraft, Miami. (not sure if this was before the BoP or after) It (the PBY) had originally been flown from Maranda Airpark, Tucson to Miami via New Orlanes, as well as two A-26's, which were later used in the BoP and flown by Crispin and Gonzalas in that operation. ( A-26-A or B-26 K; ID N 933 I think it was) Alex Rorke about this time obtained money from up north (NY) and obtained access to and old navy vessel which became known as the "Raider Ship Rex" and made raids into Cuba from Everglades Fla,. In time this ship became a communications platform for JFK and was berthed near the Kennedy compond at West Palm. Perhaps you already know this, but thought I would bring it up to date for those who might care or be interested in such matters (FWIW) Now I'll go back under my rock..., I'm not much interested in JFK or Cuba research anymore, to many "Experts" out there.., but I do respect your research and dedication. If you can help Sherry in that regard.., , that would be wonderful.

http://225batonrouge.com/news/2009/apr/30/smugglers-blues/ "... Smuggler's blues By Chuck Hustmyre | Also by this reporter Thursday, April 30, 2009 Barry Seal (upper left, behind the man wearing glasses) lived a daring life: he was a covert operative for the U.S. government, a drug smuggler, a star government witness, and finally a murder victim. Although some claim this 1960s-era photo depicts Seal with spies, it is actually business partners celebrating a successful aircraft sale in Mexico City. Was Barry Seal a hero or huckster? A daredevil drug pilot who got rich smuggling drugs into the United States, or a government sanctioned anti-communist crusader who risked his life running guns to Latin American freedom fighters? When Seal pleaded guilty to drug smuggling charges in federal court in Baton Rouge in 1986, U.S. District Judge Frank Polozola, who was bound by an agreement hammered out between Barry Seal and the Justice Department, had no choice but to sentence the barnstorming Baton Rouge pilot to probation. Polozola made his disgust with the agreement known by adding a special condition to Seal’s sentence—six months in a halfway house. “Drug dealers like Mr. Seal are the lowest, most despicable people I can think of,” Polozola told the assembled crowd of Drug Enforcement Administration agents and Justice Department officials who appeared at Seal’s sentencing hearing to speak on his behalf. As Polozola handed down his sentence, he fixed his gaze on Seal. “In my opinion, people like you ought to be in prison.” Three weeks later, Seal was shot to death in the parking lot of the Salvation Army halfway house on Airline Highway, exactly where Polozola had ordered him to live, without armed bodyguards, for six months. ‘First cousin to a bird’ Adler Berriman “Barry” Seal grew up in south Baton Rouge in the 1950s. He spent his spare time hanging around the old Downtown Airport, now Independence Park, working odd jobs in exchange for flight time. Even before he graduated from Baton Rouge High School in 1957, Seal had already earned his private pilot’s wings. Seal was a natural in the air, one of the most gifted pilots anyone in Baton Rouge can remember. “He could fly with the best of them,” Ed Duffard, one of Seal’s first flight instructors, once said in a TV interview. “That boy was first cousin to a bird.” In 1955 Seal joined a Civil Air Patrol unit at Lakefront Airport in New Orleans. The unit’s commander was David Ferrie, then a pilot for Eastern Airlines. Ferrie was later caught up in New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s conspiracy investigation into the assassination of President Kennedy. Actor Joe Pesci played Ferrie in the Oliver Stone film JFK. One of Seal’s fellow CAP cadets was a kid named Lee Harvey Oswald. The floating dock which Barry Seal used to land helicopters. The Red Scare The 1950s and early 1960s were patriotic times in America. Communism had taken over half of Europe and was spreading into Central and South America. By 1960, Cuban strongman Fidel Castro had established a communist dictatorship with direct links to the Soviet Union just 90 miles from the United States. Something had to be done. Enter the CIA. If the roots of Seal’s fervent anti-communist beliefs were founded in his conservative 1950s upbringing, the fires of those beliefs were undoubtedly stoked during his association with his Civil Air Patrol leader, David Ferrie. Ferrie was a devout anti-communist who worked in New Orleans with a CIA-sponsored anti-Castro group called the Cuban Democratic Revolutionary Front. According to the 1979 report of U.S. House of Representatives Select Committee on Assassinations, Ferrie built two miniature submarines to use in an attack on Havana Harbor. He stockpiled weapons, including mortars, for a proposed invasion of Cuba, was involved in a raid on a munitions dump in Houma, and took several of his CAP cadets on flights to Cuba. U.S. Customs agents in Miami launched an investigation of Ferrie in 1959 for weapons smuggling. In April 1961, Ferrie took a vacation from his job at Eastern Airlines during the exact time of the CIA-backed, failed Bay of Pigs invasion, in which some U.S. pilots were known to have participated. In 1962, Seal enlisted in the Louisiana National Guard and shipped out for six months of active duty Army training at Fort Benning, Ga. Seal earned an expert rifleman’s badge and paratrooper wings. When he returned home he was assigned to Special Forces, a unit of the U.S. Army with close ties to military intelligence, and to the CIA. The Mexico Caper In the mid-1960s, Seal went to work as a commercial airline pilot for Trans World Airlines. The company was owned by eccentric billionaire Howard Hughes, a man with his own longstanding connections to the CIA. Despite lacking a college degree or any military flight training, Seal became one of the youngest pilots in TWA history to earn captain’s wings in the Boeing 707 and the jumbo 747 jetliners. Just a few years later, though, Seal’s high-flying career as an international airline captain crashed and burned after U.S. Customs agents arrested him in New Orleans for trying to smuggle seven tons of military high explosives into Mexico. In connection with their investigation, Customs agents seized a DC-4 cargo plane in Shreveport packed with nearly 14,000 pounds of C-4 plastic explosives, 7,000 feet of high-explosive primer cord, and 2,600 electric blasting caps. The illegal load was reportedly bound for a group of anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Mexico. Where did a 33-year-old pilot from Baton Rouge get his hands on seven tons of military high explosives? And why would he risk a promising, high-paying career as an international airline pilot to smuggle those same weapons-grade explosives into Mexico? Seal never said, at least not publicly. Just a week or two after his arrest, Seal had coffee with his ex-wife, Barbara, and her mother. He told them not to worry about the arrest. He wasn’t going to end up in prison, he said. “This was an operation I did for the government,” Barbara recalls Seal telling her and her mother. The explosives were part of a plan “to overthrow Fidel Castro,” Seal explained. In a recent interview with 225, Barbara described how Barry was essentially disavowed by his own government after his 1972 arrest, something that cost him his job as an airline captain. “That was a government operation,” she insists. In 1974, two years after his arrest on the weapons smuggling charge, the government finally brought the case before a jury, but the judge declared a mistrial and the charges against Seal were never re-filed. Seal was free, but he didn’t have a job. Locked up in Honduras In 1976, Seal started smuggling drugs into the United States from Central and South America. He started with marijuana. Then he moved up to cocaine. He was good at it. He was also lucky. Then his luck ran out. On Dec. 10, 1979, Seal got busted in Honduras. Some say he had 40 kilos of cocaine inside his airplane. Others say the load was more like 17 kilos. Seal later claimed there were no drugs on the plane, just a machinegun. Either way, he spent nearly nine months locked up in a Honduran prison before being released. Some claim he bribed his way out. A couple of years later, Seal was smuggling cocaine for Colombia’s Medellín cartel, headed by the Ochoa brothers (Jorge, Fabio, and Juan), Carlos Lehder, José Gonzalo Rodriguez-Gacha and Pablo Escobar. Barry was one of the cartel’s best smugglers. He was so good at flying tons of cocaine into his network of secret airfields around Baton Rouge that the Louisiana State Police formed a special unit to catch him. Testifying at a hearing shortly after Seal’s death, State Police Lieutenant Bob Thomasson, who headed the special unit, said, “Mr. Seal was suspected of being the head of a large drug smuggling organization, consisting of some 60 people, operating in six or seven states and several foreign countries.” Covert operators Fellow pilot recalls Seal’s U.S. government work A veteran CIA operative who has testified before Congress describes Barry Seal as a friend and fellow operative who for years carried out clandestine work for the U.S. government. For decades, William “Tosh” Plumlee (in the photo on page 66 he’s the man hiding his face behind his jacket) took part in clandestine operations, mostly as a pilot, but sometimes as a member of the CIA’s ultra-secret covert action group, he told 225 in a recent telephone interview. Plumlee trained pilots for President Kennedy’s disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion. He flew weapons to anti-Castro Cubans, to El Salvadorans fighting a communist insurgency, and to Nicaraguan contras. Much of his testimony to Congress is still classified. “Barry Seal was a friend of mine,” Plumlee says. “I helped rig that camera on the 123.” (The C-123 “Fat Lady” was the aircraft Seal used on a government-sanctioned drug run to Nicaragua.) Plumlee also said he is in the infamous “Mexico City” picture, seated across the table from Seal and peering out from behind his jacket. “Seal had connections with military ops,” Plumlee says, “that went back to the ’60s or ’70s, before he was even working at TWA.” Covert operations, especially the ones that get exposed, often get laid at the door of the CIA, Plumlee says, but in truth many operations involving things like flying weapons to far-off, war-torn places are run by military intelligence. “It’s just easier to blame everything on the CIA,” he says. “The CIA worked as our logistical support team,” Plumlee says. “Barry Seal worked with military intelligence ... secret teams out of the Pentagon for a number of years. Even back in the Cuban days, Seal was pretty active.” Seal’s 1972 arrest, when he was caught with a plane packed with more than 14,000 pounds of military high explosives, was a covert government operation to provide support to anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Mexico, Plumlee says. “He took a rap on that, but that was a military op.” So what about the Mexico City photograph? “This picture had nothing to do with any ops, any CIA,” Plumlee says. It was taken in 1964 or 1965 at a nightclub outside Mexico City. The men in the photo were celebrating a successful aircraft deal. Plumlee ferried one of the planes, an old World War II bomber, to Mexico as part of the transaction, along with Barry Seal and several other pilots. Life wasn’t all cloak-and-dagger stuff, and much of the work Plumlee and Seal did was mundane, Plumlee says. For example, Plumlee worked as an aircraft mechanic and a plumber, while Seal bought and sold airplanes. Plumlee says he tried to explain that to researchers who were trying to prove a connection between the photograph, Barry Seal and the Kennedy assassination. But they didn’t want to hear it, and now Plumlee says they trash him and accuse him of being a CIA disinformation agent. “The picture was after the Kennedy assassination ... about 1965,” Plumlee says. “There was no CIA Porter Goss there. There was no Félix Rodriguez.” (Porter Goss was a CIA officer and later became director of the CIA under George W. Bush. Félix Rodriguez, aka Max Gomez, was a longtime CIA operative alleged to have hunted down and killed Che Guevara.) The photograph was taken by a cigarette girl, who doubled as a nightclub photographer. In the picture, Plumlee is seen trying to hide behind his jacket. “I was in ops and that’s the reason I covered my damn face,” he explains. “I didn’t know they were going to be taking pictures.” The picture, Plumlee insists, is nothing but that of a bunch of airplane bums celebrating after a successful business deal. He says he was at the nightclub for less than an hour. “As far as Porter Goss, and Félix Rodriguez and Frank Sturgis—that’s all bull----,” Plumlee says. (Frank Sturgis was a CIA operative and soldier of fortune. He was later convicted of the Watergate break-in that led to the downfall of the Nixon administration. He was also long-rumored to have been involved in the JFK assassination.) Although the photograph isn’t connected to a secret government mission, Barry Seal was a covert government operative, according to Plumlee.“Seal was connected to military ops,” Plumlee says. “There’s no doubt about that. He wasn’t military, but he was contract.” A place called Mena Mena, Ark. is hard to find even when you’re looking for it. The isolated town sits on the western edge of the state, in the foothills of the Ouachita Mountains. One of the biggest things in Mena is the Intermountain Municipal Airport. Mena is also the center of a storm of conspiracy theories, most involving President Clinton, drug smuggling, gun running, Iran-Contra and the CIA. Theories aside, what is not disputed is that by the early 1980s, Seal felt the heat the Louisiana State Police was putting on him so he moved his smuggling operation to Mena. At the same time, CIA agents and other government spooks were also operating out of tiny, remote Mena. Oliver North, a top national security aide to President Reagan, was using the Mena airport as an operational base from which to fly covert shipments of weapons to the anti-communist Nicaraguan Contras. And the CIA just happened to choose that same time to conduct what the agency called a “joint training operation” with another, unidentified federal agency at the Mena airport, and to contract for “routine aviation-related services on equipment owned by the CIA.” So did Barry Seal work for the CIA? In the years since his death, several sources have come forward and claimed, some during sworn testimony, that Seal was a contract pilot for the CIA who flew weapons to anti-communist forces in Central America. A gun manufacturer in Arkansas testified in federal court that a CIA operative introduced him to Seal, who bought and shipped guns to the Contras. Arkansas State Trooper Larry D. Brown claimed he accompanied Seal on two trips to Central America in 1984 during which Seal dropped off pallets stacked with M-16 rifles to the Contras. CIA contract pilots Terry Reed and William “Tosh” Plumlee have said repeatedly that Seal was a pilot for U.S. intelligence. Reed said Seal hired him to train Nicaraguan pilots at a rough airstrip outside Mena. (Read more from Tosh Plumlee on page 70). Chicago television station WMAQ reported on a confidential FBI document in which a Mena businessman admitted his company was maintaining one of Seal’s airplanes, a camouflaged military C-123, dubbed “The Fat Lady” for the CIA. Assassins gunned down Seal while he was on probation. What does the CIA say? In response to a Freedom of Information Act request, the CIA sent 225 Magazine an unclassified six-page summary report of the spy agency’s internal investigation into its operations at the Mena Intermountain Airport and the agency’s relationship with Seal. In the summary report (the actual report is classified), the CIA said, “Adler Berriman “Barry” Seal was never employed by the CIA in any capacity.” The agency did, however, acknowledge it had provided Seal with some technical assistance with one of his airplanes during a DEA “sting” operation in Nicaragua.As far as drug smuggling and gun running out of Mena, the report said, “No evidence has been found that the CIA was associated with money laundering, narcotics trafficking, arms smuggling, or other illegal activities at or around Mena, Arkansas at any time.” Working for the ‘G’ In 1984 Barry Seal’s good luck streak ended. By his own estimate he had flown 50 to 100 smuggling trips to Central and South America and had made $50 million. But the law caught up with him in Florida and Louisiana. In Fort Lauderdale, a federal grand jury indicted him in connection with a Quaalude smuggling case; and in Baton Rouge, the feds charged him with possession of 200 kilos of cocaine and money laundering. Facing upwards of 50 years in prison, Seal decided to become a DEA informant. Seal’s DEA handlers were astounded at the access he had to the leadership of the Medellín cartel. DEA Special Agent Robert Joura later said, “I have never met someone who has as much potential and produced as much as Mr. Seal did.” In June 1984, Seal flew “The Fat Lady” to Nicaragua. At an airbase outside Managua, Seal picked up 1,500 pounds of Colombian cocaine and flew it to Miami. While in Managua, he used a hidden, CIA-installed camera to take secret photographs of Pablo Escobar and a high-ranking Sandinista official loading bags of cocaine onto the airplane. The Justice Department used the photographic evidence to indict the Medellín cocaine kingpins. The White House and the CIA used the photos to embarrass the Nicaraguan government and build support for their covert war against the Sandinistas. Three weeks later, Seal’s undercover mission to Nicaragua was blown by press leaks from the White House. Cartel leaders knew their favorite pilot was working for the U.S. government. They wanted Barry Seal dead. The Hit Max Mermelstein, an American smuggler working for the Medellín cartel in Miami, got the contract to take care of Seal. “Ochoa wanted him kidnapped,” Mermelstein told PBS’s Frontline during a 1994 interview. “Escobar wanted him dead.” The cartel offered $1 million if Seal could be captured alive, $500,000 for his murder. Mermelstein made several trips to Baton Rouge, even staking out Seal’s home on Oakbrook Drive, but he couldn’t find the elusive smuggler-turned-informant. This Amite River home, which belongs to Barry Seal’s brother Wendell Seal, was where Barry used to bring drug shipments. Fed up with Mermelstein’s inaction, the cartel gave the contract to someone else, a cold-blooded Colombian assassin named Miguel Velez, who had already beat two murder charges in New York. Velez put together a hit team and flew to Baton Rouge. At 6 p.m., Feb. 19, 1986, Colombians Miguel Velez and Luis Quintero were waiting in the parking lot of the Salvation Army center on Airline Highway for Seal. They had read in the newspaper and seen on the TV news that he had to be there by six o’clock. Three weeks earlier, Judge Frank Polozola had ordered Seal to spend every night for six months at the halfway house. The judge had specifically banned Seal from carrying a gun, or from hiring armed bodyguards. Unarmed and alone, Seal was an easy target. As Seal backed his big white Cadillac Fleetwood into a parking space at the Salvation Army, Quintero crouched behind the metal donations bin. He cradled a .45-caliber MAC-10 machinegun in his hands. Screwed onto the end of the barrel was a fat black silencer. When Seal finished parking, Quintero leapt to his feet and started shooting. Three of the dozen bullets the assassin fired hit Seal in the head. Three more struck him in the chest. The two killers fled. Within two days, the FBI had the gunmen, along with several other members of the hit team, in custody. Velez, Quintero, and another man, Bernardo Vasquez, were convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to life in prison. ‘A Rebel Adventurer’ More than 20 years after his death, Seal is still the subject of controversy, speculation and rumor. He is mentioned in more than 80 books. Dennis Hopper played him in a movie. And conspiracy theorists have linked him to the Bay of Pigs invasion, the JFK and Martin Luther King assassinations, and the Iran-Contra scandal. Whatever else he may have been, Seal flew through life by the seat of his pants, and in the end that’s what killed him. “Barry was a pure-bred adventurer,” says Baton Rouge attorney Lewis Unglesby, who represented Seal during many of his legal difficulties. Seal was buried in Baton Rouge in a sky-blue casket, under a tombstone inscribed with the epitaph he picked out for himself. “A rebel adventurer, the likes of which, in previous days, made America great.”

Pat I thought I would point this out to you and others if interested (in reference to FBI documents and information being withheld by them and others: XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX "...Hot Checks? I don't think so. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- XXXX I want to thank you for the work you have put into pulling all this together... I know it was no easy task: I would like to point out something which is in my FBI files in reference to "hot checks". I hope the documents come out on the attachments below. "... http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/ar...50&relPageId=2 FBI file generated by SAC in Cincinnati indicates Tosh was arrested in Columbus, Ohio on Jan. 29, 1959 for passing a forged check at Morehouse Fashions. (Wrong) The FBI prepared a dossier on him indicating he was born in Panama City, FL on 11-25-37; father was William W. Plumlee of Dallas, TX and mother Margaret J. Morgan of 3509 Lexington in Dallas. He had two half brothers (Morgan) and left high school in 10th grade and completed school in Army. He was married, had two sons and a daughter and divorced in 1958...". It seems years ago when some got hold of these documents, they failed to include all of them which made reference: #1 ".... he (Plumlee ) was arrested in Columbus Ohio by local authorities attempting to pass a forged check at Morehouse Fashions...".. (ref; attatchments) (wrong) (reference FBI file) #2 ".. when Mr. Plumlee was arrested by Customs he had a plane load of guns bound for Cuba and was turned over to local authorities...". (ref; attatchmenmts) (right) (reference FBI file) #3 " ... the FBI Lab could not find any checks written which could be attributed to Plumlee...". (ref; attatchments) (right) (reference FBI file). Point #4 There has never been an arrest record found in Columbus Ohio at the Columbus County Workhouse, referencing Plumlee. Why did the FBI report I was being held there? (right) Another interesting point I feel should be brought forward is: When the files went to MF, why was only the one document included in the record... and that one being that I wrote (forged) hot checks in Columbus Ohio. And the other FBI documents were omitted? Those documents, clearly stated: #1“no checks could be found written by Plumlee, #2 When I was arrested by Customs, I was turned over to "local Authorities. # "3... nochecks could be found written by Plumlee..".These other pages were not included with the material? Why? Also, after all these years... Why has the record not been reported right or corrected? Why has the other supporting documentation not been brought forward and included within the complete document file which is found, today on the 'Mary Ferrel" website? Why is it still being reported today, to the research comunity, that I passed "hot" forged checks in Columbus Ohio in 1959?... when in fact the complete FBI documentation state otherwise Now from my point of view. Why was the arrest in Columbus not reported right? What would be the motive? The record established by the FBI during that time was; I had written bad checks and that is why I was arrested in Columbus and too, they went into a very long report of why I was in Columbus Jail when in fact I had been flying guns into Cuba and later (Feb 59) training with the army at the "Jungle Warfare Training Center (JWTC) in Hawaii. I have pointed this out to many researchers over the years, but they have had their our theories and it would fit better for them for me to be just a little peney check writter, while in fact, I had been (in reality) flying guns to Fidel Castro's Revolution in 1958 and 1959 before he arrived in Havana. I hope some here will take the time to read this stuff instead of taking the governments false report and somebodys "gossip" as facts without investigating the material. This is one reason I do not trust very many researchers and government offcials. The record is not accurate and factual as the federal documentation indicates [Would anybody care to coment on this information after they have read the attatchments?] Again XXXX thanks for your time and dedication toward the truth. It is much appreciated by me..... Tosh --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Could you give the names of the other people sitting at the table? John I do not remember any of them for sure except Seal... but I do know this was not a CIA get together as some have claimed in the past. Also the picture was taken after JFK if I remember right... I sent you information on this years ago but guess it got lost somewhere. Tim Carroll also sent you background on what I told him... but I was never asked about any of this before it went to print.... I do remember telling you and some on this forum that Hopsicker's information was badly flawed, and not referenced; but I never received a reply from you... I did receive a few copies from some referencing secret emails sent to forum members not to believe anything I had to say about Black Ops and JFK... GPH was one of those secret emails as well as others still operating on your forum. I also told you that operation was only started with forty people and it was a Cuban operation and not an attack team or an assassination team... but you never replied to my concerns at the time.

Hopsicker's information and his book is total BS.., and I have told him that, as well as this Forum and anybody else who would listen... as a result I was called "..a Dickhead", by Hopsicker, and he posted on the internet for awhile, ("The Dickheads must be getting Nervous" refering to me as being CIA disinformation) because I would not embrace his book and support it. And too, he wrote in his book "... he would never believe any thing I (Plumlee) have ever said...", because I would not go along with his theory about Seal, Ops 40, the Mexico picture, and JFK and the activities at Redbird Airport in Oakcliff (Dallas TX). I do not plan on getting into a pissing match over this... I do not have the time for such debates that go nowhere. If some are really interested in such crap, then they can go back and read what I have had to say about Operation 40 and the Cuban Desk as well as Wave Station aka' Miami Station"... also I have never said Tracy Barns was assigned to JM/WAVE... I have always said he was in Washington DC, at Langley... However the Experts know better than I... and we will let it go at that. If you want to be known as an "Expert" on Black OPs, or any other matters.., and have a theory... then self publish a book and put all kinds of rumors, opinions, theories, ect.., in it..., and because someday later its found in a book, then you will be quoted as an expert on the subject matter. Although your information is badly flawed, lacks Facts and void of solid references, but because it is found in print, then it must be true. To me this is a dis service to history and the truth thereof. AND I want no part of being associated with that type of research.

posted by Plumlee Jan 17,2006 in reference to Tim Carroll question: "...As you know, part of the operation was a spin from the 5412 group. Operatives would come and go as specialized support personal and they were controlled and dispatched by the 40 group which was part of the 5412 group. In reality there was no covert team named as "Operation 40" that I am aware of and as some have claimed. Liberties have been taken for whatever reasons and 40 has been cast into a different function than what it really was. Some of the operatives that from time to time did launch missions in behalf of the 40 or 5412 were mostly from the "School of The America" and other specialized operational personal and their training commands. Kind of like TDY ( Temp Duty assignments). As to the mechanics and various operations I can only name about four I was associated with and those are questionable as being dispatched solely by OPS-40 command and cleared by the 5412 Group. Our Teams were dispatched from the Pentagon with logistical support gave by the CIA. In most cases you could say ".. they were not really "CIA" operations, but in reality Military INTEL OPS with CIA logistical support..." At any rate the operations were "layered" and numerous "Locks" and "cut-outs" were assigned to protect the knowledge of these operations and the operational personal. As to the picture? That is me (Tosh Plumlee, hiding my face) and there were NO CIA PEOPLE AT THAT TABLE I have said this hundreds of times but nobody will print it.

NO Pat! I have never said that or implied that. I have always said GPH was in no way associated or involved in any CIA activities. I have said he applied for employment with the CIA and was turned down. I have said he was a convicted felon a drug runner... I was attacked by Hemming and a host of others on this forum. I have said and posted that "No Name Key" was never associated in any way with the CIA... I was attacked by many. I said that Operation 40 was a Cuban matter and was controlled from WAVE STATION (Miami) and not JM/WAVE... I again was attacked by members of this forum..... The picture in Berry and the Boys I said was a phony that Gross and Felix were not the ones said in the photo.... It was said Frank Sturges was the person of who I was in that photo.. again I had to defend myself (alone) I could go on and on... Many times I asked and even pleaded with Simkin to correct the record... It appeared to me if I did not agree with some, then I was a dis information expert operating for the CIA.... When I posted documentation that would be in conflict with others theories I was told on open forum that I had doctored the information... I tried many times with long bouts of answering post only to be condemed for my like of education of the English and spelling mistakes and the information although disjointed nwas not looked into because it would conflict with the Norm... My house was broken into and my computers were stolen when on a trip and I was reported dead on this forum and I was accused of faking my own death when I was out of the USA for two months. Remarks were made after I "returned from the Dead"... sounds like something Plumlee would do...". I was cursed out and called a xxxx and a BULLSxxTER and when I used the word AXX I was threaten to be kicked loff the forum for using bad language, but it was OK to be called a xxxx. and to be cursed down with the likes of Hemming, Vernon, and a few others not worth mentioning... not meaning that the previous two were. No Pat there are many reasons why I no longer talk to or post on this Forum... It seems to me I was to support things even when I knew they were wrong, because they were the so called, "Experts"... but even this means nothing now and its a waste of time and typing... some on this forum will go on and on and on with the same ole that goes nowhere year after year.. tickling eachothers hears and enteraining eachothers egos... but it will be without me. I have always respected your work and your input, as well as a few others that are still around this joint... but I am sorry to say this is not the place for me. Nor is the JFK mess. I care less what some on this forum thinks of me and my background and the mistakes I have made in these past years. But to the best of my ability I have always told what I feel inside as being the truth..., and too, I have always said I do not know all and it would only be speculations on my part to answer... but there are some FACTS that I damn well know and they will perhaps go to the grave with me.. you take care..., and I do wish you the very best... Tosh Plumlee

I do not know why you are getting so upset about this.... when I posted on your forum years ago...I told the forum members then this forum was being monitored... I was repeatedly attacked on this forum from many sources after I posted information abou OPS 40, the Beckley Street Address and the Dallas Cubans, military Intell Operations of Dallas and a host of other secret and classified information..... My computer was taken in a brake in of my house and I was called a xxxx by people on this forum... and I was reported dead for awhile... no body on this forum came to my aid... and nobody looked into the information I provided... In short I was classified as a nut in reference to the JFK mess... Well now you have it The CIA has monitored this forum as well as others for a very long time now... I used to use this forum to communicated with them... and I told you this many times... you stoped communication with me because you fell for their crap... I just wanted you to remember you lost a good source as to secret ops over many years... I don't have time to edit this and nobody reads it anyway... those boys have moved on to other matters, because there is nothing to see on this forum... you have been compromised. tosh plumlee

DELETE: I FOUND THE INFO FROM ANOTHER SOURCE. THANKS YOU CAN DELETE THIS POST FOR SPACE. THANK YOU

Hey James, Welcome back to the fray! Is Jerry Hoy the mentalist? I'm getting all the Hoys mixed up. BK Thanks, Bill. I was able to sort out my dramas so I'm back for better or worse. Jerry Hoy was the guy who supposedly looked like Frenchie the tramp. Anyway, I dug up a Jerry Hoy from Texas who served in Vietnam and was wondering if it was the same guy. This is him below. Apologies for the poor quality image. James James: FWIW Jerry Hoy lived a short time at the Elsberth Apartments (605) before moving to the Apartment building behind Beckley. (Spring of 63) He did serve in Nam with the 1st Recon (can't remember the full name of the outfit) He went into Camdodia with a S&D unit. The last I knew of him was at Harlendale. He was a close friend of Lester Murphy. He was a close associate of Johney Farentello and Ceciel Frandandez who lived at another apartment complex on Zangs Blvd near Sunset High School. Hoy was a close associate of many who went to Ruby's club. ' Shorty Wiemer of the infamous 'Knox Street Rats' of the early fifties (Knox and Travis St, Dallas) Also lived or owned an interest in Ruby's clubs and knew Hoy's family as well as "Capt Edward Seiwell of the 4th Army Reserve Dallas Love Field. take care.. Thanks, Tosh. Did you see the photo I posted, I think it's at the bottom of page 2? Anyway, the quality is ordinary to say the least but could it be the same Jerry Hoy we are talking about here? Cheers, James James. Its hard for me to tell from the picture, however Hoy was a short fellow about 5' 8", if I remember right. I did not know him well but did see him a few times with Farentello at the Beckley Street Apartment behind the Oswald rooming house on Beckley.... not sure if he was operational. I noticed the army dress in the picture and it looks like 1st Recon "Swift and Deadly"..., and I think that would have been around 1961 or there abouts. (speculation on my part) Jay Harrison a Texas researcher had information on him and others associated with the "Dallas Cubans" from Miami, althought I am not sure how complete this info was. Barnard Finsterwald also had information about him and Bud and I as well as Gary Shaw talked about him in Denver Colorado many years ago. (1980 or there abouts)

Hey James, Welcome back to the fray! Is Jerry Hoy the mentalist? I'm getting all the Hoys mixed up. BK Thanks, Bill. I was able to sort out my dramas so I'm back for better or worse. Jerry Hoy was the guy who supposedly looked like Frenchie the tramp. Anyway, I dug up a Jerry Hoy from Texas who served in Vietnam and was wondering if it was the same guy. This is him below. Apologies for the poor quality image. James James: FWIW Jerry Hoy lived a short time at the Elsberth Apartments (605) before moving to the Apartment building behind Beckley. (Spring of 63) He did serve in Nam with the 1st Recon (can't remember the full name of the outfit) He went into Camdodia with a S&D unit. The last I knew of him was at Harlendale. He was a close friend of Lester Murphy. He was a close associate of Johney Farentello and Ceciel Frandandez who lived at another apartment complex on Zangs Blvd near Sunset High School. Hoy was a close associate of many who went to Ruby's club. ' Shorty Wiemer of the infamous 'Knox Street Rats' of the early fifties (Knox and Travis St, Dallas) Also lived or owned an interest in Ruby's clubs and knew Hoy's family as well as "Capt Edward Seiwell of the 4th Army Reserve Dallas Love Field. take care..

Have you a date for this document? It was dated 4/1/67 and contained a 'Destroy when no longer needed' stamp. http://www.jfk-info.com/ZIP/Cia-wc.zip (Peter in case you do not have this..., if so sorry.....additional background info on mockingbird. Its alive and well...Bold section noted by me) Iran/Contra and Mockingbird -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CIA Disinformation in Action: Operation Mockingbird and the Washington Post Mockingbird examples with introduction by H. Michael Sweeney, proparanoid.com Document by Julian Holmes No copyright - Public Domain Permissions not required The very lengthy (25 pages typwritten) document below is actually a letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes, in which he takes the Post to task for decades of disinformation - typically in the form of combating what the Post likes to describe as 'conspiracy theory' which, in the end, turns out to be conspiracy fact. This uncopyrighted document was borrowed with permission from Michael Rivero's excellent http://www.whatreallyhappened.com Web site. In an unusual format, Holmes carefully documents each accusation with footnotes, a valuable tool for the reader. This is no mere rant, no mere opinionated dissatisfaction, no angry response dashed off without thinking. No, it is an indictment. Nestled within the over 100 footnotes and the not quite as many individual examples of supression and distrotions of truth, and even fabrications of 'truth', is a root-most clue to the real problem - a problem which reader should take care not to miss grasping... That is the covert role played by the Washington Post in CIA's Operation Mockingbird, which is the infiltration and control of American media to insure that you and I never quite hear the truth as it really is. You will learn how the owner/publisher of the Post, Phillip Graham and graduate of the Army Intelligence School was literally the founding director of Operation Mockingbird on behalf of CIA. The significance is amplified when it is understood that Mockingbird was not simply the sell out of a newspaper. It was the organized infiltration and in some cases the actual take over of the top 25 newpapers in the United States, major television networks, high-profile magazines, the wire services (Reuters was an outright CIA owned and operated front until 'sold' to 'private' interests) and even motion picture studios. Since then, of course, it has expanded further. For more information, visit Rivero's site and read the excellent piece found there by author Alex Constantine, Tales From They Crypt. We might expect a fascist dictatorship to use the motto-policy of "Do what we tell you or else!" We would prefer to believe that our own democratic and free nation's motto-policy would be "Do what you think best." However, thanks to a secret government and CIA, it is actually "Do what we tell you to think best." That may have been what Eisenhower was warning us about when he coined the the phrase "military industrial complex" in his farewell address. In my own writing I have followed his lead and updated the phrase to that of simply: MIIM, the Military Industrial Intelligence Media complex. Subscribe to the Washington Post, dear sheep, and welcome to the New World Order. Or, listen to Holmes and decide for yourself. It is still your choice to make, despite what they would have you believe... April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW Washington, DC 20071 Dear Mr. Harwood, Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!! It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS". Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra. Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2). But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5). Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter. Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11). Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15). Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies: In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16). The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders" (*17). "Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18). U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19). Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21). "The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22). The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23). If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this country. Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24). Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27). Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28). Or Watergate. Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing business" (*32). Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33). Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34). Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35). Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36). Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37). Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars (*38). Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39). Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs (*40). Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41). Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any effective price competition" (*42). Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43). Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected government and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44). Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46). Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47). Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49). Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50). Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51). Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52). Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53). Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54). Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in Central America" (*55). Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56). Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility (*57). Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58). Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59). Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60). Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in paperback (*61). Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big government. Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real threat to its corporate security. Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against Vietnam. The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65). Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its arguments. An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered it (*71). Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction". When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) facts that Lardner avoided. The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest: The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77). In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA. Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't give a xxxx for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80). And it's not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work. * Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83). Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85). Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs a conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87). So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who investigate conspiracies? The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90). And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer bet. Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column ending it with:"We are the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't". Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93). Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a matter of random coincidence? And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen. Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95). When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim? Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the Bush Administration (*98). Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly? On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively: TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the news media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competition" (*101). The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading: AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask. What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news. Sincerely, Julian C. Holmes Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - maybe a few others. _ Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992: 1. Mark Hosenball, "The Ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post, September 11, 1988, p.C1 2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates. 2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a).. 2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a).. 3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986. 3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986. 3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert (Tosh) Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990. 4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987. (references to pilot Tosh Plumlee and the secret airbase at Santa Elena, aks "Point West", as found in the Ollie North notebook 5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181. 5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07. 5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3. 5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7. 6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988. 6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22. 6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24. 6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988. 7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1. 7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2. 8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989. 8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991. 9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988, p.73. 9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991. 10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post, June 14,1991,p.A4. 10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016. 11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11. 11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7. 11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3. 12. See note 5a, p.180-1. 13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1. 13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141. 14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989. 14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990. 14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April 25, 1991. 15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989. 16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989. 17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121. 18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93. 19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6. 20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K. 21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", EXTRA!, March 1992, p.15. 22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9. 22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post, March 10, 1992. 23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014. 23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285. 23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285. 24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4. 24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25. 25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter to"Friends", p.1. 26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8. 27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991, p.A19. 28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991. 29. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own independent investigation of BCCI. 30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5. 31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9. 32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10. 33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227. 34. See note 33, p.136-7. 35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157. 36. See note 33, p.164-171. 37. See note 33, p.172-180. 38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii. 39. See note 33, p.217. 40. See note 33, p.235. 41. See note 33, p.277-288. 42. See note 33, p.323. 43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter, March1992, p.1. 44. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243. 45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978. 45b. See note 44, p.284-291. 46. See note 17, p.18. 47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163. 47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7. 48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books, 1977,p.521. 48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521. 49a. See note 44, p.67-76. 49b. See note 48a, p.530-1. 50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983,p.60. 51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35. 52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6. 53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35. 54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24, 1992, p.35. 55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24. 56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12. 56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903. 57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992. 58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian, January 29,1992, p.18. 59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1. 59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3. 59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20. 59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1. 59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1. 59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1. 59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8. 60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1. 61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1. 62a. See notes 48 and 49. 62b. See note 47b, p.63-76. 62c. "Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987", U.S. Senate Bill S742. 62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post, June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act. 63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii. 64. See note 63, p.28. 65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3. 65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1. 65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2, 1991,p.D3. 65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19. 65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3. 65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14. 65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21. 65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.D1. 65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2. 65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.55. 65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1. 65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23. 65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27, 1991. 65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December 27, 1991, p.A21. 65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991, p.C7. 65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2. 65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1. 65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1. 65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19. 65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1. 65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1. 65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1. 65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January 19, 1992, p.5. 65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post, January 21,1992, p.A17. 65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5. 65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5. 65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12 66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i. 67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247. 67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224. 67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416. 67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4. 67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992. 67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992, p.290. 68a. See note 65b. 68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3. 69. See note 65b. 70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988, 315/318. 71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3. 72. See note 65c. 73. See note 65i. 74. See note 67e, p.438-450. 75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8. 76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1. 76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September 20, 1975, p.A1. 76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1. 77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37. 78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2. 79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12, 1983. 79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says, "...corporate documents that became available during my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been "processed and converted into waste paper"". 79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men A Suppressed Book About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60. 79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a xxxx", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p.. 80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304. 81. See note 79d, p.119-132. 82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63. 83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is still in effect. 83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists." 83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez." 84. See note 79d, p.131. 85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1. 86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition Unabridged, 1987. 87. Howard Kurtz, "Media Notes", Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1. 88. See note 65y. 89. See note 65n. 90. See note 65d. 91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992. Richard Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6. 93. p. 29-32. 94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline. 94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?", Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed. 94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992. 94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia Journalism Review,March/April, 1992. 95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7. 96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added] 96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC 1990).. 96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991. 96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991. 97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists Decry What Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1. 98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day. 99. See note 86. 100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House members". 101. "cartel", Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.

Here is a picture of the Nash Rambler from Education Forum post of Feb 22,2008 @03:37PM Post #2 Topic "The Nash Rambler" (cut and paste link) http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.ph...=12358&st=0